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ALOIS MUSILS ROUTES 
1908-1915 
Scale on Latitude 30° 


50 100 150 200 KILOMETERS 


50 0 50 100 MILES 
aceeeavoemeas as described in “The Northern Hegaz’ 
a ee ie eee » » ‘Arabia Deserta” 
mepeseennwesesesel ” ” » "The Middle Euphrates” 
aivacon tem agmy eaten “ ” » “Palmyrena” 

pee ty pes Ta Se » ‘Northern Negd” 


40° 


Alois Musil’s routes as described in the topographical volumes of the 
series American Geographical Society, Oriental Explorations and Studies: 
No. 1, The Northern Hegdz, published 1926; No. 2, Arabia Deserta, 
published 1927; No. 3, The Middle Euphrates, published 1927; No. 4, 
Palmyrena, published 1928; No. 5, Northern Negd, (forthcoming). 


AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 
ORIENTAL EXPLORATIONS AND STUDIES No. 4. 
Edited by J. K. WRIGHT 


PALMYRKENA 


A Topographical Itinerary 
BY 


ALOTS MUSILL 


Professor of Oriental Studies 


Charles University, Prague 


Published under the Patronage of the 
CZECH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS 
and of 


CHARLES R. CRANE 


NEW YORK 
E238 


THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL 
BROADWAY AT 156TH 


NEW YORK 


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CONTENTS 


CHAPTER PAGE 
Pees ion os ax eo BPs Le teen SN eT ee xi 


PART el 
Expedition of 1908 


I WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID AND RE- 


Pie ay WAY OF HAN -AS-SAMAT 200 SV a. 1 
Wadi al-‘Asejfir to RgGim al-Mesajid..................... 2 
[EOE OVENS gage wad WT RY RE R02 eC ee aR A A 4 
Return to Wadi al-‘Asejfir by way of Han as-Samat..... 7 
II WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO THE AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE AND 
Tyla TS e Sie GA Misa Mie as eA i apn te ee ena G 
Wadi al-‘Asejfir to Ab-al-Gerwe ........ SPR AA PIE oe 9 
View from Ab-al-Gerwe; Return to an-Niri’s Camp ...... 12 
er reee NN UT) StOAIND skids fw. Moses aces hs wie 5 eee nes 15 
The Beni Sahr and the Government............... een enh 
Newearom tie Domain: of: EbeniRasid.w 0 0 402. olen. 19 
III WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA BY WAY OF ‘UZERIBAT 22 
Wadi al-‘Asejfir to Gebb as-Sahr; Gerfid................. 22 
Gebb as-Sahr to ie ttle GEL Cewecis otc nt eee Fi oo 24 
Al-Rurab to Han al-Manktra....... eS iene een ety 28 
The HAn al-Mankira to al-Zerjitejn..................0... 33 
Al-Zerjitejn to Abu Rubah; the Fwa're .....0...3...-...; 36 
Peumeansh tooGebb Mabiy. fa ee: bas en So a oe 39 
Gebb Habl to ‘Uzéribat; the Beni Haled; the MwAali...... 43 
Ree sept CPt LOST Jada ema oe Ps ee ee OES ela 49 
Dareas even tdejb and the “Ebedew ie... ce. So dt be. 53 
Wee CerOL PreST iia Ase fee eee een ee ame Aes oe aa alia 55 
IV ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER BY WAY OF AR-RESAFA... 61 
eee AMCO AT“ROESATA sha obra y ch cate fe aes oie eee eo a 61 
OS) ENE Cea ok ae Rael td ates ge MEN Bre ee Colt ane 64 
Bre tcon ad 2) LO als A WOERY hoo eae © Ren rs ee elma cg ae 67 
Preven) CO WN aSt Cale Ler ant a ew ne oe wee are a vk en ee) 73 
V KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS BY WAY OF ARAK 
AND AL-BHARA ..... rece Nndiatr alae ies deepika ACR Mme Reet s 81 
ems er POPU CAPEK 9S? Clee | ee ie AR etd Oh evils. a.) ete 81 
Pee OS OM MPATA vo oye er ce ae oe eae eee peat Wc atiige) 13) 
ee UG! UW Ora Se, erate een cans, Lenses ek RS 88 
ra Wat: Aim Dare: ok yas ho eb cette tte we tees eens 95 
V 


vl PALMYRENA 


CHAPTER PAGE 
VI AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE BY WAY OF AL-ZER- 

JITEIN AND HAN “ANEJBE).....150 2. 200) Se 98 

Al-Barde to al-Zerjitejn. .....-......- 15.5: he 98 

Al-Zerjitejn to Han “Anejbe .......2:-2... 0.5 ee 100 

Han “Anejbe to: Dmejr al-’Ative 2... 25.5 -an a 104 

VII SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL“ATIZE .. .:.\. soe 110 

Part II 


Expedition of 1912 
VIII HOMS TO AL-BHARA BY WAY OF AL-BASIRI AND 


TUDMOR. «of. n eae aa). ya 124 

Homs to al-Geba’ ig) 0600. we lu. 121 
Al-Geba’ toal-Barde . 2) 44.424- 255 2 Oe, 125 
Al-Barde to al-Basiri 2... 0.22.7...) = “ee 
Al-Basiri to al-Béza oo... 0. eae eee 129 
Al-Béza to Tudmor. 0.024 2..... 42.5 133 
Tudmor to al-Bhara: ... 0522.0: 224) 136 

Ix AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA BY WAY OF GEBB AL-KDEJM 144 
Al-Bhara to Tudmor.. 05-240 202. oy ee 144 
Tudmor to Gebb, al-Kdejm:...... 1. - 22 323 146 

Gebb al-Kdejm to ar-Resafa; the Hadedijjin Tribe........ 151 
Ar-Resafa .. ac. bn wide es ses 2 Se 155 

X. AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR; AL-BISRI (= 3.geeeeee 168 
Ar-Resafa to ar-Rehtib.... 0...) ieee 168 
Ar-Rehtb to Se%b of at-Tniy.<1)...5).ce 173 

Se%b of at-Tni to Dejr az-Zor..¢4.): 420) FT 

XI ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO BY WAY OF ZEBHO eee 179 

PART TH 
Expedition of 1915 

XIT AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS... 0... 3302 189 
Al-Meskene to Gabb@l...0. (0.0 5..238 1) er 189 
Gabbftll to ,al-Mrejrat. . ov..a.04. 160.400 a eee 196 

The Mesa of Sbhét.. 05. 4.00. a eee 200 
Al-Mrejrat to ‘Anadan..::.....2.. 1. 25. 5 203 
*Anadan to Helban.. 0... 30s. 5 eee gs 207 
Helban to Tell ad-Dra’...... 0) 1... %..) Aa ee 216 

Tell ad-Dra‘ to. al-Kara..... cl ,..200 2 218 
Al-Kara to al-Ktejfe: i... bac esd 222 
Al-Ktejfe to Damascus. ............ «04. ee 225 

APPENDIX 

I PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIAZ = ee 229 
Chalybonitis . 20.0 2.0. . Se) a 230 


CONTENTS Vii 


APPENDIX PAGE 
I PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA (continued) 

Apamene, Laodicene, and Coele-Syria..................4.. 233 
TED SEC RE TS En ee a Ce a One a 233 
Putea, Adada, Adacha, Danaba, and Goaria.......... trys $3) 
puerta, Casama, Admana, and -Atera:.i.. 4 licyees. 0. 235 
Pealbeneurn, and: Alamathi: m9 exugitin’ vo cide Sols his ba 235 
II ROMAN ROADS IN PALMYRENA; THE ROMAN LIMES 237 
abheyeh UCC Sis ai Ma ee peraeiae SSR ent | Sheer eee knee ae ne oe 237 
According to the Antonine Itinerary ............... MeO L 
According to the Peutinger Table.......... Pee 238 
Pee mlascu, (Oat y Pains etn sce gee nls doo ee et one Lis 238 
Reo LOO LNe TE WOnYAles 2. vere nee ys ha cae 242 
Rtn Cyr P ACTA ice SAU ikon Uae See si, Yo Pama aia 242 
PetMaAS LO OL ONT VHP a ee eRe eo ee EE x 243 
Email tour Ines (HOME) eons. bee a aes Cea 244 
Palmyrena According to the Ravenna Geographer ........ 246 
emer Tera: PINGS 6 Ue ia oe Me eee Vee bP ha wipe a 247 

II ROADS IN PALMYRENA ACCORDING TO THE ARABIC 
PE ee Pee Bl ops eee ee Neots, ee Me A eds Rees ol ee 249 
IV ROMAN MILITARY STATIONS IN PALMYRENA ........ 202. 
V AL-UWEJR (OR AL-RUWEJR) AND AL-BARDE......... 255 
Sejfaddowle at al-Barde and al-"Uwejr ............... Eee st 
Al-Ruwejr and the Kalb and Kejs Tribes......-......... 257 
MEmiiSTORiCAL NOTES ON AR-RESAPA <0. occ 50)c.e scan. 260 
Geographical Situation of ar-Resafa...................... 260 
PCa Pe UPA AY West a yn. Soe acs hey Whi kde Role HNL Ia wks 262 
Meee TOGO estab OOL PUG ess wt) Po eso ea ice eet elles Shes 263 
Ar-Resafa in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries........ ..... 264 
arly Episcopal History of ar-Resafa .........0...0.5 05. 267 
Ar-Resafa under the Early Moslems............. ey.  e08 
Ar-Resafa in the Later Middle Ages................. bea ro 
VII SOME EARLY BISHOPRICS OF PALMYRENA........... 273 
VIII GABBULA OR GABBUL...... only Riana oe ods Waa tet 274 
IX THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS..... BAT 
Seasons of the Caliphs’ Sojourns in the Country ......... rare | 
Hoeestion of the Country. Residences ... 005) .0.5 vce ee 280 
Semin lis) COUNTY Y= RESIGeNCRS 64.5 2a 2a oe ea 285 
PREM TISU UI CONETPUC TIONS ia ure Shcg be as BA ea pete Gate 287 
Walid Il’s Flight from-al-Radaf to al-Bahra’.....-.....-. 290 
PM eny OFHON VOL it aD ar Gat ee. ie ek wy ees eo 290 
Peconar vorsion) ol.at-Pabarl cee oa ae ee ek ks 294 
Papoabarig’s) Camp at. al Hira c8 sce fe oc kee eet 296 


X A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA (by PROFESSOR 
er OMUNM NGM tate Page) sory ach hs vies Sky eS oa aes Zoo 
DONE eau AUS UES 9 GG Sess Bi Casa a fal he eee 299 


Vill PALMYRENA 


APPENDIX PAGE 
X A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA (continued) 

The North and East Gates...) 7.73912 300 

The Martyry (ioe... Ve, i oh ee 303 

The Southern Church .9 2°. 22 43.32 308 

Basilica of St.. Sergius’... °. S043) eee 308 


Elements Originating in the First Stage of Construction.. 308 
Elements Originating in the Second and Third Stages of 


Construction ... 2.2. a ee eee 319 
Structures outside the Wallis’. 4 0../) 2.) eee 320 
BIBLIOGRAPHY «62.00. ee ee 329 


INDEX 200 5 3 2 1 oa 341 


FIG. 


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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

Han ak-Samat, OSE EY COR aon 87 von aa ante Use gc Raa | at APR 10 
Han as-Samat: upper building, a rosette...................... nb 
Peg seretienkured and. environs, planwy, 0... Je. ve ae. ee vee 32 
SEE UC ViaTh aN a ENGNG Vy Oko ee vere ee 38 
gS EEE CE SR MR Sanco aaa 44 
Daresoueainiuah, 42 cross.above. a loophole. ...4...0.00.0.0565... 45 
ee ree VINO S, PiAnc.% oy ces oa ke eee eee 4S 
Ne rE aE Ore AOU Iw INT Ps unis Le ee oe oe, 49 
ree Peete CM DIOS Poise ets ee a ep ee ee 51 
Ree ee OMemeT ANG ey ques Poe ia y SS e od a 56 
Hsrija: temple, facade: a) detail of lintel and arch............. 57 
OSS Coit ON Tat mare N hit 1 tle ee oT 

Pegs eae cornice. withea Christian emblem. orc. cc. e ek eee 5g 
See ceo rn i PTL IR. wae ee sw so dia ew eee 68 
ee PPE CEICR etre hte a OE rt ed Dee dae lee 70 
meee Aree POV Dian ok. ee co eee ee eee ee 72 
Meeeteticrs sitaier, or Persian, fort....0.).0 00.060 06 cece ee 73 
Pome ee NiOslem Sate. oo hie ee 74 
Pee Per UO Ne ds oe ee Bene 75 
ee eM ePIC ADIGA 2 Fo. ke i aisles Ea ee cada cae es fat 
CF NE SETS a 2 US a et a 77 
Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort from the southwest................. 78 
ieereririteteeiIngiler tort, fAtewaAy.. i... vce. oe oe ane 78 
Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort, gateway tower ....................: 80 
Kasr al-Hér: larger fort, ornament over the western gateway... 80 
Peres) te NOLAN dee es le cs oo. Be ew we OP a ee 92 
Pere neve and ‘environs, plan. 2... 6. ee ee eee 106 
REDD here cc iia ne Ce te la ac. ee b ether... 107 
SIME TIT Here OE. Ga gol es Pe Oe ee 108 
Ser emrree oun hor eh ee od lew ale ee dee Oe 112 
Cn tier ee Rees, ee Soe en eA ee Pe 130 
eet bonne fom “the “SOULNWESE 26. eta ee 132 
EMI AH th si ekg wae My weg ae Late shah ahs ot 135 
eer em seasteyn Tain, Plan... eee le ee ee 138 
Ie ESLOTIY PUI, DIAN coe. ko ie ee es Ne we dae eos 138 
REMC LEAGUCTTY TUIT . .ks sc es UR ee ed ele ee ee 139 
et eerrsie: WEStern TUG. ive ls. On ete ee, 139 
Pete LAN. oth ho pe ks 'n ak pede ae OE Oh es 140 
MNT le Sree rah 2 a wR enscae Bs Vin oe ale gk de 141 
EE RIT nga es sc x ace vee WR Ste ea ae Bw oe ee ve ea 142 
i Pat 1D re CS es ee ae we ial ee be oa hws oe ee 146 
SERIE Te EE OUN CATT) tes cui cad ws des Raa Pe ee 150 
SeemEaere MAT SEO Vg wl Wi. Ma SP oe ee ees 153 
Ar-Resafa: the northeastern part of the walls from the southwest 156 
Ar-Resafa: southwestern corner of wall, plan.................. 158 


1X 


PALMYRENA 


PAGE 
Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, plans, 1724.) 12.5. ga 158 
Ar-Resafa: southern gate, plan: ......0)0)-- a 158 
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, pian. 0...) 23 jai, no 158 
Ar-Regafa: eastern gate from the east, 2.2.0 7). ee 159 
Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, a capital: 00.13.) 2 29 159 
Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, a capital... .7..0.) ce eee 160 
Ar-Resafa: northern gate from the north...) .:. {eee 162 
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, middle door 72.205, -2 2:5) ane 163 
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, east portal |. ..097) ei) 3) ee 164 
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, details...>.) a2) ee 164 
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, propugnaculum 7. (7.5) 232s 165 
Ar-Resafa: inside passage along northern walls ............... 166 
Ar-Resafa: martyry, the apse from the east) 72.0)... ane 170 
Ar-Resafa: martyry from the southwest...) .. 29) eee 170 
Ar-Resafa: martyry from the west... -._.. 2)... es. 
Ar-Resafa: martyry, arch and vaulting above diaconicon....... Vii 
Ar-Resafa: southern church from the southwest............... 173 
Ar-Resafa: southern church, apse from the west............... 174 
Ar-Resafa: southern church, right diaconicon.................. 175 
Ar-Resafa: detail of a structure adjoining the southern church.. 181 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius from the southwest......... 182 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, nave looking east.......... 184 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, nave looking west ......... 185 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, north aisle looking west.... 185 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle looking west .... 190 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle looking east..... 191 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, squinches in the north aisle 194 
Ar-Res&afa: basilica of St. Sergius, a capital laa. oe eee 194 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, the apses from the east.... 195 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south side ................. 195 
Ar-Resafa: martyry, porphyry columns ......5 50 ones= eee 197 
Ar-.Resafa: martyry, a marble pillar ..3205:?). 2a 199 
Ar-Res&afa: martyry, a capital......,0/0..).. ae 201 
Ar-Resafa: the mosque from the southwest ...........:....... 204 
Ar-Resafa: looking southwest from the southern church....... 205 
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, interior of the main apse.... 208 
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, a capital .~- a0.) ee 208 
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, a capital ........ 2... ). 7 ee 209 
Ar-Resafa: a mausoleum ., ...,.4. 00. (9a oe 211 
The Euphrates north of ar-Resafa, with our camp ............. 218 
Ad-Dahal from the east....../0.2....@25 neue oe 215 
AS-Sbét and al-Hass from the northeast... 4...) see 218 
A&-Sbét from al-Mrejrat..............)...\6 219 
Drejb al-Wawi..... 65000005 en ae ee 220 
Hanaser from al-Mrejrat.....-..°....) 2... 222 
oy. UC: Seen 224 
Ar-Resafa: general plan of ruins.........05¢..sen ee 301 
Ar-Resafa: gates, ground plan; reconstructed elevation of interior 
walls of propugnaculum of north gate..:.2. 7299 ee 302 


FIG, 


115 


Mmeex mapylt2.500,000) : 2.00.0... 6. 
Map of Northern Arabia al : 1,000,000, in four sheets) 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS <1 


PAGE 
Ar-Resafa: north gate, ground plan; reconstructed elevation of 
facade facing town; sections of gate and walls............. 304 
Ar-Resafa: north gate, east interior wall of the propugnaculum 305 
Ar-Resafa: north gate, reconstructed elevation of detail of south 


INCE DMPeraCAOe Ol-LNe PropuUgnaculunh. ..,.... bos acene ose eas 306 
pene racemase yry, STOUNG PLAN. ...46800e Sanrs de cc ed wes be oe wt 307 
Ar-Resafa: martyry, detail of southern apse .................. 309 
Ar-Resaia: martyry, longitudinal section ..................... 310 
Ar-Resafa: martyry, transverse section....................... 310 
Ar-Resafa: martyry, reconstruction of interior of the nave and 

Si AUS a 0 ae eo a OL 
Ar-Resafa: martyry, perspective reconstruction of the exterior... 312 
Ar-hesata: southern church, ground plan.................... 313 
Ar-Resafa: southern church, apse of the aisle................ 314 
Por teeiia, SOutnern church, the aisle’... 2.26.05. 0. Ge ee 315 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, ground plan.............. 316 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, longitudinal section ....... O17 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, transverse section, looking 

ee Toe RAI CE en VA ain ey os mice ee tv al Wishes nde 318 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, transverse section, looking 

ie ER eRe TRO CSO! tart, Gln pe eS te bi oe ls See eee, 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstructed elevation of 

Seer A heen. 2, aids Aes ee Svcd ie ccuid 6 ) dually o OS 319 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstructed elevation of 

pe A EEO MA TA en A ee ba ehh he hie eews ow 320 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstruction of interior, 

Wee ee Tet RP Ter) Oh pte eek Spe oe 321 
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, perspective reconstruction of 

ie ca REPT ee, tm AO TS ae Sh a ke phe bod ae ateeg 822 
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, ground plan................ 323 
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, (above) longitudinal section; 

MOU ER TANS VOCE SECTION <.4%. io)n Psd ee ee 324 
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, reconstruction of interior, 

Fates teem VOR rE GI aa he Whee th ey tev hat oe! als vee a Be EER Boa O20 


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PREFACE 


It had not been my original intention in 1908 to explore 
Palmyrena, but while Prince an-Niri eben Sa‘lan lingered at 
Dmejr in the autumn of that year I availed myself of the 
opportunity to visit the ruins of al-Kastal and al-Bhara’ and 
to follow the Tarik ar-Rasif (Roman Road) which had been 
described to me as running from Han as-Samat to ar-Resafa. 
My studies of the scientific material collected during this 
excursion of 1908 prompted me to return to Palmyrena in 1912 
and to explore its more mountainous districts prior to my first 
expedition along the middle Euphrates.” In 1915, on my return 
from central Arabia and Mesopotamia, I sketched the northern 
and northwestern borders of Palmyrena for my map of Northern 
Arabia, which illustrates the text of this volume. During the 
World War German officers carried out a survey in the western 
part of Palmyrena; some of their positions as shown on the 
German General Staff map of Mesopotamia and Syria® are more 
precise than mine. I have, nevertheless, not felt it necessary 
to substitute their results for mine, for to do so would ne- 
cessitate a complete change in the character of my map. A 
discussion of the method by which the latter was constructed 
will be found in the preface of my Arabia Deserta, pp. xili-xv. 

The primary motive of my explorations was historical, not 
cartographical; I therefore tried to collect as many topograph- 
ical names as possible as a basis for my historical researches, 
and in so doing I paid especial attention to the spelling. In 
- transliterating Arabic letters I have used the same signs as 
in my works The Northern Hegaz (New York, 1926), Arabia 
Deserta (New York, 1927), and The Middle Euphrates (New 
York, 1927), attempting to express each sound by a single 
letter or a single symbol. For experts, a full explanation of 
the meaning of the different symbols is given below the title 
of the map of Northern Arabia. For the general reader I would 
point out that g is to be read like g in gem, § like sh, Z like 
z in azure, ¢ like ch in chief, 7 like y in yoke, and that ‘ is 

1 Discussed in the author’s Kusejr “‘Amra, Vienna, 1907, pp. 160—162. 

2 See the author’s The Middle Euphrates, New York, 1927. 

3 Kartographische Abteilung des Stellv. Generalstabes der Armee (now: Kartographische 
Abteilung der Kgl. Preussischen Landes-Aufnahme), Karte von Mesopotamien und Syrien, 
1: 400.000, Berlin, 1917. 

xill 


X1V PALMYRENA 


a strong guttural sound. The remaining symbols need not 
trouble him. 

Throughout this work most of the Assyrian names have 
been transliterated consistently with the scheme of trans- 
literation employed for Arabic names. Greek names are in 
general spelled in their Latin form rather than directly trans- 
literated from the Greek.’ 

Bibliographical references in the footnotes are given in 
abbreviated form. The full references, with the dates of 
Arabic and ancient authors, will be found in the Bibliography, 
pp. 329—837. 

The meaning of the majority of Arabic terms used in 
the text will be evident from the context. Two terms, however, 
are frequently employed without explanation: 

seib (plural, se‘ibdn) : relatively small watercourse or valley occupied 

by an intermittent stream; 

wddi (plural, wudijdn): relatively large watercourse or valley occupied 

by an intermittent stream. 

Arabic botanical terms appearing in the text are listed 
in the index with brief characterizations and Latin equivalents 
as far as these have been determined. 

A sketch map showing the author’s route and indicating 
the pages in this volume on which the different portions of 
his itinerary are discussed accompanies the volume. 

The writer considers it both a duty and a pleasure to 
express his most sincere thanks to the editor, Dr. J. K. Wright, 
for help and advice; to Miss Anna Blechova, secretary of the 
Oriental Seminar of Charles University, Prague, for many 
days of devoted work upon this volume; and to Mr. Karel 
Dyrynk, technical manager of the State Printing Establish- 
ment (Statni tiskarna), Prague, for his expert solution of the © 
difficult technical problems connected with the printing of the 
present book. Grateful acknowledgement is also due to Mr. 
C. O. Cornelius of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 
for his careful revision of Appendix X. 

4 Exceptions to these general rules governing transliteration are made for those proper 


names that have acquired conventional English forms, the latter forms being used to avoid 
the appearance of pedantry. 


CHAPTER I 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID AND 
RETURN BY WAY OF HAN AS-SAMAT 


In the first half of July, 1908, I paid a visit to Prince 
an-Nuri eben Sa‘lan in his camps near al-GAbija, southwest of 
Damascus. At the end of June he had come with his Rwala 
from the inner desert to Syria in order to provide himself 
with the food and clothing necessary for his sojourn in the 
desert. In each camp were to be seen the long white tents 
of camel traders and round tents where provisions and cloth- 
ing were sold. After obtaining a promise from the Prince 
that he would take me along with him to the interior of the 
desert, I returned to Damascus, where I got my own stores 
ready and hired the required servants. An acquaintance of 
mine recommended two members of the ‘Akejl tribe and a 
negro, all of whom made a living by camel trading and were 
familiar with the desert. My right-hand man was to be ‘Abd- 
allah al-Matrtd, a delicate but cunning little fellow who had 
to keep an eye on my property and deal with the various chiefs. 
Mhammad al-Kazib, who could write, was to accompany me 
on my trips and be my assistant in studying the customs and 
habits of the people. A negro, Fara& by name, was our cook 
and laundryman. My scientific assistant was Rudolf Thomas- 
berger, an official of the Military Geographical Institute in 
Vienna, who took charge of the scientific instruments and, 
besides, had to sketch maps of the various roads and districts. 
While in the desert Thomasberger was known as Tuman. As 
to tents: I bought a somewhat long one from the ‘Akejl and a 
round, smaller one from a dealer who sold tents to the Mecca 
pilgrims. Camels I obtained from the Rwala and Sba‘a tribes. 

We waited impatiently for the first rain. As arule areport 
comes as early as the second half of August or at the be- 
ginning of September that there has been rain in this or that 
part of the desert. As soon as the Bedouins learn this, with 
their herds they leave the district known as an-Nukra to the 
south of Damascus and make for the desert; there they find 
the rain ponds, holes, and wells filled with water by the last 

1 


2 PALMYRENA 


rains, and also the nutritious dry pasture remaining from the 
last rainy season — and therefore the season of prosperity 
(rabi*) — in that region. In an-Nukra they can stay no longer, 
because the fields are already eaten off; the felldhin are plow- 
ing, the water in the cisterns is becoming scarce and of bad 
quality, and, furthermore, the first rain is regularly followed 
by various epidemics. But not even by the end of August nor 
during the first half of September had the glad tidings reached 
the Rwala camp that there had been rain anywhere in the 
desert. A few clans of the Rwala went into the desert by 
the Eastern Gate between the mountain chain of ar-Rawak 
on the north and the volcanic area of Tlal al-‘Ijat on the south 
and camped on the border ridge of ar-Rawak between the 
settlements of Dmejr and Tudmor and along the eastern frin- 
ges of Tlal al-Ijat and the Hawran. Only Prince an-Nori re- 
mained near Damascus, where his camp had been established 
on the marshy meadows south of the ‘Adra’ settlement. There, 
then, I sent my baggage and the tents and on September 24 
was encamped beside the Prince as his neighbor. At the be- 
ginning of October we went to Wadi al-‘Asejfir near the 
settlement of Dmejr. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID 


Saturday, October 3, 1908. For my topographical map I 
needed fixed trigonometric points. It was necessary to survey 
from a base, for which we deemed the lowland south of Dmejr 
the most suitable position, since it was bounded on the north 
by a mountain chain with some isolated peaks visible from 
afar and on the south by a volcanic area dotted over with 
conspicuous extinct volcanoes. Still, surveying there was not 
without danger, because the volcanic area was occupied by the 
hostile Ahali al-Gebel. The Prince, therefore, would not permit 
me to spend the night there. It was, however, imperative for 
me to determine the latitude at one end of the base by ob- 
serving the polestar. When I promised the Prince that I would 
observe the polestar immediately after sunset, after which 
we would start north, he gave me his negro, Hmar, as a com- 
panion. Old Hmar was a confidential servant not only of Prince 
an-Nuri but also of the late Prince Sattam, whom he had 
once accompanied to Constantinople. It was his business to 
watch over our safety and to see that we did not act incau- 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID 3 


tiously. Knowing the names of all the places in the vicinity, 
our guide was to be Hsén al-Mazlim. 

At 7.26 A.M. we left my tent. There were five of us, 
Taman, Mhammad, Hmar, and Hsén — all seated on my cam- 
els. Heading southeast, first we crossed the al-‘Asejfir creek, 
after a while the se?%b of al-Mubjeza, and by eight o’clock 
were following an ancient but lately renovated subterranean 
aqueduct, Mufakkar al-Brac, through which water flows from 
the Bir Hazzal into the reservoir of al-Makstra and to the 
gardens extending east of Dmejr. At 8.10 we reached the al- 
Makstra ruins, lying to the south of the reservoir. In the 
seventies of the last century, when Midhat Pasha was reform- 
ing the Turkish empire, stones from the wall enclosing the 
reservoir and from the demolished houses south of it were 
used for erecting military barracks. These barracks, intended 
for the mounted police, form a long, massive, one-storied build- 
ing on a rocky knoll northeast of the reservoir and are now 
deserted. To the south of them lies a cultivated plain which 
was strewn over with black tents belonging to the Eben Meg- 
wel kin of the Rwala. The water flowing out of the reser- 
voir formed a streamlet about one hundred meters long, around 
which crowded hundreds of thirsty camels. At 8.37 we passed 
on our left the extensive Dmejr al-‘Atize ruins and then rode 
through the plowed country to the semicircular tower of al- 
Burg, built of smoothed square blocks and belonging to a 
small square fort which we passed on our right. The land 
behind the tower was not cultivated, although it could easily 
have been turned into fertile fields. 

On all the hills we noticed heaps of stones (rgum), ap- 
parently the débris of old watchtowers. Conspicuous in the 
lowland were numerous enclosures, fenced around by rough 
stone walls. Many of these measured several hundred meters 
in circumference, and the walls were up to two meters in height. 
The fellahin from Dmejr and the northern settlements catch 
gazelles in them. These enclosures, called mesdjid or mesdjed, 
are triangular with a single narrow entrance at their sharpest 
angle. The walls do not end at the entrance but extend to 
a distance of several hundred meters beyond, widening out 
gradually and becoming lower all the time. If a herd of gazelles 
is grazing somewhere near, the hunters begin to drive the 
animals cautiously towards the enclosure in order to get them 
into the widest opening of the walls first. When they succeed 


4 PALMYRENA 


in this, the usual method isto frighten the beasts from behind; 
this makes the frenzied game run right into the narrow open- 
ing, which the hunters quickly close. Then the hunters begin 
to throw missiles of all kinds at the trapped animals. The wall 
enclosing the base of the triangle is purposely made lower 
in some places, with deep pits dug on the outside. Frightened 
as the gazelles are, they invariably jump over the wall into 
the pits, where they break their necks or legs and become an 
easy prey to the hunters. In this cruel manner from fifty to 
sixty gazelles are often captured in half a day. 


MEASURING A BASE 


At 9.32 we stopped before one of these large enclosures. 
To the south and southwest of it were four others, and before 
the entrance of each were high piles of stones, visible from 
a great distance and thus well suited to our purpose. We halted 
at the northernmost pile in order to measure our base from 
there to the fourth enclosure. Making a sketch of the land 
nearest to us, we placed a long pole on the northernmost pile 
as well as on the fourth pile and between them eight more 
in such a position as to form a straight line. Then we took 
levels and began to measure the distance. I determined the 
direction while Taman drove stakes of the proper height at 
intervals of approximately twenty meters. When this was done, 
in order to determine the exact distance I would lay the point 
marked ‘20 m.” on my steel measure upon the cross with 
which each stake was marked; Taman would then pull out 
the measure to its full length and place the first part of it, 
which was divided into millimeters, on the cross mark of 
the next stake and read the distance. After repeating this 
procedure in the opposite direction, we determined the length 
of our base to be 687.74 meters, and then began to determine 
the azimuth of the base. 

Hmar and Hsén had at first evinced some interest in our 
labors but by the afternoon began to grow impatient; deeming 
our stay in the same locality too long, they begged us to leave 
immediately. Hmar declared that we had gone too far south 
and that to remain until sunset was out of the question, be- 
cause then the Ahali al-Gebel would certainly attack us. It is 
the habit of these robbers after the sun goes down to sneak 
behind returning herds of camels and steal such animals as 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID 5 


fall behind. Our baggage was loaded and HmAr tried to force 
me to go. Now, if ever, it was necessary to be careful not to 
antagonize him, especially since it was our first trip and be- 
cause he could make trouble for me not only with the Prince 
but also with his slaves. Appealing to his well-known prudence 
and bravery and calling his attention to the fact that we were 
well armed, I finally gained his consent to remain until after 
sunset for as long a time as it would take him to smoke two 
cigarettes. Loading our guns, we waited impatiently for the 
sun to set. Our camels knelt behind the pile. Hmar stood on 
the top of it with me in front of him and kept urging me 
to take a look at the polestar. He could not understand why 
I wanted to see that star just on that day and from that par- 
ticular heap of stones when I could make the observation from 
the camp or some other place with far more comfort and se- 
curity. Lanterns we dared not use, for any light would have 
revealed to the enemy our whereabouts. Consequently I tried 
my hardest to catch a glimpse of the pole star with the help 
of my theodolite and to read the vernier with my naked eye. 
But the impatient Hmar jumped off the pile and into the saddle, 
Hsén following his example, and both warned me that the 
Ahali could suddenly leap like wild beasts from any of the 
nearest stone heaps and kill us before we knew it. “If, O Sheikh 
Misa, thou dost not value thine own property and thy own 
life, then at least take pity on our lives,” were the words 
which they constantly dinned into my ears. And with all this 
going on I had to make an observation of the polestar and 
to note accurately, without a light, the reading of the vernier! 
Finally, however, the azimuth was determined, the theodolite 
wrapped up, and our camels raced with us back northwards. 

At the foot of the Ab-al-K6s mountain range we found 
a camp of camel herders. Making our beds at a distance of 
a rifle shot from them, we started a fire of dry camel manure 
(gelle, ba‘ara) and cooked our supper of burrul (boiled husked 
wheat kernels, which have been allowed to dry). Taman and I 
were the only ones who ate. My other companions while back 
in the camp had persisted in saying they would keep the ra- 
mazan fast; but they had forgotten their religious duty as soon 
as the camp was behind them and had smoked, drunk, and 
eaten all day, so that by evening they felt no hunger at all. 
Towards midnight one of the herdsmen encamped near us 
began to tell stories in such a loud voice that Hmar shouted 


6 PALMYRENA 


over to him that, being a Weléd‘i, he should not disturb the 
sleep of the Rwala. In answer to my query as to how he knew 
the story-teller to belong to the Weld ‘Ali, Hmar told me that 
he could tell by his way of speaking, because the Weld “Ali 
use a different dialect from the Rwala, although both are 
members of the ‘Aneze group. The Rwala, who crowded the 
Weld ‘Ali out from quite a stretch of grazing land, consider 
themselves more genteel and claim that they alone are bedw 
(Bedouins), while the Weld ‘Ali would soon change into tenders 
of goats and sheep (Swdja). The night was quiet but so chilly 
that by five o’clock we were shivering with cold and both my 
kerchief and cloak were soaked through with dew. 

Sunday, October 4, 1908. Before sunrise I awoke Mham- 
mad and ordered him to light a fire and warm up the left- 
over coffee, because I knew that Hmar would not mount his 
camel unless he had first drunk his hot coffee, and I wanted 
to begin work as soon as possible. At six o’clock we were rid- 
ing over the plain in a southerly direction and overtook some 
herdsmen who had started to drive their animals to pasture 
the moment the sun appeared. Silently we went on; there was 
not a sound to be heard on the wide, seemingly lifeless des- 
ert. The rising sun spread its first rays over the volcanoes 
to the south, making them look like small red-hot islets in 
a sea of mist. To the northwest, above the tents of the Rwala, 
hung countless wisps of smoke, which, as it seemed, drove the 
fog to the ground. In front of the tents thousands of camels 
were moving slowly, making a picture well worth seeing. They 
appeared to be swimming in the fog, which concealed both 
their legs and bodies, leaving only their humps and heads vis- 
ible. The humps of the white camels (mardtir) glistened like 
gold, and wherever there was aherd they resembled the domed 
roofs of the north Syrian churches, smoldering, as it were, 
in the sun. Reaching our base, we measured off the azimuth 
and formed a second much longer base, which cut our first 
one almost at aright angle. Running nearly parallel with the 
mountain chain to the north this new base promised us the 
possibility of better results than the first one, which pointed 
almost directly at the mountains. 

The mountain chain running from north of Dmejr to Pal- 
myra the Bedouins call ar-Rawak. It is part of a ridge extending 
from the Kalamtn mountains near Damascus northeastwards 
to the Euphrates. North of Dmejr this ridge is cut by the 


WADI AL~ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID 7 


al-‘Asejfir valley, to the east of which it is called Ab-al-Kos; 
still farther east it bears in turn the names Ab-al-Gerwe and 
MeSakk Semri, and the last part visible from our second base 
is known as az-Zbejdi. The ridge forms a narrow, flat-topped 
plateau above which a few dome-shaped hills rise. The highest 
of these are the second from the west in the mountain of Ab- 
al-Gerwe and the western butte of Ab-al-Kés. To the south 
of the ridge the Dmejr lowland spreads out to the Hawran 
mountains on the south and far into the desert on the east. 
On the west this lowland meets al-Rita, or basin of Da- 
mascus. There are hardly any elevations in the northern part 
of the lowland. Southwest of the tower of al-Bur& may be 
noticed three low, grayish domes known as al-Orejnbat, close 
to which are the ruins (hirbe) of the same name. To the south- 
east of al-Orejnbat rises the height of al-Hdejb, beyond which 
begins the black, stony tract, Tlal al-Ijat, dotted with many 
extinct volcanoes and isolated hillocks. AS-Samat, the northern- 
most of these, reach almost to the foot of Ab-al-Gerwe. With 
the help of my binoculars I discovered some ruins on the high- 
est peak of aS-SAmat and resolved to examine them. Hmar 
opposed this, but gave in when I promised him a handful of 
cigarettes. 


RETURN TO WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR BY WAY OF HAN AS-SAMAT 

At 12.20 we rode from Rgum al-Mesajid in a northeast- 
erly direction to Han aS-Samat. Ten minutes later we crossed 
as-Sidd, a partly ruined wall 1.2 meters thick, which leads with 
many turnings from the mountain chain on the north south- 
wards to the Hawran mountains and forms on the east the 
border of the fertile lowland of Dmejr. Originally this wall 
was 1.8 meters high, with gates in a few places only, so that 
the fellahin were secure from an unexpected attack by the 
Bedouins. Now it is completely demolished in places. Southeast 
of the wall the ground is covered with black lava out of which 
rise a few extinct voleanoes. We could observe very closely 
the craters of the fourth largest volcano in the Mtejriéat 
group as well as those of the Umm Iden and al-Makhul groups. 
At 2.10 P.M. we were at the as-Samat hills (as the Rwala 
call them, whereas the Rijat, the clan of our guide Hsén, 
know them by the name of as- -Sema’ ), and at 2.30 with our 
camels we somewhat laboriously ascended a hillock, on top as 


8 PALMYRENA 


well as at the base of which lay the ruins we had come to 
examine. We stayed there until 3.42. 

The building (Figs. 1, 2) on the top of the hill is 53 me- 
ters long from north to south and 45 meters wide; but all 
that remained of it were the foundation walls and even they 
were destroyed in many places and often indistinct. The struc- 
ture is entered from the west. In about the center is a square 
tower, in the southeastern corner a flight of stairs, leading 
to the walls, and in the northeastern a deep well. Below the 
hill on the north there are the remains of a fortified Roman 
camp, about fifty meters square, facing the northeast. From 
each corner of the strong ramparts rises a square tower. Within 
the yard, which is entered by a gate strengthened by two but- 
tresses, iS a square, walled enclosure measuring about thirty 
meters on a side. The space between the wall and the ramparts 
is filled with débris from smaller rooms. Within the enclosure 
is another still smaller enclosure containing rooms built in two 
parallel rows about twenty meters long by eight meters wide. 
North of the gate a stairway leads up to the ramparts and 
to the southeast of the gate outside the camp is a reservoir 
twenty-seven meters square. 

It was after sunset when we finished our trigonometric 
work and our. plan of the ruins. Mounting our camels we then 
rode quickly westward over the now silent lowland as far as 
the al-‘Asejfir valley and thence along the terrace on its left- 
hand side to the north-northeast until at 9.52 we came to a 
halt before my tent. 


CHAPTER II 


WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO THE AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 
AND RETURN 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE 


On Monday, October 5, 1908, it was necessary to go. to 
the Ab-al-Gerwe and Ab-al-Kés ridges in order to extend my 
trigonometric survey to the north and east from them. As 
we had a guide, I sent ‘Abdallah to the Prince to inform him 
where we were going, but ‘Abdallah did not find the Prince 
in his tent, because the Prince had left for ‘Adra’. An-Nari’s 
son, Nawwaf, then came to see me and I told him of my plan. 
I impressed upon him the fact that it would be hardly possible 
for me to wait in camp until the first rains set in, because 
then I could not finish my examination of the territory north 
of al-Zerjitejn and Tudmor. The freedom of my movements 
so far had been much hindered by the insufficient number of 
my camels. Whenever we had to change camp, it took all my 
animals to carry our baggage, and, since I did not know when 
the Prince meant to order a change, I could never leave the 
camp for long. I therefore decided to buy three more she- 
camels. With five or six animals I meant to make my scientific 
excursions; the other eleven or twelve were to stay with my 
tent and be used for carrying the baggage whenever the camp 
was changed. Nawwaf asked me to return from my next ex- 
cursion the moment it began to rain in earnest, in order that 
I might accompany the Rwala on their migration to the inner 
desert. On my trip to the Ab-al-Gerwe ridge I had to take for my 
companion Nawwaf’s negro, Frejh, whom Nawwaf commanded 
to take along a rifle and sheepskin coat (farwe) and to obey 
me in everything. Then Nawwaf begged me before I left to call 
on his youngest brother Hafagi, who had been ailing for the 
last four days. Without delay I entered the Prince’s tent and 
in the apartment reserved for women I found Hafagi, a sick 
boy of about ten, lying on the ground. After examining him 
I ordered them to do what was necessary and possible, and 
I gave Nawwaf some medicine, cautioning him to care for his 


9 


10 PALMYRENA 


sick brother as best he could. In front of my tent a woman 
with her little daughter was waiting. The child, who was 
feeding at its mother’s breast, had been cared for by many 
doctors, since it had on its little body scars caused by a red- 


HAN AS-SAMAT 


METERS 
0: 10 20) 30 4059150) 60 70 80S a8 
[OPT TTY Ces a eS Ce Ce Mo See ES} 


Fic. 1—Han as-Samat, plan. 


hot iron and was smeared on the breast, abdomen, and back 
with a layer of clay one centimeter thick — all signs of dif- 
ferent prescriptions. 

At eight o’clock in the morning we started in a northeast- 
erly direction. At first we followed the brook of al-‘Asejfir, 
which comes from ar-Rhejbe and receives the water of the 
spring of al-Méabrat. At 8.20 we entered the wide valley of 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 11 


al--Emedijje, close by an old, dilapidated dam, which in times 
past was evidently intended to hold the water coming down 
from the hills, in order that it might afterwards be distributed 
over the surrounding gardens. The soil here is oversaturated 
with lime but workable. The hillsides 
are not steep, the side valleys are 
low, and at one time all were culti- 
vated, chiefly as gardens. At 9.15 
Hsén showed me to the north the 
wells of the ar-Rhejbe settlement. 

By 9.50 we reached the ridge of 
Batra and by 10.05 turned into the 
narrow Se%b of al-Babejn. The right 
wall of this se%b is composed of soft 
limestone, through which run parallel 
sloping veins of quartz. Soon to the 
left of our road we saw the holy 
terebinth tree Mizar umm ‘Ajjas. 
The mighty old tree was broken by 
the wind; from its stump grew a few shoots hung full of 
very old ribbons and pieces of cloth, votive gifts in honor 
of the spirit who made the tree his abode. Our guide Hsén 
would not go a step farther until he had obtained some 
coffee, tea, and bread. He refused to breakfast at the camp, 
asserting that as an orthodox Moslem he must keep the strictly 
ordained fast of ramazdn and that from sunrise to sunset he 
would neither smoke, drink, nor eat; but by 10.10 he had wanted 
to do all these things. Since I had asked him to breakfast 
while we were in the tent, I did not mean to give in to him 
now; but he sat down under a tree and laughed at us when 
we turned into a wrong path. Thus all we could do was to 
give him bread and tobacco and then wait until he had finished 
eating and had rolled himself some cigarettes, all of which 
took him until 10.30. A little later we came to a broad basin 
called al-Mkejmen, overgrown with sturdy perennials and full 
of camels. The herdsmen were accustomed to stay with their 
animals two nights in the basin and on the third day to drive 
them to the creek of al-“Asejfir. 

We now took a narrow path on the southern slope up to 
the pass Tenijjet ab-al-Gerwe. The ascent gradually became 
more and more difficult, until finally we had to dismount and 
lead our animals by their reins. 


Fia.2—Ha4n ag-Samat: 
upper building, a rosette. 


12 PALMYRENA 


At 12.55 P.M. we reached the top of the pass. I asked 
Hsén to guide us up to the highest peak of Ab-al-Gerwe, but 
he declared that the path there was impassable for the camels 
and that he was hungry and would therefore ride no farther, 
nor, indeed, go with us at all until he had eaten enough. No 
choice was left for us but to unload our baggage in the pass 
and for Taman and me to find our way on foot to the highest 
peak. Having found it, we returned to our baggage and asked 
Hsén — who in the meantime had drunk both coffee and tea 
and was comfortably smoking by the fire — if he would take 
the theodolite with the tripod and accompany us to the peak, 
where he could give us the names of the principal places in 
the whole neighborhood. After entreating him for some time, 
he finally consented to carry the theodolite, but the tripod 
he threw aside, exclaiming that he was no pack camel. Shoul- 
dering our various instruments and a leather water bag, in 
forty-five minutes we reached the peak of Ab-al-Gerwe. The 
view from there was very interesting. 


VIEW FROM AB-AL-GERWE; RETURN TO AN-NURI’S CAMP 


The mountain chain of ar-Rawak, of which the Ab-al-Gerwe ridge 
is a part, forms the southern edge of a mountainous region. On the south- 
east Ab-al-Gerwe looks as if it were broken off along a scarp line that 
faces the southeast. The sandstone strata comprising the higher north- 
western portion of the ridge are horizontal, whereas at a lower elevation 
southeast of the scarp what are apparently the same beds dip almost 
perpendicularly. South of these perpendicular beds extends a plain, grayish 
to the north and black to the south, on which numerous extinct volcanoes 
shaped like cones and frozen bubbles rise in various groups. Close by, 
almost directly south of us, were visible the truncated cones of aS-Samat. 
To the east of them were Mtejricat and Karawisat. In the background 
to the southeast and southwest spread numerous other groups. South of 
Karawisat is the Malhat al-Kronfol cluster; to the southwest the volcano 
of Umm Iden, which falls off quite sharply on the east; west from there 
rises the volcano of al-Afejhem; farther to the south the low bubbles 
of al-Mintatrat; southeast of them, al-Mahftr; southwest of al-Mahfir, 
al-Mutalla‘’; and still farther in the same direction, the highest volcano 
of this row, the peaked butte of Dekwa. 

Northeast of the volcanic hills Tlal al-‘Ijat spreads a grayish-yellow 
plain on which shone large, almost white spots. These are dried-up hol- 
lows called habra (pl., habdri), where rain water accumulates. The largest 
of them bears the name Sejkal and reaches almost to Mtejri¢cat. Two 
smaller ones to the south are called Radajef Sejkal; southeast is the 
Habra aS-Subejée, farther east the Habra at-Trejfawi, and southeast of 
the last-named the Habra al-Bawlijjat. Far to the southeast of this there 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 13 


glistened in the sun the rough environs of the basin of al-Gwejf, and 
nearer at hand, to the southeast of us, rose the rolling heights of al- 
Butmijjat. No large ruins could be seen south of us. Hsén pointed out, 
to the southwest of Mtejri¢at, a heap of ruins called al-Ksejr and north 
of that, at the foot of Mesakk Semri, a smaller ruin, Han at-Trab. North 
of this there yawns in the range a deep rift dividing Ab-al-Gerwe from 
az-Zbejdi, from which stretches, west by northwest, a low ridge called 
first al-Hazba and then al-Hamame. The latter and its southern spurs, 
al-Morar and al-Fasla, enclose the:basin of al-Mkejmen on the north, 
northeast, and northwest and form, with the offshoot of Batra which 
extends to the west, the watershed between the valley of al-‘Emedijje, 
the depression Dawwat az-Zab‘, and the salina Mellaha Gerfid, which glit- 
ters to the north of Batra as if covered with ice. Northwest of the salina 
the mountain chain of al-Hagtle and Se‘eb al-Loz stretches from south- 
west to northeast, overlooked on the northwest by the almost parallel 
ridge of the al-Gid mountains. To the northeast of us appeared the white 
hills in the midst of which al-Zerjitejn is situated, and to the southeast 
of them two black hills were conspicuous, the northern one being known 
as al-‘Abd and the southern as al-‘Abde. 


Only at sunset did we interrupt our map sketching and 
return to our baggage, where we determined the latitude. In 
the night I was tortured with pains in the right side of my 
breast. About three weeks before, when jumping from a running 
camel, I had bumped against the muzzle of my carbine and 
injured three of my right ribs at the very spot where they 
change into cartilage. Then, while ascending the top of Ab-al- 
Gerwe, where it was necessary to climb laboriously from rock 
to rock, the scarcely-healed wounds had opened anew, and in 
going down my foot had slipped and I had fallen, striking 
against a rock with my still sore breast. 

The gap where we encamped was full of large and small 
stones, which made my companions grumble, since there was 
no comfortable place to lie upon. As the night was cold (4.5° C) 
and very damp, they made a fire-as soon as the morning 
star appeared. 

Tuesday, October 6, 1908. Daybreak (temperature: 13°C) 
showed itself in a peculiar manner. All the northern valleys 
were filled with thick, moving fog, in contrast to which the 
ridges of the mountain chain as well as some of the hilltops 
stood forth perfectly clear. A thin violet haze covered the 
lowland south of us, and behind it only the outlines of some 
hills were visible. The slowly rising fog now became so dense 
that we could not see five meters ahead of us, but after a 
few minutes it drifted as thin white clouds above our heads 
and seemed to change the summits of the mountain into giants 


14 PALMYRENA 


with white robes. From the east masses of fog rolled, monster- 
like, over the lowland, covering it completely and preventing 
any observations. Not far from our camp I found in the rocky 
clefts red and greenish rite blossoms, the yellow-flowered 
snan, the bluish ‘asansal (which our guide called helléwz), 
sikkara, serr, ga‘ade, bsejjel, za°*étmdn, nefel, esbet an-na‘dm, 
ummu ktejt, resdd, and other plants. In the pass, and es- 
pecially on the road to the summit of Ab-al-Gerwe, we fre- 
quently noticed tracks of the ibex (beden), gazelle, porcupine 
(nis), and even of wild bear (hallif). 

At 9.37 A.M. (temperature: 21.8°C) we left Tenijjet ab- 
al-Gerwe and rode over the crest of ar-Rawak in a south- 
westerly direction. The road was often extremely fatiguing 
and even dangerous, as one false step would have sufficed 
to send both camel and rider down into the lowland. Several 
times we had to dismount and lead our animals by the bridle. 
In the lowland south of us we saw thousands of dark, moving 
points — grazing camels; over our heads eagles and vultures 
were circling. At 10.52 we passed on our left a small spring, 
‘Ajn ar-Rahib, near which a hermit once lived.’ 

In Ab-al-Kos I saw a white gazelle. Notwithstanding the 
pains in my chest, I slid carefully from my camel, which I 
then drove slowly towards the gazelle until I came within rifle 
shot of my prey. All I could see was its head, but soon it was 
ours. At 12.30 P. M. we reached the western summit of Ab-al- 
K6s, which we had already observed from our base. We stayed 
there until 4.30, working on our map (temperature at 3: 26°C). 

The mountain spur running from Ab-al-K6s southwest 
is called al-Mkére‘e. The valleys of al--Emedijje and al-“Asejfir 
separate it from the hillocks of al-Ma‘ésre, which rise south- 
west of the ridge of al-Mu‘azzamijje. East of this and south 
of the village of ar-Rhejbe is a group of rough white hills 
named Arz al-Minkat‘e. Leading our camels by the reins, we 
descended the slope of al-Mkére‘e to the valley and, mounting 
again, came to our tent at 6.15 (temperature: 27.5°C). After 
supper Hsén received his wages and was discharged. He would 
gladly have remained,, because our tea and cigarettes were 
much to his taste, but we were all dissatisfied with him. He 
was obstinate and lazy. 


1-The Latin equivalents and brief characterizations of many Arabic botanical terms 
appearing in the text are given in the index. 

2 Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 756, mentions a hermitage in Syria called Kis, 
of which the poet Du-r-Rumma sang.—It may have been this very retreat near ‘Ajn ar-R&ahib, 
and it is likely that the mountain of-Ab-al-Kés was named after the hermit’s hut. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 15 


SOJOURN AT AN-NURI’S CAMP. 


Our herdsman, Harran, returned with the camels which 
had been at pasture, complaining that he was unable to walk 
in his new shoes. I had hired him for three megidijjat ($2.70) 
a month and two pairs of shoes a year. Mhammad had then 
taken him to the tent of a hawker and bought him shoes 
which he himself picked out; but, after wearing them for four 
days only, he showed us marks on his feet where they pinched 
him. As he had never worn shoes before and did not know 
how to walk in them they of course made his feet sore. 
Mhammad soaked the shoes in water, wrung them out, and 
ordered Harran to put them on once more and not to take 
them off even when going to sleep. Harran, who four days 
before had shown the shoes to all his friends and boasted 
that he would never again go barefoot, obeyed Mhammad’s 
order readily and the next morning came to us with the glad 
tidings that his feet and his shoes were at peace at last. 

Wednesday, October 7, 1908. Intending to work up the 
results of my two excursions, I stayed in my tent and gave 
a positive order that no one was to enter but the Prince and 
Nawwaf. The latter did not come until eight o’clock; he in- 
quired what success I had and begged me to visit his brother, 
Hafagi, the sick boy. He said that he had given him the med- 
icine on the first day until sunset and then, having to leave, 
had told the women to take care of him. This they had failed 
to do, excusing themselves by saying that they did not know 
which medicine to give or how to administer it. Hafagi was 
having a chill with high fever and was coughing. What was 
needed was nourishing, easily digestible food, but he did not 
even get milk, because his father’s she-camels were not yet 
back from pasture. The women fed him with bread soaked in 
melted butter, which caused him to vomit instantly. I then 
prepared a strong soup from Maggi’s extract and had it given 
to him in spoonfuls until evening. All other medicines he 
stubbornly refused. 

I sent ‘Abdallah to invite the Prince and Nawwaf to 
supper in my name, but the Prince came to me before sunset 
and asked me to sup with him, because he too had meat. He 
inquired what spoils I had brought from my raids (razwdan) 
and, when I showed him the stones, seeds, mosses, and plants 
that I had collected, he could not understand why I should 


16 PALMYRENA 


bother with such nonsense. On the way he told me that Ha- 
fagi had taken all the soup and felt much better. Giving him 
now the necessary medicine, I made some fresh soup. Hafagi 
lay in the women’s quarters on a dirty carpet, and nobody 
paid any attention to him. His mother, Mnife, Sattam’s daugh- 
ter, was busy preparing breakfast with her slave women; and 
his blind grandmother, Takla, daughter of Fajez eben Gandal 
and mother of Prince an-Niri, was quietly smoking her long 
pipe (raljvuin). Almost incessantly she drank coffee, which was 
handed to her by her slave woman sitting near by. After tell- 
ing Hafagi that he would soon ride his filly again, I went 
with the Prince to the men’s part (rab‘) of the tent. All those 
present rose and greeted me in a friendly way. A clean carpet 
would have been placed on the ground for me, but I sat down 
beside Nawwaf. Those present formed an oblong close about 
a blazing fire. On the narrow side of the oblong, close to the 
partition that separated the men’s from the women’s quar- 
ters, was spread a small rug with a riding camel’s saddle 
upon it. This was the seat of honor, reserved for the most 
distinguished guests, who sit with their arms leaning against 
the saddle. Along the lower side of the tent as well as along 
its back side, rugs were laid out on which were placed pack 
saddles (heddjeg). No carpets were spread on the open side 
of the tent, where the slaves, servants, or the poorer members 
of the clan sat or squatted. Nawwaf sat down by the lower 
side of the tent and leaned against a pack saddle. No sooner 
had I taken my place by his side than one of the slaves brought 
a quilt and pressed me to stand up again so that he could put 
it under me. The way to sit on the carpet is with the legs 
crossed. Everyone bade me welcome, one after another; then 
they inquired about my health and wanted to know what spoils 
I had brought from my raids. 

Hardly were the customary greetings over, when I was 
asked to look at my watch to see if “breakfast time was reign- 
ing (hakam al-ftur).’ A peddler who was there pulled out his 
watch to answer them, but nobody believed him because he 
stated that the sun would set in fourteen minutes, while I 
said it would set in only six minutes. The peddler claimed 
his time to be correct, since he had set his watch in Damas- 
cus, which he had left early that morning. But Fahad, Naw- 
wat’s father-in-law, thought this ridiculous and said: ‘So thou 
wouldst believe those lying people in Damascus, wouldst thou? 


WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 17 


Now we won’t take thy word at all, but will listen to Sheikh 
Musa, who believes only in the stars.” 

At the Prince’s command a negro now poured a few drops 
of water over the fingers of our right hands. In the mean- 
time four slaves had brought in a large pan (sahn) loaded 
with large thin pancakes (srd¢c). The pancakes were covered 
with a mixture of tomatoes and the meat, bones, and head 
of a goat. Over this melted butter was poured. Then the pan 
was placed between the fire and the partition, and the Prince 
laid out the pieces of meat in rows. The instant I announced 
“the sun has gone down, the breakfast time reigned’; the 
Prince invited me and eight others to rise and reach towards 
the pan with our hands. Kneeling on our left knees and 
sitting on our left heels, we unrolled our right sleeves and 
with the words “bismi-lladh” began to eat. The pan lay on 
plowed land, and all the invited guests knelt right on the 
ground. For me alone and with his own hands the Prince 
spread out the leathern cover from his horse saddle. Then 
with three fingers of our right hands we fished in the butter 
for bits of meat, rolled them together with bread into small 
balls, and put them into our mouths. After a few minutes 
we licked our fingers clean, stood up, and the Prince called 
other guests to the pan. He himself and Nawwaf sat down 
with them. A slave poured water over my hands that I might 
wash myself; but the others had to wipe both their fingers 
and mouths on the tent ropes. After paying another visit to 
Hafagi, I went to my tent with Nawwéaf, who stayed with 
me until almost midnight. 


THE BENI SAHR AND THE GOVERNMENT 


Thursday, October 8, 1908. The night was very damp, a 
thick fog covered the valley, and it was not until nine o’clock 
that the sun broke through. The rest of the day thin clouds 
were to be seen grouping themselves in the sky like large 
flocks of white lambs. I was working in my tent when ‘Ab- 
dallah reported that my friend and brother, Talal Pasha, was 
coming to pay me a visit. Talal eben Fajez, prince of the 
Beni Sahr, was an old acquaintance of mine; he had been a 
good friend and brother to me since 1896. He had come to 
Damascus not long before to settle some differences between 
his tribe and the Government. For a certain strictly stipu- 


18 PALMYRENA 


lated consideration his tribe used to guide pilgrim caravans 
from al-Mzérib to Ma‘an, lending them the necessary camels 
and guarding them from danger. Talal, whom the Govern- 
ment had appointed head chief of the Beni Sahr with the 
title of pasha, was also to receive a yearly salary; but since 
1906, when the Mecca pilgrims began to travel by railway, 
neither his salary nor the tribe’s subsidy (ma‘dSe) had been 
paid. In addition to this the Government had declared the 
country west of the railway to be its own property and had 
also demanded from the felldhin cultivating the land there 
the annual rent which until then they had paid to the Beni 
Sahr. These people started to mutiny and threatened to de- 
stroy the railway tracks leading through their territory; but 
the mutasarref (governor of the Turkish sanjak) of al-Kerak 
leagued himself against them with the Hwétat and Beni “Atijje, 
defeated them, and drove them back into the desert. Talal 
complained of the Government’s ingratitude, claiming that he 
had always been loyal, that with his help alone the Govern- 
ment had obtained possession of the settlements of al-Belka’ 
and Ma‘an, and that if it had not been for him the Turkish 
engineers could not have built the Hegaz tracks as easily as 
they did. He warned the Government not to play with his 
kinsmen, lest they, compelled by hunger and want, should rob 
the settlers, attack the trains, and destroy the railway bridges. 
Having been invited by the governor, he went to Damascus 
in the middle of September to consult with several officials, 
but he accomplished nothing. The governor had inquired in 
Constantinople what was to be done with the Beni Sahr, had 
received no answer, and is said to have told Talal: “Constanti- 
nople, our head, is sick. Who there now cares for a thorn stick- 
ing into our foot?” 

‘Abdarrahman Pasha Jtsef, the emir al-hdgg or chief 
overseer of the pilgrim caravans, had told Talal of my pres- 
ence in the camp of Prince an-Nfri eben Sa‘lan, and, since 
Talal also wished to consult with the latter, he had come from 
Damascus to Dmejr. After spending the night with the Prince, 
he paid me a visit before noon. He had grown quite old since 
the last time I had seen him, and his face bore the marks of 
great worry. He was very bitter against the governor and 
said he did not know what his kinsmen might yet compel him 
to do. After conversing with him, I visited him in the Prince’s 
tent and gave him a letter to Jerusalem in order that he might 


WADI AL-~ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 19 


obtain there six thousand loaded cartridges for the Mann- 
licher carbines of which I had made him a present in 1901. 
The cartridges had been deposited in his name with a friend 
of mine. 

The rest of the time I spent in arranging my cartographic 
material with the help of Taman. Nawwaf did not put in an 
appearance until after sunset and then only to scold me for 
forgetting all about Hafagi. To excuse myself I told him that 
the Prince had assured me that Hafagi was in good spirits 
and felt hungry. Nawwaf again complained that he himself 
was feverish and headachy, which was not to be wondered at 
considering that he had been eating and drinking coffee with 
his slaves all through the chilly and damp night in order not 
to be hungry or thirsty during the hot day. As long as the 
Rwala camped near Dmejr, where their tents were visited by 
the neighboring settlers, they were obliged to keep the rama- 
zan fast. 


NEWS FROM THE DOMAIN OF EBEN RASID 


Nawwaf told me that two merchants from al-Gowf had 
brought his father strange news from the domain of Eben 
RaSid, which had been full of unrest since the death of Prince 
Met‘eb eben ‘Abdal‘aziz eben ‘Abdallah. In 1906 ‘Abdal‘aziz had 
been defeated and killed on the plain of at-Tarfijje in the 
northeastern part of al-Kasim. As soon as the report of his 
death had reached HAajel, his son Met‘eb had been proclaimed 
his successor; but his mother’s brothers, Sultan, Sa‘td, and Fej- 
sal, sons of Hmtd son of ‘Obejd, had killed him and his whole 
family, with the exception of his brother Sa‘td, a boy of six. 
Sa‘td was son of ‘Abdal‘aziz’s second wife, who was a member 
of the Eben Subhan family. The boy had been saved by a 
faithful slave and had fled with the relatives of his mother 
to al-Medina, where he was being brought up. Sultan had then 
become prince of Hajel, but in May, 1908, he in his turn had 
been deposed, imprisoned, and murdered by his brother Sa‘ud, 
who then became prince. Taking advantage of the dissensions 
that followed, the adherents of the fallen ‘Abdal‘aziz had 
brought his son Sa‘id, now eight years old, from al-Medina 
and proclaimed him prince. Supported by several clans, they 
had marched on Hajel and laid siege to the town. Their parti- 
sans among the inhabitants had then opened the gates to 


20 PALMYRENA 


them and had killed Prince Sa‘td with all his following. It 
was stated that Fejsal eben RaSid, the governor of the oasis 
of al-Gowf, to whom I had several letters of introduction, had 
also been slain, but this proved to be untrue. Fejsal fled with 
his family to Prince Eben Sa‘ad at ar-Rijad. 

Friday and Saturday, October 9 and 10, 1908. By this time 
Taman and I had worked up the material gathered on our 
two excursions and had made a sketch map of the vicinity. 
We now started to make ready for a new trip, which was to 
last from fifteen to twenty days, and to get together our pro- 
visions for this time. But when I examined our baggage for 
the necessary stock of food, I noticed that we had used up 
too much food during the last fortnight. “Abdallah, who had 
charge of our stores, maintained that it was impossible to 
live more frugally than we had done, and the servant Farag 
impudently reproached everyone with niggardliness who had 
enough and would not let others share with him. They both 
called on Allah to judge between themselves and me, who ac- 
cused them of dishonest manipulations. I said that I could not 
understand how we could have consumed three rotols (almost 
eight kilograms) of sugar in two weeks, when during all that 
time I had had tea only three times in my tent, nor how we 
could have eaten up twenty kilograms of butter, over one 
hundred kilograms of flour, fifty kilograms of burrul (husked 
wheat), etc.; and that I could not see how our provisions would 
last us from ten to twelve months if we managed no better 
than during the last fortnight. At that Farag started laugh- 
ing and bade me buy fresh provisions and more camels to 
carry them, averring that they could live no differently from 
heretofore. I then learned from Mhammad and Taman that 
“Abdallah and Farag were in the habit of making tea twice 
or even three times a night; that they-made presents of bread 
and burrul to their friends; that Farag drank melted butter 
instead of water, and threw to the dogs all that remained 
over from supper. I felt vexed that ‘Abdallah, whom my friends 
had recommended to me so warmly and who should have been 
my confidant and supporter, had made common cause with 
the black liar, Farag, and that, like Farag, he was cheating 
and deceiving’ me. 

Sunday, October 11, 1908. I wished very much to visit 
the still unexplored territory north and south of Palmyra, 
because I was not sure that it would be possible to do so later 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE _21 


on. The Prince and Nawwéaf tried to dissuade me from this, 
declaring that the region was the camping ground of their 
chief enemies and was also infested by many bands of ma- 
rauders, who could easily attack, rob, and even kill me; but 
when I stood firmly by my purpose Nawwaf gave me his 
young slave, ‘Abdallah, for a companion. We took only enough 
provisions for about fifteen or twenty days, because we wished 
to return from al-Kastal by way of Palmyra. In the morning 
Nawwaf called me and begged me to be careful not to put 
myself in any danger. The saddling of the animals and the 
loading of the provisions lasted quite a while, because neither 
of my servants ‘Abdallah and Farag was willing to help. They 
merely sat a little way off and gave us advice. I intended to 
take two pack camels: one to carry two large water bags and 
one to carry our baggage, since I did not want to overburden 
our riding animals. But ‘Abdallah complained that he would 
lack camels necessary for the baggage that we left behind if 
I were to take two animals, assuring me that in Palmyrena 
we should find water enough, that on our road we should 
pass one well after another, and that, therefore, we need not 
take with us an extra animal to carry the water. I let myself 
be persuaded and, in order to reduce our baggage as much 
as possible, I left my 13 X 18 cm. photographic apparatus in 
the tent — something that I soon regretted. Besides the negro 
‘Abdallah, Taman and Mhammad were to accompany me, and 
a guide with local knowledge, whom we meant to find for our- 
selves. 


CHAPTER Il 


WADI AL-“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA BY WAY OF ‘UZERIBAT 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO GEBB AS-SAHR; GERUD 


On Sunday, October 11, 1908, at eight o’clock I left my 
tent, not without anxiety. The bitter experience of the last 
few days with my servants Farag and ‘Abdallah had disturbed 
my mind to such an extent that I decided to dismiss both of 
them and find new servants. I could not hire any among the 
Rwala, since I should constantiy have had my tent full of their 
friends and visitors. To get servants in Damascus was equally 
impossible, because I knew that townspeople were not of much 
use in the desert. Therefore I wished to go to al-Zerjitejn, 
where I had friends who could find me men on whom I could 
rely. I made up my mind to stop there at the beginning of 
the trip, find a servant,.and take him with me until I returned 
again. 

From the tent we went north along the al-‘Asejfir creek 
and after a few minutes turned northeast to the valley of al- 
“Emedijje. 

Numerous short se“bdn coming from the al-Hagtle ridge and con- 
verging in the plain of Gertid combine to form the valley of al- Asejfir. 
Beginning near.the village of ar-Rhejbe, the valley is watered by a stream 
which has cut its way through the white hillocks of al-Minkat‘e on the 
east and al-Ma‘ésre on the west. On the southern slope of al-Ma ésre 
there bubbles out the sulphur spring al-Méabrat, the water of which 
later joins with the al-‘Asejfir creek and supplies power to numerous 
small mills. The se%b of al-‘Emedijje, which enters al-‘Asejfir on the left, 
rises in the low cross-ridge Zemlet al--Amara, which connects the crest 
of al-Fasla with the spur of Batra to the north; al-“-Emedijje then breaks 
through the rolling land of al-Msejriha, which is bounded by the moun- 
tains of al-Morar and ad-Dahab. Beyond this al-"Emedijje receives on the 
left the se%b of al-Mkejmen, which rises in the ridge of az-Zbejdi; farther 
west it receives, also.on the left, the narrow Se%b of al-Bab; it then 
separates the slope of al-Mkére‘e from the dome-shaped al-Minkat‘e hills, 
and finally joins the valley of al-‘Asejfir near a large mill. 


At 9.42 we left the Se%b of al-"-Emedijje to go north, as 
we were trying to find the camp of the ‘Umdtr tribe, from 
among whom we wished to take a guide. One hour later we 


22 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 23 


saw the gardens of the village of ar-Rhejbe and, heading north- 
northeast, entered a large lowland in which we rested near the 
Gebb as-Sahr wells from 12.08 to 2.14 P. M. This lowland is 
shut in on the north by the high mountain chain of al-Ha- 
Sle, al-Hakla, and Se‘eb al-Léz. At its base, by the as- -Sultani 
road, lie the settlements and gardens of Geriid, al-Wasta, al- 
‘Atne, an-Nasrijje, and Kena Gowha. 

The run-off from the whole surrounding country finds 
its way into the lowland in which these settlements lie. Water 
remains under the top soil, thus assuring crops both in the 
large gardens and in the smaller cultivated tracts. Salt works 
in the vicinity also help to provide a living for the popula- 
tion, which at Gerid numbers about three thousand.® 


3 Of the older history of Gerfid not much remains. The classical authorities called the 
place Geroda. 

According to the Antonine Itinerary, 196: 1, Geroda (var., Cheroda, Gerosa) was a 
station on the road from Eumari (Hawwarin) to Damascus. It did not belong to Palmyrena. 

In 451 A. D. the metropolitan Theodore of Damascus signed the decrees of the Council 
of Chalcedon in the name of his suffragan Peter from the town of Coradaei (Lat. text: 
Coradaenorum), and this same ‘‘Petrus episcopus Coradensis” in 458 joined in a petition 
from the bishops of the province of Phoenicia to the emperor Leo (Harduin, Conciliorum 
collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 2, cols. 485f., 720). 

“Eulogius episcopus Danabon”’ and ‘‘Theodorus episcopus Coradensium”’ participated 
in the fifth oecumenical synod in Constantinople in 553 (Mansi, Concilia [1759—1798], Vol. 9, 
col. 394). That Coradaei and Coradensis can refer to no other place than Geroda (Gerfid) 
is evident from the list of bishops subordinate to Theodore, the metropolitan of Damascus, 
as Harduin, op. cit., col. 486, recorded them. These were: ‘‘Joannes civitatis Palmyrae,”’ 
““Cochena civitatis Danaborum”’ (var., ‘‘Dada Chonacharorum’’), ‘‘Eusebius civitatis Jabru- 
dorum,’’ ‘‘Theodorus civitatis Dabrorum,”’ ‘“‘Abraamius civitatis Alanorum” (var., “Arlano- 
rum’’), and “Petrus civitatis Coradaenorum.” The Greek text has, instead of ‘‘Cochena 
civitatis Danaborum,” ‘‘Dada poleos Chonacharon’”’; and, instead of ‘‘Abraamius civitatis 
Alanorum,” ‘‘Abraamios poleos Archaon.”’ — Instead of ‘‘Cochena civitatis Danaborum’’ 
should stand ‘‘Dadas episcopus Chomocharenus”. (or ‘“‘Chonacharon’’), as is indicated by this 
bishop’s signature recorded in Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 2, col. 720, and by the variations 
(Mansi, op. cit., Vol. 7, col. 169): ‘“‘Dadapoles Chona Charon,” ‘‘Dadacrum bonocha,” ‘‘Da- 
dacorum bonocha.” The settlement of Conna lay between Laodicia Scabiosa and Heliopolis, 
where Ras Ba‘albekk is now situated. I. Benzinger (Pauly~Wissowa, Realencyclopddie, Vol. 7, 
col. 1547) gives the names ‘‘Chomokara,” ‘“Comoara,”’ and ‘‘Chorokara,” -although none of 
these can be found either in Le Quien, Oriens christianus (1740), Vol. 2, col. 848, from whom 
he quotes, or in Harduin or Mansi. Benzinger, loc. cit., would identify al-Kara with the Coara 
and Goaria of Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14: 14 and,19; this, however, is impossible, as Coara 
lay in Chalcidice and Goaria in Palmyrena, whereas a town on the present site of al-Kara 
would have been located by Ptolemy in Laodicene. A similar observation applies to the 
identification of al-Kara with the Coara given as the seat of the Bishop Gerontius, who 
signed the decision of the Nicene Council in 325; ‘‘Gerontius episcopus Coarae’’ was one of 
the bishops of Syria, but al-Kara lies in what was the province of Phoenicia of those times. 
After all, the reading ‘‘Coarae’’ is not correct. Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 1, col. 314, gives 
“TLeontius Larissenus’’ and Gelzer, Patrum nicaenorum nomina (1898), pp. 18f., gives in the 
Latin text ‘“‘Carison,” ‘‘Carisiensis,” ‘‘Larisa,”’ (var., ‘‘Charisson,” ‘‘Cariensis,’’ ‘‘Lurissae’’), 
but in all the other texts (op. cit., pp. 60, 68, 85, 103) ‘‘Larissa.’’ Moritz, Palmyrene, p. 22, 
note 38, writes that Kara must be identical with the ‘‘Charran”’ of Le Quien, op. cit., Vol. 2, 
cols. 849 f., and this because the latter place was situated in Coele-Syria. But the Christian town 
of Kara never was in Coele-Syria, for the country around it, since about 195 A. D., had been 
a part of the praetorian province of Syria Phoenices. Thus Ulpian (Corpus iuris civilis, 
Digesta, L, 15:1, writes that the Emperor Septimius Severus granted jus. coloniae to 
““Emisene civitati Phoenices.”’ In Le Quien, loc. cit., reference is made to the Christian 
Arabian writer, Theodore Abu Kara, bishop of Charran, a town lying several hundred kilo- 
meters northeast of al-Kara (see Migne, Patrol. graeca, Vol. 97, col. 1446). 

In some manuscripts relating to the synod at Constantinople in 553 instead of ‘‘Theo- 
dorus civitatis Dabrorum”’ we have the variants (Mansi, op. cit., Vol. 7, col. 169) ‘‘Danaborum”’ 
or “Dababorum,” and the bishop signs (Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 2, col. 720) ‘‘Theodorus 
episcopus Castridanabeni,” that is, ‘bishop of Danaba Fort,’ or the al-Basiri of today. 

In considering the name ‘‘Alanorum” with its variants (Mansi, loc. cit.) ‘‘Arlanorum,”’ 
‘““Archaorum,” or ‘‘Uranensis’ (Harduin, loc. cit.), we are led to the ‘“‘Archaon”’ of the Greek 


24 PALMYRENA 


On the southeast, south, and northeast the lowland of 
Gerid is shut in by the following elevations in order from 
south to north: the mountain spurs of al-Hwa’ and al-Min- 
kat‘e; the height of Tell ad-Dahab; the low ridge of Batra, 
the broad Zemlet ‘Omar Ara, and the spurs of the high black 
mountain of al-Rurab. Nearly in the center of the lowland 
lies the salina Mellaha Geriid, which is about three and a half 
kilometers long by three kilometers wide. The environs of the 
Mellaha, which receives its water from about two-thirds of 
the whole lowland, are saturated with salt. In many places 
gypsum is mined. On the edges of the salina about fifteen 
small houses had been put up for the guards. 


GEBB AS-SAHR TO AL-RURAB. THE ‘UMUR 


Between the Gebb as-Sahr and the salina we passed a 
government building, the residence of the salt procurer. 

West of the Gebb as- -Sahr by the spring ‘Ujan al-Clab 
stood the tents of the Rijat clan of the “‘Umutr tribe. From 
among them I hired a guide named Nazzal eben ‘Ali. 


The ‘Umtir’s camping grounds lie between Til al-‘ljat, al-Zerjitejn, 
and Tudmor. The tribe numbers about six hundred tents and consists of 
the following clans: 

al-Rijat (chief : Gasem eben Mihbas) 

Al abu Harba’ (al-Harbawi) ( ,,  SlaS walad ‘Err) 

Al Hersan ( , Sultan eben Mihbas) 

Maharse ( ,  ‘Addab eben Nowman) 

Al ‘Eléwi ( ,,  Swélem eben Slejjem) 

al-Burku’ ( , Farag al Dur‘an) 

Al Garrah ( ,,  Rubejje’ eben Gedii‘) 

Al Hamis ( , Saleh eben Cerh) 

Al Hasan ( ,,  Halaf eben Matlak) 

Al RaSed ( ,  Sejran eben RaSed) 
Furra‘ ( , Satid eben Melhem). 
(This last clan camps with the chief Eben Mezjed [or Eben Melhem] of 

the al-Hsene tribe.) 


text, the ‘‘Adacha”’ (from ‘‘Aracha’’) of Ptolemy, the ‘‘Harac”’ of the Peutinger Table, and 
to the modern Arak, twenty-five kilometers northeast of Palmyra. Thus we see that the 
settlements of Arak, Palmyra, and Danaba to the northeast, and of Jabrad and Conna (Ras 
Ba‘albekk) to the northwest of Coradaei (Korada: Gerodai or Gertid) were under the juris- 
diction of the metropolitan of Damascus. 

The Syriac manuscripts (Wright, Catalogue [1870—1872], pp. 709, col. 2; 712, col. 2) 
mention Kuradoje’. Noldeke, Topographie (1875), p. 424, connects Kuradoje® with the Kurds, 
which is impossible, as ‘‘Kuradoje’” is written with K and “Kurd” with K (ef. Wright, 
op. cit., p. 880, col. 2). 

In 743 Jazid (Yazid) ibn al-Walid, the adversary of the caliph Walid II, left his 
country seat near al-Kastal (at-Tabari, Ta°rth [De Goeje], Ser. 2, p. 1788) and, escorted by 
seven men, rode secretly on a donkey to Damascus, a journey of four days. In Gerad, a 
day’s march from Damascus, the people gave him food. The following night he arrived in 
Damascus, where he was proclaimed Caliph. — 


WADI AL“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 25 


Our guide led us northeast along the southern edge of 
the salina, which shone like an ice field of wondrous beauty; 
the reflection of the sun’s rays from it almost blinded us. The 
salty soil changes gradually into a sandy tract. East of the 
Mellaha the plain is covered many meters deep with drifts of 
white sand, so fine and shifting that everything sinks in when 
placed upon it. These drifts are called at-Tu‘ts. Out of the sand 
rise countless remnants of harder sandstone, so grotesquely 
Shaped that from afar they look like the ruins of a great 
city. These fantastic shapes undoubtedly inspired the popular 
tradition that on the very place where the salina now extends 
once stood Lot’s city, which for the greater part has sunken 
below the surface. The sand between the rocks forms either 
level or hollowed surfaces, on which no one has ever set foot. 
It seemed as if even our camels instinctively felt the danger 
lurking in these places, for they steadily made for the south 
and shied when we urged them to go nearer the sand drifts. 
West of at-Tu‘ts we noticed the gardens of the settlement of 
an-Nasrijje. To the north were many wells and small ruins 
ealled al-Magrune or al-Magnitne, by the side of which a clan 
of the Weld ‘Ali was camping. Although we rode at a con- 
siderable distance from their tents, a Weléd‘i, who took us 
for itinerant traders, came and demanded the fee which is 
always exacted from strangers passing through the territory 
of some tribes. Not succeeding in his errand, he returned with 
a wry face to his people. 

As our camels had found no pasture at noon, we stopped 
at 4.26 by the foot of the Batra ridge (temperature: 20° C), 
where rite, sith, romt, mwassal, and other perennials (Sagar) 
grew in abundance. Taking off the baggage we aired the sad- 
dles a little, tied the reins tight to the girths, and handed 
the animals over to Nazzal. Mhammad gathered dried camel 
manure (gelle), by which he baked bread and cooked burrul 
(husked wheat). ‘Abdallah prepared our coffee. Timan climbed 


If the distance between Damascus and Geriid is thus determined as a day’s march, it 
is evident that Yazid’s country seat should not to be looked for near the settlement of al- 
Kastal lying 16 kilometers north-northwest of Gerad, but in the vicinity of the al-Kastal 
ruins 140 kilometers northeast of Gertd. 5 

Jaktit, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 65, places Gertid in the administrative district 
of Ma‘lila’ of the political district Rata Dimask. 

Ibn Hallikan (al-Makrizi, Sulik [Quatremére’s transl.], Vol. 1, Part 2, pp. 262f.) 
writes that Gerad is a settlement in the political district of Damascus in the direction of 
Homs and that in that region there are many wild asses; also that there is a hill there, the 
summit of which is at all times enveloped with haze-like smoke, wherefore it is called al- 
Mudabhen (the smoking one). — 

It is interesting to note that as late as the end of the thirteenth century there were 
still so many wild asses about Gerad. The hill of al-Mudahhen is undoubtedly identical with 
Abu Rubah, seventy kilometers northeast of Gertd. 


26 PALMYRENA 


the nearest hill with me and sketched a map of the vicinity. 
After sunset Nazzal brought the camels home from the pas- 
ture, and we made them kneel about our camp and tied the: 
left lez of each above the knee, lest she run away. After 
a while a shepherd joined us and spent the night with us, 
together with his flock of about a hundred head of sheep. 

Monday, October 12, 1908. The night was again very cold. 
The sheep lying about us had risen after midnight and gone 
to their pasture. The camels became restless; therefore we 
got up at five o’clock and untied them so that they could 
graze; then we prepared breakfast and at 6.10 A. M. were on 
the road. We now went through a valley bounded on the 
north by the elevation Zemlet ‘Omar Ara and on the south by 
the ridge of Batra and its spurs Nktb al-Bir and Lassafet 
az-Zab*. 

We were all eager for some warming rays of sunshine, 
because the temperature was only 5.2°C; but the sun failed 
to show itself. No sooner had its first rays given a rosy tinge 
to the summits of the mountain range of Se‘eb al-Léz to the 
north than they again disappeared behind thick clouds. The 
color of the summits then became dark blue, almost black, 
and that of the sky a dirty yellow. A stiff, chilling wind from 
the east kept blowing our cloaks and thin shirts, uncovering 
our bare knees, and making us feel still colder. 

At seven o’clock we heard growling and stamping behind 
us and saw thick clouds of dust, which enveloped hundreds 
— nay, thousands — of camels, running with the utmost speed 
to the northeast. Frightened by something, they had broken 
away from their herdsmen, and we had to hold our animals 
as tight as we could lest they also follow the bad example 
and run away. Turning eastwards, we observed many herds 
rolling together avalanche-like to the northeast. Each herd 
was led by an old she-camel, now pacing, now trotting, and 
now madly galloping ahead. The other animals of her herd 
followed her example. My companions alighted and ran to- 
wards the camels, coaxing them, calling them to come near 
and graze. Some of them wanted to obey and turned in our 
direction, but they were only swept along by the rest of the 
herd. Their herdsmen rode after them, both on horseback and 
on camels, trying to get ahead of them by making a wide 
detour. When the men reached our troop, they jumped off their 
mounts and left them in our care; then, throwing off their 


WADI AL-~ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA ae 


cloaks, they ran as fast as they could to their respective herds, 
forcing them either south or northward to make them lose 
sight of the other herds. But only one succeeded in getting 
his herd to the foot of Zemlet ‘Omar Ara, behind a small ele- 
vation whence the other fugitives could no longer be seen. 
For a while the frightened animals ran about, trembling, but 
soon became quiet again and began to graze. The other herds 
went on running for about twenty kilometers farther to the 
northeast, until they were stopped by a number of riders from 
the Esage‘a clan. As long as the various herds were rushing 
by us and until they had disappeared from the horizon, it was 
difficult for us to keep in the saddle and not be thrown off by 
the rearing animals. The Bedouin says, not without reason, that 
there are eleven thousand devils in the head of every camel. 

On our right we noticed numerous paths leading through 
the passes Nkub al-Bir to the wells Bijar abu Hjaja. At 9.02 
we reached the defile Tenijjet Maksar walad Nimr, which 
separates the broad elevation Zemlet ‘Omar Ara from the al- 
Rurab mountain. Here we saw a flock of more than fifty ga- 
zelles, which disappeared quickly. The plain through which 
we were passing ascends gradually towards the northeast. At 
9.30 we arrived at the watershed between the Mellaha Geriid 
and the rain pool Habra az-Zab* to the east. This pool lies in a 
rocky hollow on the western edge of the Dawwat az-Zab‘ basin, 
shut in on the north by the al-Rurab mountain and its spurs, 
al-‘Enejz and al-Mhasse, on the east by the two dark, isolated 
hills, al--Abd and al-‘Abde, on the southeast and south by the 
border mountain chain of ar-Rawak already mentioned, and 
on the southwest by the ridge of az-Zbejdi, with its spur Zem- 
let ‘Omar Ara. 

As the summit of the high mountain of al-Rurab was 
visible both from the Ab-al-Gerwe and Ab-al-Kés summits, 
we meant to extend our triangles from it farther east and 
northeast. For this reason we tried to ride by a zigzag route, 
keeping as high up as possible; this was also beneficial to our 
camels, since the higher, the better the pasture. But as one 
of our animals had fallen by eleven o’clock, unable to go any 
farther, we had to stop and try to reach the summit on foot. 
Accompanied by Nazzal and burdened with the necessary in- 
struments and drinking water, we crawled rather than walked 
for fully forty-six minutes before attaining the summit (temper- 
aiure: 23 .C). 


28 PALMYRENA 


The view, however, rewarded us richly for our exertions. On the 
southwest there shone like a burning lake of ice the salt surface of the 
Mellaha Gertid, bounded on the east by almost blood-colored rocky bluffs, 
partly covered by rosy sand. The gardens of an-N4srijje, “Atna, and Ge- 
rad stood out like dark green islands in the grayish-yellow bottom land, 
through which ran, like a yellow ribbon, the as-Sultani road, connecting 
Damascus with Palmyra. Northeast of the hamlet of an-Nasrijje, past 
the dilapidated watchtower Kal‘at al-Hamra and the demolished Han 
Gnejzel,‘ a branch road leads northward through the gap Tenijjet al- Hakla. 

Northeast of the defile of al-Hakla is the mountain chain called 
Se‘eb al-Léz. Its southern slope is not as steep as that of the border 
chain of ar-Rawak. Clearly to be seen were two terraces which broaden 
out still more at about the center of the Se‘eb al-Léz, east of the defile 
of az-Za‘tnijje, and then run southeast. Above the last-mentioned defile, 
towering far to the northwest, stands the sharp cone Halimt al- -Kara, 
the highest point in this part of the country. To the northeast the Se‘eb 
al-L6z sinks into a wide ridge called Rawdabi-t-Tahin and ends in a broad 
height, MaSkikt Mhin. South of the Se‘eb al-Léz runs the valley of al- 
Kalabijjat, which begins east of the road leading from the Han al-Abjaz 
to the gap of a8-Se‘eb. This valley is shut in on the south by the al-Ru- 
rab mountain and its spur, al-‘EnejZ, as well as by the low domes of Rus 
at-Twal, al-Mzejble, and al-Gbejl. South of these a chain of hills reaches 
eastward to the ar-Rawak range, a northern spur of which, the black 
mountain of al-Barde, appeared widely separated from the southern black 
mountain of Ratttis and the yellowish Kehle. Southwest of the last-named 
the chain of ar-Rawak is called Gebel an-Nusrani; above its low, flat ridge 
rise the broad summits of ‘Ade and ar-Rm&ah and between these those of 
Kal‘at Tejr. Gebel an-Nusrani extends southwest almost to the defile of 
ad-Delle, to the southwest of which stretches the mountain of al-Butmi, 
on the west separated by the al-Wazha gap from the Hejmtr mountain. 
The Hejmtr reaches to the gap Tenijjet al-Jabarde, above which rise 
on the west the mountains Ma‘raz al-Krejze and on the east the high az- 
Zbejdi. To the southwest of the last named we sighted the whitewashed 
stone pyramids built by us on the tops of Ab-al-Gerwe and Ab-al-Kés. 
Through the al-Wazha gap the yellowish walls of the Han al-Manktra 
ruin could be seen. 


The top of al-Rurab is bare rock, without anything grow- 
ing there at all except a few stunted swéddt bushes hidden 
among the rocks. Our guide spoke of ibexes often coming there 
in great numbers, but we did not see any. 


AL-RURAB TO HAN AL-MANKURA 


Having finished our work with the theodolite, we re- 
turned to our men, loaded the baggage, and departed at 4.17 
(temperature: 20.1°C). At first we led our animals because 


4 Gnejzel is identical with GulejZel, which Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 109, asserts was 
a khan two days from Damascus on the desert road to al-Karjatan. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 29 


of the steep slope, and we did not mount again until we reached 
the plain Dawwat az-Zab‘; then we hurried as fast as we could 
southeast to the gap Tenijjet al-Wazha. When we rode here 
between two camps of the ESsage‘a, subjects of the chief Eben 
Me‘Sgel, two riders demanded tribute of us for passing through. 
Recognizing me, they apologized and invited me to dismount 
and enter the tents as their guest; but this I declined with 
thanks. 

I accepted hospitality only when it was absolutely neces- 
sary, and even then I gave orders not to put our baggage in 
our host’s tent but to leave it outside, next to the men’s com- 
partment. Preferably I lodged in a lonely hollow and, if this 
were not possible, at a distance from some camp, but never 
in a tent. He who enters a tent has to adapt himself to the 
customs of the country, to wait for his supper until almost 
midnight, and after supper to sit by the fire again and take 
part in the conversation. For his bed the host allots him rugs 
and covers, which are seldom, if ever, clean; and then he has 
to lie among the other guests. In the morning the esteemed 
guest must not leave without breakfast and has to wait with 
patience while it is leisurely prepared for him after sunrise. Be- 
fore he can seat himself on his animal the servant stretches 
out his hand and the host, too, expects the guest to pay 
for the cost of his entertainment. The negro or the servant 
who makes the coffee must also receive at least one megidijje 
(90 cents). So the noble guest has to give something to every- 
body; and in addition he has to give thanks for the favor done 
him and praise the liberality of the tent when he finally leaves, 
thankful to get away, though still hungry and sleepy. 

Searcely had we pitched our camp at 5.32 (temperature: 
18°C) about two kilometers south of the Esage‘a encamp- 
ments when the stout chief Naser eben Me‘gel came to us on 
horseback with a barefooted servant trotting behind him. He 
sat down on my rug and inquired why I did not honor his 
tent by entering it as his guest. He then began to boast both 
of his wealth and generosity and to entreat me to order my 
men to load our baggage on the camels again and go to him. 
His companion expressed regret at not having heard of our 
arrival sooner, since they would have ridden out to meet me 
and have arranged a sham battle (le‘eb al-hejl) in my honor. 
Soon afterwards three more chiefs arrived, all of whom sat 
down by me and then ate and drank with us, meanwhile in- 


350 PALMYRENA 


viting us to get up at once and go to them, where we should 
be treated like princes. When supper was over the chief, nes- 
tling still closer to me, whispered: 

“An-Nari eben Sa‘lan is a chief and I, Naser eben Me‘éel, 
am likewise a chief. Give me a few piasters that I may buy 
a cloak (‘aba)”; to which I replied: 

“T know very well that thou, Naser eben Me‘gel, art also 
a chief, and I will gladly give thee a present worthy of thyself, 
but not here nor in this manner. Come to my tent some time 
and there all thou wishest shall be ready for thee, if it be 
Allah’s will (in 8a allah). Hearing this, the chief got up and 
rode away with his men without a word. But we all exclaimed 
“al-hamdu lillah” that Allah had ridden us of such hosts. 

Tuesday, October 13, 1908. The minimum temperature 
shown by our thermometer was 0.3° C. This made us get up 
as early as 4.40 A.M. and, after warming ourselves a little, 
take to our saddles at 5.48 and go east-southeast over the 
plain Dawwat az-Zab‘ to the al-Wazha gap. After sunrise the 
temperature rose to 3.1°C. To the southwest the somewhat 
long but low height of Tarak at-[mede was to be seen and 
behind it two rocks, Idan ad-Dib, projecting above the wells 
of Abu Hjaja. Our guide showed me a rift in the northern 
slope of the az-Zbejdi mountain, where there is a well, Gebb 
az-Zbejdi, a favorite meeting place for small robber bands. 
South of this well a road leads through the pass of an-Nijas 
to the basin of al-Mkejmen and to Dmejr. Another well, Gebb 
al-Fa‘i, is located at the beginning of the al-Jabarde gap but 
has little water in it. The plain which rises slowly towards 
the south was covered with small bunches of hudrdf, just 
then in blossom. This plant is from five to ten centimeters 
high, has a single stem bearing a corolla from three to six 
centimeters wide and almost round, and flowers in nearly all 
shades of color with the exception of blue and black. 

At seven o’clock we reached the al-Wazha gap separating 
the highland of al-Butmi on the east from that of Hejmtr 
on the west. Another defile branches off to the west-south- 
west, winding between the mountains of Hejmtr on the east 
and al-CabS on the west and leading to a basin about three 
kilometers in width bounded by the mountains of al-Cabi, al- 
Hanejzir, and Ma‘raz al-Krejze. Having reached the highest 
point of the first defile at 7.50, we followed the Se%b of al- 
Manktra, through which the run-off flows down to the rain 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 31 


pond of as-Subejée. Here and there in the rocky river bed 
artificial hollows were to be seen and on its banks luxuriantly 
growing rite. The slopes here are not steep but very stony. 
At 8.46 we found a strong wall across the se%b and east of 
it an artificial aqueduct, where we halted at 8.50 in order to 
start afoot to the Han al-Manktra. But as the al-Wazha gap 
affords a very convenient connection between the north and 
the south sides of the range and the ESage‘a were camped due 
north of it, we feared that marauders of the Ahali al-Gebel 
might be lurking somewhere near. For this reason we hid 
our camels in a deep gully and sent ‘Abdallah to a high pile 
of stones not far off to watch the whole neighborhood. Leaving 
Mhammad with the camels and the baggage and taking the 
necessary instruments, the rest of us went to the ruins, at a 
distance of about six hundred paces south. 

The Han al-Manktra lies on the southern base of the 
al-Butmi mountains. To the south, southeast, and southwest 
a vast rolling plain spreads out, bounded on the northeast 
by the mountains Kehle, Khejle, and ar-Rmah, and east of 
these by the table mountain ‘Ade. In the plain east of the 
ruins rises the long height Tarak abu Dalje, which runs from 
southwest to northeast. Far to the southwest the black Tlul 
al-Ijat could be seen. 

The Roman fort known as the Han al-Manktra (Figs. 3 
and 4) forms a rectangle approximately 90 meters long from 
west to east by 82 meters wide. The rampart wall, which is 
2.2 meters thick, is strengthened at each corner by a rounded 
tower. From the centers of the north and south sides similar 
towers rise; there are also two towers each on the western 
and eastern sides, between which gates lead into the fort. 
No traces of walls can be seen within the yard. Behind the 
fortress, by the southwest corner, a reservoir was built 63 
meters long from north to south by 43 meters wide, divided 
by a wall into two unequal parts. In the smaller northern 
part, the rain water was caught and the sediment deposited, 
while the cleared water flowed over the wall into the south- 
ern part.° 


5 The Han al-Mankdra I consider to be the Roman station of Casama shown on the 
Peutinger Table (Vienna, 1888), Segm. 10, and the Kusam of the Arabic authorities. 

Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 124, repeats older reports that Kusam is a place in the 
desert near Syria, but that it belongs to Irak; and that Haled on his march to Syria passed 
there before reaching Tadmur. — Jakdat traveled through Palmyrena, visited al-Zerjitejn 
and apparently Tudmor also, but he was ignorant of the location of the watering place of 
Kusam. It is thus evident that even before his time Kusam must have received another name. 


PALMYRENA 


RS 
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= = 
> = 

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Ss 3 
es 
YS 
» = 
vs = 
\ Ss 
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x = 
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x 
= 
: | 
RY 


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Fic. 3—Han al-Manktra and environs, plan. 


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WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 


THE HAN AL-MANKURA TO AL-ZERJITEJN 


Returning to our baggage at 11.86, we found it already 
loaded and the camels prepared for departure. After having 
drunk a little tea, we left hurriedly for the north at 11.48. 


HAN AL-MANKURA 


METERS 
10 0 10 20 30 40 So 
SOO Et eee ee  ) 


Fic. 4—Han al-Mankira, plan. 


I should have liked very much to have gone in an easterly 
direction to the Han ‘Anejbe and then through the pass of 
al-Hufejjer northwards, but my companions feared an attack 
from our enemies; besides this, Nazzal, our guide, declared that 
the road through al-Hufejjer was impassable for camels. 
Therefore there was no choice for us but to return by way 
of the gap of al-Wazha. Nazzal told us that in the preceding 
winter the snow about the Han al-Manktra and in the moun- 
tains of al-Butmi for three weeks had lain over half a meter 
deep and that the cold was so intense that in his camp children 


34 | PALMYRENA 


had died of it. And now, in the middle of October, the sun was 
shining warmly and the swallows flying about our camels, 
catching the countless flies which we had brought with us 
from the Han al-Manktira. Flies had crawled over our backs 
as we passed through the ruins and had returned every time 
we chased them away. On reaching the plain Dawwat az-Zab*‘, 
we turned north-northeast and made our way along the north- 
ern foot of the al-Butmi mountains towards the two dark hills 
of al-‘“Abd and al-‘Abde. On the ridges to our right we saw 
scattered butum (terebinth trees), the fruit of which, called 
kzdma, is picked with great care. The ‘Umtr as well as the 
fellahin from al-Zerjitejn and Tudmor press oil out of it and 
eat it with bread. ‘Abdallah caught a hedgehog about half 
the size of the English variety and hid it in his bag to roast 
and eat afterwards. To the north we saw numerous herds of 
camels returning from the watering places at al-Zerjitejn. 
Shortly afterwards three riders reached us; they had taken 
us from afar for enemy’s spies and were very glad to find 
that we were friends instead. 

By 2.25 P.M. we were at the foot of the isolated hill of 
al-‘Abd, which is quite black and cleft in two. Rising to the 
southeast is the similar but much larger hill of al-‘“Abde, which 
consists of five blocks of rock separated by deep rifts. Having 
ridden between these two hills, we turned towards the north- 
east at the foot of the white limestone height, Tarak al-Kan- 
nas, which stretches northeastward. We urged on our animals 
in order to reach the wells of al-Hufejjer as soon as possible, 
for besides watering our camels we also wished to fill our 
water bags. 

The plain we were passing over merges gradually into a 
tract of countless white hillocks, among which, at 4.50, we 
found the wells of al-Hufejjer. Two were abandoned or “dead” 
(majjete); the third, situated on the left side of a gully of the 
same name, was untouched, and we were greatly surprised not 
to find traces of visitors anywhere about. The reason for this 
we found, however, in letting our canvas bucket down the well 
and pulling it up again. It was filled with yellow, evil-smelling 
water full of rotting locusts. And since the well had not been 
cleaned, the water was undrinkable and generally avoided.® 

6 Abu-l-Farag, Ardni (Balak, 1285 A. H.), Vol. 20, p. 121, records that some divisions 
of the Kalb tribe were attacked by the Beni Numejr_in Hufejjer and al-Faras. — 


I look for Hufejjer and al-Faras east of al-Zerjitejn. Al-Faras lies about fifty kilo- 
meters northeast from there, but Hufejjer may well be identified with our watering place. 


WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 35 


Mounting our camels again, we rode fast to al-Zerjitejn. 
Both to the left and right we noticed stone quarries, from 
which came the splendid building material used in the build- 
ing of the fortress al-Hosn as well as of the walls of Tell al- 
‘Ajn above the spring of Umm al-Kelajed south of the settle- 
ment of al-Zerjitejn. The ride was not pleasant. Our animals 
as well as we ourselves were tired out and wished to rest, but 
there was no water; and, moreover, it was dangerous to camp 
on the road from al-Hufejjer, since it was frequented by 
marauders hiding among the white hillocks. Very soon we ob- 
served many fires—tokens of a large encampment; but for 
a long time they seemed to be white, a proof that we were 
at least five kilometers away. Not until they appeared red did 
we hear the barking of dogs. Finally, at eight o’clock, we lay 
down to sleep not far from the tents. 

Wednesday, October 14, 1908. We had no rest that night, 
as thousands of camels passed by on their way to the watering 
places. Having watered our animals in a brook which brings 
water from the abundant spring of Umm al-Kelajed to the 
southern gardens and fields of the al-Zerjitejn settlement, we 
rode northwest over many aqueducts, most of them about five 
meters deep and provided with cleaning holes about a hundred 
paces apart. This brought us to the spring of al-Gedje west of 
the settlement, where we unloaded our baggage. Accompanied 
by Mhammad, I rode on a camel’s back to the monastery of 
Dejr Mar Elijjan, about one kilometer northwest of the settle- 
ment, supposing that a Syrian Catholic priest lived there. The 
sanctuary is a square complex of buildings with a small church, 
where the grave of St. Elijjan is the object of worship. Next 
to the building on the west in a garden there is a spring, ‘Ajn 
Gennet an-Nasfra, which fills a small pond abounding in fish. 
In the last two years everything had been repaired and the 
garden surrounded by a wall about two meters high. Dis- 
mounting before a low iron-bound gate, we knocked, but nobody 
opened. The house seemed to be deserted. Thinking I could get 
in from the garden, I went round and found in the eastern 
garden wall several breaches made by the Bedouins; the garden 
itself was in a bad state. 

The Syrian priest, or kassis, Philip did not live in the house 
of Mar Elijjan but in the settlement, where I went to see him. 
I begged him to find me a reliable servant; which he obligingly 
did, sending for a young man who was willing to go with us. 


36 PALMYRENA 


Having made an agreement with the latter as to the wages, I 
promised to stop for him on my return and to take him with 
me to my tent. After this I went to the mudir, or represen- 
tative of the Government, and then to the officer in com- 
mand of the gendarmes stationed there, whom I asked for a 
mounted gendarme as my guide. As my route was to take 
me through the territory northeast of al-Zerjitejn, a camping 
ground of both herdsmen and felldhin to whom a gendarme 
is an object of fear, he was to be a visible sign that I was 
traveling with the consent of the Government and he would 
save me from their impertinences. The mudir granted my 
request very readily, giving me as a companion the gendarme 
Haggi Mhammad, who was to come at noon with his horse to 
our baggage. The horse caused me not a little worry, because 
we had to take along barley and water for him and our ani- 
mals were, to say the least, already overburdened. © 

The settlement was full of Bedouins, who entered houses 
at will and acted as if they were masters there. They came 
even into the kassis Philip’s room on the second floor, seated 
themselves, and asked for coffee and something to eat. When 
the kassis reminded them that they should keep the fast, it 
being the month of ramazdn, they merely laughed and bade 
him bring what they wanted. The five gendarmes stationed 
in the settlement for its protection were openly laughed at by 
them. Returning to my companions, I found them in a very 
unpleasant situation. They were surrounded by Bedouins who 
demanded the same tax from us that wandering merchants 
have to pay. I finally succeeded, partly by reasoning, partly by 
force, in convincing them that we were no traders at all and 
that we would not give them anything. We=were heartily glad 
when we could at last leave the place at 1.40 P. M. 


AL-ZERJITEJN TO ABU RUBAH; THE FWA‘RE 


After riding in a northwesterly direction across the broad 
cultivated plain of as-Sahl, we ascended the limestone elevation 
Hazm as-Sajeh, which stretches from west to east. To the 
southwest was seen the ad-Dawwa lowland with the shallow 
river bed of al-Kalabijjat twining through it. This lowland is 
bounded on the north by the Se‘eb al-L6z and its spurs al- 
Kawdan and Maskukt Mhin. From the latter the plateau of 
ar-Rmejle extends to the north. We went in the direction of 


WADI AL~ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 37 


the last-named through the bare undulating region of Zahrat 
al-Harrtba, and camped at 4.20 in the Se%b of as-Sijar, not far 
from the tents of the Fwa‘re. Before long several of the latter 
made their appearance, but to our inquiries regarding the ter- 
ritory on the northeast they gave conflicting answers. 


The Fwa‘re have about six hundred tents. The principal chief is 

Hmejjed as-Sibli. The clans are: 
al-Aramne (chief: Hmejjed aS-Sibli) 
al-‘Alzawijjin » salame eben ‘Afnan) 
at-Twémat »  salame al-‘Azzawi) 
-al-Hananme »  Aklat al-“Awwaz) 
al-Bahadle » Farag az-Za‘éter) 
al-Hanadze “Ali al-‘Adlan) 
at-Trejge »  Mhammad al-Hmejdan) 
az-Zijadne » salame al-Melhem) 
al-Ma‘édijjin » Mhammad al-Msétef ) 
al-Masa id Peer ek bre air’) 
at-Twénan 3 Halaf al-Gasem). 


Thursday, October 15, 1908. At 6.15 A.M. (temperature: 
16°C) we started over. the Wdijan an-Nijasa plain in a north- 
westerly direction and soon came to the small poor hamlet 
of al-Rontor, made from the ruins of the same name.‘ 

Southwest of this hamlet lie the settlements of al-Haw- 
warin* and Mhin, where there are numerous remains of large 
ancient buildings. 


EOP RRR OQ ON RN 
“ 
“ 


7 Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), pp. 411f., states that Sejfaddowle (944—967 A.D.), 
on his expedition against the nomads, marched to the waters of al-Furkulus and al-Runtur. 

Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 3, p. 819, records that Runtur is a valley between 
the towns of Homs and Salamja. 


8 Asurbanipal (Rassam Cylinder [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5, pl. 7], 
eol. 7, 1.111; Streck, Assurbanipal [1916], Vol. 2, pp. 64, 66) defeated the Arabs who sup- 
ported his antagonist, the Babylonian king Samassumukin, in the neighborhood of the city 
of Ha-u-ri-na. 

Zachaeus and the young son of the widow whom the Savior raised from the dead 
were tortured to death in Hawwarin in the desert (Michael the Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot], 
Vol. 4, p. 98). 

Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14:19, knew of a town ealled Aueria or Aueira, which in 
all probability may be identified with our Hawwarin. 

The Antonine Itinerary, 195:9 (Parthey and Pinder edit., p. 88), mentions a station 
of Eumari, distant about forty miles from the station of Geroda. — Eumari was the starting 
point of a road leading by way of Geroda (the Gertd of today) to Damascus. It is almost 
certain that an important caravan road led to Eumari from Palmyra and very likely another 
led thither from Seriane (Esrija, Serija) by way of Occariba (‘Uzéribat). It seems that Eumari 
never belonged to Palmyrena proper. 

About 400 A. D. Euhara was apportioned to the province Phoenices Secunda, or 
Phoenices Libanensis. The seutarii Illyriciani cavalrymen once camped there (Notitia digni- 
tatum, Oriens, 32, nos. 4, 19). 

The acts of the Council of Chaleedon were signed among others by Thomas, bishop 
of Euaria (Lat. text: Theonas episcopus Euariae) (Harduin, Conciliorum collectio [Paris, 
1715], Vol. 2, cols. 473f.; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot], Vol. 4, p. 199). 

The signature of the same Thomas, as ‘‘episcopus Euariae,’’ a subordinate of the metro- 
politan of Damascus, is also appended to a petition of the bishops of the province of Phoe- 
nicia Secunda (Mansi, Concilia [1759—1798], Vol. 7, col. 559). 

The Chronica minora (Brooks, p. 227) and Michael the Syrian (op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 267) 
say that after 520 A. D. the monophysite bishops Thomas of Jabrtid, John of Tadmur, John 


38 PALMYRENA 


Southwest of al-Rontor flows the good spring ‘Ajn al- 
Hadat and north of it the ‘Ajn al-Ksejbe. The water from 
these springs might well irrigate large gardens were it not 
for the Bedouins, who with their herds would immediately 
destroy any attempts at cultivation. In the hamlet, numbering 
only eight huts, we could not find a guide familiar with the 
country, and the Fwa‘re herdsmen who were watering their 
flocks there showed no desire to accompany us. Finally an 
older man called Ramztn leaped on the camel carrying our 
water bags and declared that he would act as our guide if 
I gave him one megidijje (90 cents) a day. To my question 
whether he preferred to sit on my camel for half a megidizje 
a day or in his tent for nothing at all, he replied that he 
would go for half a megidi7j7e, but must be given coffee and 
cigarettes besides. 


the bishop of the Arabian monks in Hawwarin, Nonnus of Circesium, and Marion of Stra’ 
of the Roman Empire were driven out by the Government. 

John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History, III, 40—42, states that the curator Magnus 
caused a wall to be built around Hawwarin and also that he built a church there. To its 
consecration he invited the patriarch of Antioch and the patrician Alamundarus (al-Mundir). 
The last-named was escorted by his soldiers, who, however, yielding to Magnus’ entreaties, 
went back again. Alamundarus was then captured. No sooner did his soldiers hear of this 
than they returned and occupied the fortress, but had to retreat before the superior Roman 
strength. An-No‘man, al-Mundir’s eldest son, assembled his troops and, after Magnus’ departure, 
attacked and conquered Magnus’ fort (Hawwarin). The Arabs slew some of the inhabitants, 
took the rest captive, and carried away whatever fell into their hands: gold and silver, brass, 
and iron, dresses of wool and cotton, corn, wine and oil, pack animals-of all kinds, herds 
of cattle and flocks of sheep and goats. 

In Georgius Cyprius, Descriptio (Gelzer), p. 50, Hawwarin appears (about 605) on the 
list of the towns in the eparchy of Phoenicia Libanensis under the name of Euarius or 
Justinianupolis and as subject to the metropolitan residing in Emissa (Homs). — The 
new name of Justinianupolis was probably given to the old settlement when it was rebuilt 
at the end of the sixth century. 

Al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 289, recollects that the caliph Jazid (Yazid) ibn Mu‘awija 
liked to reside in HuwwAarin, where he was also buried in 683. 

Al-Mas‘tdi, Tanbih (De Goeje), p. 306, and at-Tabari, Ta’rth (De Goeje), Ser. 2, p. 427, 
write that Yazid died in the middle of October, 683, in Huwwa€arin in the district of 
Damascus near the road leading by way of al-Kutejfe (or al-Kutajjefe) and Kara to Homs. — 
Al-Ktejfe and al-Kara lie to the southwest of al-Hawwarin. 

When the caliph Walid II was murdered, the inhabitants of Homs rebelled against 
the caliph Yazid II, who then sent an army against them, which started a battle near 
Huwwarin (at-Tabari, OP. Cis oSeLs La Dee Lau) 

In the middle of July, 998, Bakgstir fled from Damascus through the mountains to the 
fortress of Huwwarin, where his property was hidden. Snatching up hastily what he could, 
he continued to flee to ar-Rakka (Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl [Amedroz], p. 30). 

According to Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 355, and Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid (Juynboll), 
Vol. 1, p. 827, Huwwarajn, or HuwwaArin, was a place in the political district of Aleppo and 
a fortress in the administrative precinct of Homs. Jaktt quotes al-Beladori’s report of. 
HAaled ibn al-Walid’s march from Tadmur to al-Karjatan and Huwwarin in the mountainous 
Sanir region. Here Haled fell upon the flocks of sheep and goats belonging to the inhabitants 
of HuwwaArin, to whose aid came the people of Baalbek. Abu Hudejfa says that Haled, after 
marching two days from Tadmur, reached the settlement of al-Karjatan, also called Auwwarin, 
where in 683 the caliph Yazid I died. — 

Jakat considers all the settlements in Palmyrena as subject to Aleppo. Al-Beladori, 
whom he does not quote literally, mentions, besides the inhabitants of Baalbek, the people 
of Bosra as having come to the help of al-Hawwéarin. As this seemed to Jakit to be less 
credible, he omitted mentioning it. It is not easy to understand why he erroneously identified 
al-Karjatan with al-Hawwarin. Being a native of Hama’ and having himself visited al-Karjatan, 
he surely must have known that they were two different places, separated by a distance of 
nearly twenty kilometers. Abu-l-Fada’il left this mistake uncorrected because he did not 
know Palmyrena at all. 

Abu-l-Feda’, Taxwim (Reinaud and De Slane), p. 83, says that the settlement of 
Huwwarin lies southeast of Hons. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 39 


ABU RUBAH TO GEBB HABL 


Starting at 7.50 in a northeasterly direction, we came 
before long to the foot of the broad but low ridge of Abu 
Rubah, which stretches from northeast to southwest, and 
halted at nine o’clock before the ruins of the same name. On 
the western slope of the ridge lie extensive remains of a huge 
fortress enclosed by a wall 120 centimeters thick and provided 
with numerous small square towers. The southwestern tower 
and a big arch in the northwestern corner are comparatively 
well preserved. At about the center of the northern side of 
the fortress a gate leads into a small yard, from which it is 
possible to crawl through a low opening in the eastern wall to 
an old vault, where, through a narrow crevice in the middle 
of the floor, escape vapors of a temperature of 51°C. This is 
the famous hot bath Hammam abu Rubah, much frequented 
by the sick of Homs, Hama, and Aleppo. The spring itself 
bubbles out at a depth of about twenty meters down in the 
rock. 

Nearly four hundred paces east of the fortress steam also 
escapes through a similar rock crevice, but there the temper- 
ature could not be measured. Out under a stone right by the 
hole two adders with thick tubercles on their heads were hiss- 
ing at us and would not be chased away with stones. We un- 
fortunately had no stick. Above this spring rises a truncated 
cone, on which lhe piles of débris from an old ruined watch- 
tower. From there we sketched a map of the neighborhood. 

Far to the west rose the rocky peak Halimt al-Kara. To the northwest 
we could see the Tarak H6laje which extends from southeast to northwest 
forming the watershed between the river basin of al-‘Asi (Orontes) and that 
of the streams flowing into the lowland of ad-Daw. The last-named extends 
southwest of Tudmor. South of the Tarak Holaje spreads the undulating 
region of al-Mkejmen, ground easy to cultivate, in the western part of 
which could be seen the gardens of the settlements of Sadad, ar-Rhejbe, 
and al-Hafar, and in the eastern the settlements of al-Hawwarin and Mhin. 
On the southeast the Tarak Holaje joins the flat-topped ridge of Zukum 
al-Hanzir, which on the northeast merges with the mighty and much 
higher ridge of aS-Somerijje, shuting in the northern horizon. Southeast 
of aS-Somerijje stretches the hilly district of Tafha, from which the at- 

Tjas hills run south. Southwest of these hills glistened the white escarp- 
ment Tar ar-Rhejmi, south of which rose the isolated Tell as-Semen. Far 
to the east-northeast shone the steep walls of the al-Abjaz mountains, 
overlooking on the northeast the basin of ad-Daw, which extends as far 


south as the ar-Rawak range. Near at hand to the east and southeast 
of the ruins of Abu Rub&ah stood out clearly in view the white rocks of 


AQ) PALMYRENA 


the Kih al-Geba’, below which flow the springs ‘Ajn al-Geba’ and ‘Ajn 
al-Komkém, well known as watering places for camels. To the west of 
these projects the long flat-topped Hazm al-Jasir. 


The land south, west, and north of the Abu Rubah ruins 
is tillable, but the area to the east, composed chiefly of soft 
calcareous rocks, absorbs the moisture so easily that the grain 
usually dries up before it can ripen. 

At 10.15 we were in our saddles again, trying to destenn 
from the ridge of Abu Rubah to the neighboring rolling plain 
of al-Wu‘erijje; but this was not easily done, as the side gul- 
lies form deep hollows in the slope of the ridge. The valleys 
of al-Faras, az-Zebi, and az-Zel‘a, through which we passed in 
a north-northeasterly direction, must also have been cultivated 
in times past. Low dams for catching the run-off seen there- 
about bear witness to this. Here and there were lying the 
white skins (ti7@b) of various snakes, which are quite plenti- 
ful about Abu Rubah. We also had a glimpse of two herds 
of gazelles. 

On the southern edge of the rolling plain of al-Bawlijje, 
two Fwa‘re from the neighborhood of Homs joined us. They 
were traveling to the ‘Ebede division to recover from them five 
stolen camels. The Fwa‘re and the ‘Ebede were friends, but 
one of our new companions had been camping with enemies 
of the ‘Ebede, the Hsene. The ‘Ebede had suddenly attacked 
the Hsene, taking their camels and also the five belonging to 
our new companion. For this reason the two Fwa‘re were going 
to the head chief of the ‘Ebede, Bargas eben Hdejb, to ask 
for the return of his animals. They did not know where Bar- 
gas was then camping, and yet all they took with them for their 
long trip was an old rifle and an earthen pitcher holding no 
more than half a liter of water. Of provisions they had none at 
all, depending on hospitality in the camps they were to pass 
and, whenever these were too distant from each other, waiting 
several days until some other travelers whom they could join 
chanced to pass. Having met us, they thanked Allah for the 
precious gift he sent them in us, for they did not intend to 
leave our party until we had escorted them right to Bargas. 
For food and drink they depended on us, too, and also hoped 
to get a ride occasionally. My native companions were not 
overjoyed by their new comrades, and the guide Ramzin did 
not even hesitate to say that Allah was often charitable to 
wholly undeserving persons. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 41 


In the territory we were now passing through there were 
no distinctly formed watercourses. If it rains enough, the water 
gathers in the smaller flats, and only after a lasting and heavy 
rain does it flow through the valleys to the al-Hor basin and 
disappear on the lowland of ad-Daw. At 2.47 we came to a big 
pile of stones, Abu ‘Akbén, behind which we found deeper gul- 
hes, running south. The ride through the monotonous rolling 
plain, covered with dried yellow plants, was so very fatiguing 
that we were glad when we finally reached the gray slopes of 
the as-Somerijje ridge. Both on the slopes and in the gullies 
numerous black points —terebinth trees— were to be seen. At 
the foot of the ridge we came at 3.05 to the Gebab Hamed 
wells, but no one was there (temperature: 27.8°C). We camped 
in a basin open only to the northeast, where our animals found 
good pasture and we plenty of dried camel manure to cook our 
Supper with. From there I went to the two wells to find out 
their depth, in order that Mhammad could take along ropes 
of the right length. The southern well was partly caved-in 
and dry, “dead” (majjet); in the northern, however, there was 
water, only it was about twenty-five meters below the surface 
and the rope we took measured just fifteen meters. To reach 
the water, therefore, we had to tie our reins and girths to the 
rope and, as this was not enough, even two shirts. Our canvas 
bucket finally reached the water, but being very light, floated 
on the surface and could not be made to sink. After pulling it 
out again, we tied a large stone to the bottom of it and thus 
were able to fill the bucket. The sides of the well, however, 
being hewn through the rock, were not even and the bucket, 
now full, bumped against all the sides in turn. We trembled 
with anxiety’ lest our rope, so laboriously constructed, should 
break and lose us not only the water but indispensable parts 
of our clothing and the girths and reins as well. Allah helped, 
however, and we succeeded in watering the gendarme’s horse 
and filling both our bags, although the camels did not get 
a drink. 

From the wells, lying at an altitude of 819 meters, I went 
to a slope to the west, where, at a height of 830 meters, I found 
the remains of an old fortification with foundation walls 220 
centimeters thick. South of these are two cisterns and a res- 
ervoir hewn in the rock. Returning to the camp again, I saw 
that our camels were grazing too far away without anybody 
to watch them and that the gendarme as well as the negro 


A2 PALMYRENA 


‘Abdallah were regaling themselves with coffee, tea, rice, and 
meat, and allowing the travelers of the Fwa‘re to share with 
them. All the baggage was opened and the flour and rice scat- 
tered about. Since no one except Mhammad had the right to 
take the food out of the baggage, I asked him who had caused 
this disorder. To excuse himself Mhammad pointed to the gen- 
darme and ‘Abdallah, saying that they of their own accord 
and in spite of him took from the baggage whatever they 
liked. Reproaching them with their high-handed actions, I 
threatened to dismiss them instantly if they should do such 
a thing again. I could not permit any uninvited person to 
meddle with and waste our provisions, not knowing when and 
where we could replenish them. 

We had to keep watch all night, being apprehensive of 
an attack by robbers or marauders who might come to the 
wells after dark. It was manifest before midnight that our 
fears were not without grounds. Three riders on camels dis- 
covered our camp and prowled about a long time. Finding 
that we were the stronger’ party, they finally disappeared. 

Friday, October 16, 1908. At 6.22 A. M. (temperature: 15°C) 
we started north-northeast, ascending the mountain chain of 
aS-Somerijje. The valleys here are wide and their slopes not 
abrupt, but their side gullies are narrow and deep. The moun- 
tain ridge is broad and almost flat-topped; only here and there 
a dome-shaped hillock rises above the general level. At 7.20 
we were in the Se%b of al-‘Akulijje, where, a half-hour later, 
we saw on our left the ruins of a settlement of the same name. 
At 8.20 we reached the ruined village of al-Kattar and saw 
standing on a neighboring butte by a large pile of stones a 
rider, who instantly disappeared when he saw himself observed. 
It was possibly one of the trio who had kept us awake the 
night before. Two or three robbers riding on camels are 
called ma‘djir. They sneak close to flocks of sheep or camels 
and drive away aS many animals as they can. If some of the 
herdsmen catch sight of them, they at once give warning to 
their companions, who then place lookouts on all the highest 
points in the neighborhood to keep watch from there over 
their herds. The herdsmen of the Beni Haled, whose flocks 
were grazing in aS-Sdmerijje, must have known about these 
robbers, because at nine o’clock, when we arrived at the deep 
well Gebb Habl, we noticed that all the prominent places were 
occupied by watchers. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 43 


GEBB HABL TO ‘UZERIBAT; THE BENI HALED; THE MWALI 


The Beni Haled number about one thousand tents and obey one head 
chief, ‘Abdalkerim eben Naser. Their clans are: 


Al Naser (chief: “Abdalkerim eben Naser) 
Al ‘Asi ose ‘ snehery 
az-Zmil ( ,Mhammad al-Rareb) 
al-Ranajem ( ,  Hadr al-‘Amiri) 
al-Bejatre ( ,,  Arejmes) 

Al ‘Alejjan ( ,  Haled al-Halaf) 


an-Negagir, with al-Haswa 


and Batta families ( , Fares ar-Rhejjes) 
as-Sakra ( , Sallam al-Mhammad) 
at-Ta‘ama’ ( ,  Hadr al-‘Eléwi) 
al-‘Azazre ( ,  Mhammad al-Misa) 
al-Brejéat ( ,  Hamis al-Brejéi) 
az-Zrejg ( , “Abdallah al-Hebaw) 
ar-Rfé‘ijjin ( ,  Mhammad ‘Ali ar-Rfé‘1) 
al-‘AkarSe ( , Hazza* al-Btejhes) 
as-Sikr (ago Wambar) 
al-Mtejhat ( ,  Ged‘an al-Kasab) 
at-Tahhan (ins Pn Gasem al-Mhammad) 
as-Smir ( , Ahmad a8-Stéwi). 


At 9.13 we crossed the road of at-Tidribe connecting Homs 
and Hama’ with the territory of Bilas and Tudmor. 


This road runs in an easterly direction across the mountain chain 
of Tafha and along the southern slopes of the mountains Zemlet al- 
Knéman, as-Safwani, and Mu‘allak as- Ska’. After crossing the Se‘ibdn of 
at- -Temajel and al-Futtas, it traverses the Zuml Emhéar hills to the wells 
Bijar Ghar and thence cee straight to the Bijar abu-l-Fawares. Near 
Gebb Habl a branch leads off to the southeast beyond the seb of al- 
Faje, running between Tenaja Haleb and the at-Tjas ridge past the ruins 
of at-Tjas to the well Bir Misrab, the demolished Han at-Trab (or al- 
Leben), and still farther to the well Gebb Gezel north of the small ruins 
of al-Klejbijje. At the Abu-l-Fawares well both the main road and this 
branch connect with the as-Sultani road which runs from Tudmor to Da- 
mascus by way of al-Zerjitejn. Since the seventies of the last century, 
however, when Midhat Pasha ordered the fortress Kal‘at al-Béza to be 
built, large caravans bound from Tudmor to Homs and Hama’ have used 
the commercial road of as-Sultani as far as this fortress and only from 
here have turned directly west-northwest to the well Gebb Cen‘an, called 
also Bir (or Gebb) Misrab. 


The fort Han abu Sindah, where we stayed from 10.05 
to 12.15 P.M. (temperature: 28°C), may have been built for 
the protection of the at-Tidribe road. 

The Han abu Sindah is situated on a high butte (Fig. 
5). Its walls are 220 centimeters thick and form a rectangle 


44 PALMYRENA 


45.40 meters long from north to south by 41.20 meters wide. 
Through the center of the southern wall a narrow gate leads 
into a court, the southern part of which is full of débris. 
Almost in the middle of the court is a deep well, to the west 


\ 
ee hie i 
HAN ABU SINDAH 


METERS. 
10 20 


ie 


: a 
30 400 eee 


10 0 


Fic. 5—H4n abu Sindah, plan. 


of which there is a square structure built close to the wall. 
In the western and southern walls are six loopholes each, in 
the northern only five, and in the eastern seven. Above one 
of the loopholes on the outside projects a rough-hewn stone 
with a cross on it (Fig. 6). 

_ The butte of Abu Sindah forms a part of the ridge of 
aS-Somerijje and can be seen from far to the southwest. The 
highland east of it and north of the ridges of al-Abjaz and 
Abu Rigmén is called Bil‘as,? the eastern border of which is 
formed by the hillocks near the al-Kdejm wells; this region 
extends as far north as Esrija. 

As seen from the Han abu Sindah the horizon to the west is shut 
in by the aS-Sdmerijje mountains; to the south appear the bare Tafha 
hillocks; to the east rises the ridge of al-Kném4n, overgrown in some places 


® According to Ibn Hordadbeh, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 76, and Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 1, 
p. 722, al-Bal‘as (or Bal‘4s) is an administrative precinct in the political district of Homs. 


WADI AL“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 45 


with terebinth trees, behind which is as-SawwAani and the still more distant 
Mu‘allak as- -Ska’. The high outlines of the al-Abjaz mountains also show 
on the horizon. In front of them gapes the wide rift of Ghar, separat- 
ing them on the west from the mountain chain of Abu Zhiir, the western 
spur of which, Sawwant abu Zhfir, reaches as far as Mu‘allak a3-Ska’. 


HAN ABU SINDAH 


2. 


Fic. 6—Han abu Sindah, a cross above a loophole. 


All the se‘ibdn between these ridges might be cultivated, as is proved by 
the ruins of old settlements. For instance, to the south of the Han abu 
Sindah in the Se%b of as-Sa‘id lie the al-Abitlije (or Abu Elijje) Tuins; 
southeast of these in the setb of al-Faje and east of the Han abu Sindah 
in the Sawwant abu Zhtr lies the Bita wa-l-‘Ala’ ruin. The se%b of at- 
Temajel rises on the western extremity of the Sawwant abu Zhtr. After 
being joined on the left by the se%b of al-Futtas, it finds its way be- 
tween Tenaja Haleb—as the eastern spurs of the hilly district of at-Tjas 
are called — and the E‘jat Ghar rocks, and ends in the lowland of ad-Daw. 
About mid-course of the se%b of at-Temajel lie the Murran ruins, in the 
neighborhood of which, it is said, much ‘dark-brown stone” (probably 
lignite or brown coal) is found, which burns when laid on a fire. 


Going north-northeast from the Han abu Sindah, at 1.10 
we reached a small ruin, Surrat Rarra. Thence we rode west 
of the deep valley of al-Rattas or al-Btim, in which the ruins 
of Umm al-Kbébe, Umm al-Hmejme, and Rasm al-Hallaz lie. 
East of Umm al- Hmejme and at the eastern base of Abu Zhur, 
is the al-Kumejje ruin, and south of the latter in a branch 


46 PALMYRENA 


of the sevb of Ghar is the well Gebb az-Zubejjed. West of 
Surrat Rarra the as-Sémerijj je mountains send out to the west 
the broad spur of as-Sawwane. 

At 1.42 we had on our left on a plateau covered with tall 
dry grasses the hillock Tell Erkab and were crossing Zahr al- 
Makta‘ and the low ridge of al-Manktra, on the northwestern 
slope of which are the ruins of al-Kars,*° Umm at-Twéne, 
and the village of al-HarizZa. 

At 2.38 we entered the plowed fields of the new settle- 
ment of Gebb Siha and a few minutes later were in the 
broad sev%b of al-Mrejzel, which was also cultivated. At 3.48 
we stopped by the wells of al-Barrak, not far from the ruins 
of the same name. These wells had recently been cleaned by 
the MeSarfe felldhin, breeders of goats and sheep. (Temper- 
ature: 27.5°C.) 

Our guide did not know these new settlements and thought 
that we should find our next water in the hamlet of al-Ha- 
riza; it was therefore necessary to look for a new guide. Hav- 
ing made camp on the eastern slope of the as-Suwejjed ridge, 
about five hundred meters from the camp of the Mesarfe 
we began to negotiate with two men. After a while the chief 
arrived with several companions and complained that we did 
not honor his tent as his guests. Our gendarme treated these 
fellahin as though they were his slaves. They called him ef- 
endi, brought him the best rugs, prepared a soft bed for 
him, offered him cigarettes and a water pipe (narkile, or narg- 
hile), inquired what his soul was yearning for, and showed 
him the barley they had brought for his horse. The gendarme 
beamed with pleasure when he noticed the jealous — nay, en- 
vious — looks of his companion, ‘Abdallah, and accepted every- 
thing, even the barley, but whispered to Mhammad to remember 
that he had received this as a present from his friends and 
that he expected the Pasha to pay him the price of it. The 
chief then brought us a guide and seemed to be glad that 
we did not honor his tent by our visit but that, on the contrary, 
he could drink tea and eat burrul with us. Also our guide, 
Ramzin, was so well pleased with our hospitality that he prom- 
ised to go to the Euphrates and then to return with us again 
to al-Zerjitejn. He was even ready to give up his wages, if only 
he could ride on one of our camels, smoke our cigarettes, and 

10 Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 57, knew of a Tell Kurs in the territory of the Ghassanian 


tribe. — As our al- Kars is in territory which once belonged to the Ghassanians, we may 
identify it with Tell Kurs. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 47 


drink our tea, which seemed especially to his taste. Both of 
the Fwa‘re men also remained with us without seeking hospi- 
tality in the tents. We were, therefore, now accommodating 
fourteen men, something we could not, of course, continue 
to do, or we should soon have had nothing left for ourselves. 


The MeSsarfe belong to the MwAli tribe, who live in about eight 
hundred tents and obey Emir Fagr abu RiSe. This tribe is formed of the 
following clans: 

al-Bu Rise (chief: Fagr abu Rise) 

Al Halife Gane: “Abdalkerim eben Ahmad) 
ad-Dowle (..4;, + Abdalaziz Ibrahim) 
Beni ‘Ezz 

ad-Dwadne 

Al Razi 

al-Kalkal 

as-Srejf 

al-Hasaw 

aS-Sléwa 

as-Swértan 

at-Towkan ( , Ahmad al-Hamad) 
al-Mesarfe. 

The Mesarfe clan numbers about two hundred tents and consists of 
the following families: 

Al-Haz‘al (chief: Gasem eben Mhammad al-‘AzzAwi) 
al-Hzémat ( , Dthi al-‘Umejjer) 

Al Hasan (ues Hmejd an-Negm) 

al-‘Ests ( , ‘Abbtid al-Hmid) 

al-Bakkar ( , ‘Aléwi al-Ajjtib) 

al-‘Abdelijje ( , Gdé& an-Negm). 


Saturday, October 17, 1908. Long before sunrise I sent 
Mhammad with three men and all the camels to the wells, 
but after a short time they returned with the unwelcome re- 
port that there was no water there. But since our new guide, 
Ahmad al-“Ali, assured us that we should find plenty in the 
new settlement of ‘Uzéribat, we started for that place at 6.20 
A. M. (temperature: 18°C). Crossing the se%b of al-Mrejzel 
in a northeasterly direction, we saw the al-Barrak wells on 
our right and then came upon the cultivated land of the Me- 
Sarfe. This clan has plowed during the last few years the 
fields of al-Barrak, Umm at-Twéne, al-Msérfe, and al-‘ArStne. 
Ahmad complained bitterly of the locusts which had appeared 
regularly during the last few years and destroyed not only 
the fields but also the pastures. After having passed the ruin 
of al-Gabrijje we reached the flat-topped hillocks of as-Swejda, 


A8 PALMYRENA 


grown over with terebinth and low blackish trees known as 
swejd. To the northwest there spread a vast plain bounded 
on the northwest by the uplands of al-‘Ala’; above the plain 
-rose the butte of al-“Ezejjem, south of which we had a mo- 


Paar 


eonn-----J bb 


fal i 


o 


a i ‘ z 
AL-KASTAL ano environs 


METERS 
10 20 


Fic, 7—Al-Kastal and environs, plan. 


mentary glimpse of the little fortress Kasr Sumejmis, stand- 
ing on an isolated hill. Farther to the southwest appeared the 
outlines of two high black mountains called KrOn Hama’. At 
7.50 we passed the caved-in wells of al-Kurbatijje; to the west 
we saw the village of as-Stha, and from 8.08 to 9.20 we stayed 
in the settlement of ‘Uzéribat (temperature: 31.8°C). 

The half-fellahin call this settlement ‘Uzériba’ or ‘Ukériba’. 

The new settlement, which is built on a small elevation, 
and its productive neighborhood are the property of the chief 


11 According to Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, nos. 8, 17, Occariba was garrisoned by 
the equites promoti Illyriciani, who obeyed the commander of Syria. 

Ibn Hordadbeh, op. cit., p. 76, notes that the administrative district of the town of 
Homs contained the precincts Zumajn, al-Kastal, Salamijja, and “‘Ukejriba’. — In the text 
“Akbarta is printed, but from the geographical position of the places named above it should 
evidently read ‘Ukejriba’. 

Nasr (Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 699) refers to “‘Ukejriba’, stating that it is a precinct 
of the administrative district of Homs. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 49 


of Tudmor (Palmyra). Neither in the settlement nor in its en- 
virons could we find any Roman remains. Having watered our 
animals and filled our water bags, we gave the two FwaAa‘re 
to understand that they had better look for other companions. 
They were not a little angry that 
we declined to accommodate them 
further, but they took the hint. 


‘UZERIBAT TO ESRIJA 


Proceeding on our way, we now 

went through an open productive 
country. To the east, behind the 
as-Swejda hillocks, rose the high 
ridge of al-‘Ekejre, on which lie 
the al-‘Amara ruins. This ridge 
slopes toward the northeast into Fic. 8—Al-Kastal, a capital. 
the hilly region of al-Géne, in which 
is the small ruin Rasm at-Tumbak. . 
West of al-Géne appear two isolated hills, Sefa? Idéntén, and 
northeast the bare hillocks Tlul ar-Raml. On the east the 
al-Ekejre ridge overlooks the deep and wide se%b of al-Bim, 
east of which the ridges of aS-Sotob and Umm al-Fhid stretch 
to the north. Groups of terebinth and swejd trees were to be 
seen on all these ridges. Riding along the edge of the fertile 
plain which spread to the west, at 1.34 P. M. we passed a pile of 
stones, Rigm al-Fahar, the remains of an old watchtower; 
then we descended slowly to the broad se%b of al-Rawr, the 
sides of which are rocky and covered with small groves of 
terebinth trees. In crossing the valley we had frequently to 
ride on old dams past the remains of garden watchtowers and 
caved-in wells. We headed steadily northeast towards a high 
hill at the foot of which stand the ruins of a watchtower 
which now serve as a place of burial. 

Turning east, we stopped at 2.40 under a half-crumbled 
fortress known as al-Kastal (Fig. 7), built nearly in the form 
of a square with sides between 17 and 18 meters long and walls 
120 centimeters thick. It was built of blocks averaging of 
165 centimeters long, 55 centimeters wide, and 60 centimeters 
deep. South of it we found the foundation walls of a round 
church with basalt columns ornamented on the capitals with 
Christian emblems (Fig. 8, 9). Next to the church there is 


50 PALMYRENA 


a rather large house, probably a monastery, built out of the 
material of a very handsome older structure. South of the 
monastery are still to be seen the remains of a wide gate. 
Northeast of the fortress is the foundation of an extensive 
building with a court bounded by a colonnade, and on the south 
a structure built of colossal rough-hewn blocks, averaging 
280 centimeters in length, 72 centimeters in width, and 50 
centimeters in depth.’ 

We had scarcely completed our examination of the ruins 
when a strong west wind brought an icy rain, which made 
us run for shelter. 


12 The classical name of this place is as yet unknown. The Arabs have always called 
it al-Kastal. 

Al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 58, writes of saddle covers manufactured in al-Kastal. 

Some cavalrymen from the army commanded by Abu ‘Obejda on their march from 
Homs to Hama’ went as far as az-Zerra‘a and al-Kastal (al-Beladori, Futaih [De Goeje], p. 181). 

In 743—744 Syria was plagued with various diseases, which caused the royal princes 
to leave Damascus for the country. Prince al-“Abbas took up his residence in al-Kastal and 
his brother Jazid (Yazid) ibn al-Walid went only a few miles farther, whence he often visited 
his brother (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser.2, p.1784). —- We know from the same source 
that Yazid’s country seat lay back of the settlement of Gertd, a good four days’ march from 
Damascus. For this reason we may identify the residence of his brother at that time with 
the ruins of al-Kastal, almost two hundred kilometers from Damascus. 

In 745 Merw4n II with his followers went from Damascus to the settlement of al-Kastal, 
which lay east of the town of Homs, a three days’ journey from Tadmur. In al-Kastal he 
received the information that his antagonists had had all the wells between al-Kastal and 
Tadmur filled with stones. Still intent on attacking them, he obtained provisions, water bags, 
and camels; while in the meantime his followers negotiated with the antagonists. Some of 
the latter then joined him, but others fled to the desert region held by the Kalb tribe. Merwan 
finally began his march through the desert by way of Strija and Dejr al-Latak to ar-Rusafa, 
and from there to ar-Rakka. In ar-Rusafa his follower, Sulejman ibn Hisam, was collecting 
an army. When MerwaAn’s troops, sent to humiliate Irak, reached ar-Rusafa, Sulejman openly 
declared war against him and encamped with both his own and the newly won warriors in 
Kinnesrin (ibid., Ser. 2, pp. 1896f., 1908). 

At-Tabari fixes the distance henna al-Kastal and Tadmur at three military marches. 
Our al- Kastal lies about ninety kilometers from Tudmor and no infantry can make more 
than thirty kilometers a day on a prolonged march. The settlement of al-Kastal on the road 
from Damascus to Homs lies south of the latter, while al-Kastal, the camping place of Merwan, 
is to be sought east of Homs, under the jurisdiction of which it belonged. The al-Kastal 
between Damascus and Homs was politically subject to Damascus and was 150 kilometers 
from Tudmor. No infantry could cover that distance in three days. 

Strija is written erroneously for Surja or Surija. It is the Serija or Esrija of today on 
the road from al-Kastal to ar-Resafa. Dejr al-Latak, lying on the same road, should be sought 
in the ruined monastery now called at-Turkmanijje, halfway between Esrija and ar-Resafa. 

Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 95, states that al-Kastal is a settlement between Homs and 
Damascus and that, according to other authorities, it is also the correct name of a district, 
which he also visited. — The administrative district of al-Kastal must have been identical 
with the vicinity of the present settlement of that name, to which Jakut paid a visit on 
his trip from Aleppo to al-Karjatan (al-Zerjitejn). 

In May, 1812, two political administrators deposed by Sultan Naser leagued themselves 
with the Bedouins of the Salamja country. An army was sent against them, which marched 
from Aleppo by way of Hama’ to Salamja. The rebels tried to attack the army at night, 
but, failing in this, they fled with the army pursuing them past al- Kastal, Kudejm, ‘Ord, 
and Kebakeb as far as ar-Rahba, but were not overtaken, since they sought refuge in “H WM°N,”’ 
near ‘Ana and al-Hadita, which was then under Mongol rule (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler], 
WOl, oy DH smsoztahe 

The al- Rastal here mentioned may also be sought in the al-Kastal I am desertbing. 
The fleeing Bedouins must have had to stop with their herds at several large watering places, 
and the pursuing army followed suit. Thus they probably fled from Salamja 50 kilometers 
eastward to al-Kastal, thence 75 kilometers eastward to Kdejm, thence east-southeastward to 
“Ord (at-Tajjibe), thence 70 kilometers eastward to al-KebaZeb, and finally to ar-Rahba. The 
last does not mean the formerly large town of ar-Rahba but the present fortress of ar-Rhaba 
near al- Mijadin. After that the Bedouins hurried along the right bank of the Euphrates farther 
southeast into Mongol territory and camped beyond the settlements of ‘Ana and al- Hadita 
near a locality the correct name of which has not been preserved for us. Judging by the 
consonants it might have been the Wadi Hawrdn, which always was and still is a good 
camping place. 


WADI AL-“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 51 


When it ceased raining Timan and I began to sketch a 
plan, but a few minutes later our guide called out and showed 
me several riders on the high spur, Ras as-Sinime. While 
I was examining the strangers, the guide ran to my com- 


Fic. 9—Al-Kastal, some emblems. 


panions and urged them to drive in our grazing camels. To 
conceal myself, I crawled into the ruined structure built of 
gigantic blocks, from which I saw three riders approaching 
at a trot. Then, running to my men, I ordered them to fetter 
the camels so as to prevent their shying and getting away 
from us during the attack. Loading our guns we waited to 
see what would happen. After a few minutes we saw two men 
in the structure from which I had just emerged. They looked 
us over for a while and then, coming out, made signs to us 
with their long sleeves, Answering them in the same manner, 
I invited them to come over, which they gladly did, seeing 
that we were not enemy’s spies, as they had suspected, but 
peaceable persons whom they had no need to fear. They were 
members of the ‘Umar tribe and told us that their herdsmen 


52 PALMYRENA 


had sighted in the southeast a troop of the enemy, which all 
the men in the camp had gone out to meet. These were the 
riders we had seen on the as-Sinime spur. As they had also 
sighted our camels, their chief had sent three men to find 
out who we were. 

Our gendarme had absolutely no desire to sleep in al- 
Kastal nor even to sup there, but kept on asking me to place 
the kettle, with the supper already prepared, on a camel and 
to go with the riders to their camp. Much as I should have 
liked to have stayed in al-Kastal to finish the examination of 
the ruins, I could not needlessly put myself and my companions 
in danger. Therefore, when it again started to rain, I made 
them load up and we went to the camp of the ‘Umtr at a 
distance of about four and a half kilometers northeast, where 
we spent the night (temperature at 6 P. M.: 20° C). It made 
the people*in the camp restless to have the enemy so close 
when all their fighting men were away, but-they calmed down 
on seeing us so well armed. Both the old men and the women 
surrounded us, asking all the while what we knew about the 
enemy. After midnight two riders, whose mares were too young 
for much exertion, returned and the crowding and inquiring 
went on as before. Unable to sleep, we determined the latitude 
as soon as the clouds had parted, let the camels loose to graze, 
and made ready to leave again. 

Sunday, October 18, 1908. Since we were camping in a 
narrow gully right in front of the chief’s tent, my men would 
not light their own fire, but preferred to wait until the women 
in the tent had lit theirs and sent milk to us. Having drunk 
the warmed-up coffee with the milk, we rode off at 6.41 A. M. 
(temperature: 20° C) to the nearest water, Esrija, beside which 
Bargas eben Hdejb, the head chief of the ‘Ebede division of 
the as-Sba‘a tribe, had his camp. 

This chief was just then at war with my friends, the 
Rwala. I much wished to meet Bargas and to gain his friend- 
ship, since I could then be sure of having nothing to fear 
either from the ‘Ebede or the tribes related to them. Crossing 
the height Kftf al-Bib in a north-northeasterly direction, at 
8.20 we went down into the broad se%b of al-“Azib, which was 
overgrown with tall dry grasses (hemrz), with which in a 
little while we had filled two large bags to use in feeding our 
camels when we reached Bargas’ camp. We also saw a group 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 53 


of yellow tulip-like flowers, which our guide called wardet 
al-ehwa’. 

The se%b of al-‘Azib forms the continuation of the Se%bdn of al- 
Rattas and al-Bim. Farther northwest it joins the right-hand side of the 
al-Rawr valley, which comes out of the al-Makta‘* and al-Mankitra hills 


and stretches, under the name of al-Rarr, in a north-northeasterly direction 
to the salt marsh Sbaht al-Morara. 


After nine o’clock we rode past the small al-Mdawwara 
ruin and sighted to the southeast the broad bare ridge of 
al-Hsejje, northwest of which lies the long flat elevation 
Hawijjet al-Butma, which is linked on the west with the steep 
scarps of Tanahes Esrija. 


BARGAS EBEN HDEJB AND THE ‘EBEDE 


At 12.08 P. M. we reached the ruins of Esrija, where we 
halted by the tent of the head chief Bargas. No one offered 
us a welcome, but on entering I saw Bargas sleeping on a rug. 
Sitting down by him I waited until ‘Azw, his maternal uncle, 
came in. “Azw bade me welcome in the chief’s name and then 
woke the latter. Bargas leaned with his back against the main 
_ pole of his seven-poled tent and, saluting briefly, began to 
examine me. 

“Where dost thou come from?” 

“From south and west.” 

“Where art thou going?” 

“To Allah’s gate,’ meaning wherever Allah would lead me. 
At this Bargas looked at me with more attention, smiled slightly, 
sat closer to me, and began to converse in a whisper. The ice 
enclosing his mistrusting heart was broken. 

He was then only twenty-eight years old, but his young 
life had been filled with sorrows enough to crush an older 
spirit. As a boy of twelve he had had to leave the tent of his 
father, Farhan, and at the command of the Turkish Govern- 
ment go to Constantinople, there to attend a school estab- 
lished by the Sultan for the sons of the various chiefs. He 
had had to stay in Constantinople for five years and had 
ruined his health there. When he reached his eighteenth year 
he was made an officer and served for several years in the 
army. After Farhan’s death Bargas returned to his tribe as 
chief. Now, since he was familiar with both the laws and 


54 PALMYRENA 


customs of the Turks, he constantly endeavored to protect 
his people against ill usage from the Turkish officials and 
knew how to coax large tracts of land from the Government, 
both for himself and his tribe. He would build houses and 
people them with peasants from Syria, whom he protected 
and to whom he also let his fields for a rent of an eighth 
or a fifth of the net proceeds. He would encourage his poor 
kinsmen to engage in agriculture and firmly believed that in 
a few decades the whole of northwestern Palmyrena would be 
turned into productive fields. Beloved as he was by his people, 
who knew his kindness and love of peace, no one had any fear 
of him and even his slaves did not obey him. Often he would 
bid them ten times to do this or that, but no one would 
stir. He complained bitterly of having no children and begged 
for a medicine to avert that misfortune. To be his successor, 
Bargas was educating the twelve year old Bandar, a very 
sensible boy, whose father, famous both for intelligence and 
courage, had fallen in a raid. The Rwala, the enemies of his 
tribe, he hated fiercely, but he assured me over and over 
again that he was not afraid of them, since the ‘“Ebede were 
numerically the stronger. The longer he assured me, however, 
the more certain I felt that not only he, Bargas, but also his 
“Ebede were very much afraid of them. While I was examin- 
ing the ruins I overheard a mother in a tent near by thus 
threaten her crying boy: “Be quiet, or the Rwejli will come 
and get thee.” 

Bargas had already been informed that I was to go with 
an-Ntri eben Sa‘lan, the prince of the Rwala, to the inner 
desert, and he promised that his tribesmen would not rob me 
if they should make an attack on the Rwala: Having conversed 
with him on all matters important to me and having made 
him agree to furnish me with a guide, one camel, and two 
large water bags for the trip to ar-Resafa, | strolled over to 
the pagan temple of al-Ksejr and still farther into the ruins. 
For dinner they gave me jam made from grapes (debes) boiled 
soft in butter, and very thin freshly baked bread. In the even- 
ing Bargas had our supper of meat and rice brought beside 
my baggage, where he ate and sat with me until almost mid- 
night. I was eager to leave in the morning, but Bargas’ 
camels were not to return from pasture until the following 
evening, and, since I needed one more camel to carry our water, 
I had no choice but to wait. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 55 


The ‘Ebede and the Kmusa are two divisions of the as-Sba‘a tribe 
of the “Aneze group and number about 3500 tents. The “Ebede are sub- 
divided into: ; 

al-Mwajze 
al-“Ebede proper 
al-Mseke. 
Clans of al-Mwajze: Al Salem 
Al Kwéran 


chief: Bargas eben Hdejb) 
»  Derzi walad Farhan) 


an-Nsafa’ » Farhan eben ‘Abbtd) 
al-Mesande » Awde) 

al-“Aglat Na‘san) 

as-Sanabir it ee Sall )s 


Clans of al-‘Ebede: Al Dawam » Ramazan al-Fkiki) 


LO SE LR mf 
“ 
“ 


al-‘Arafa » ‘Ames eben ‘Amire) 
al-Wutara ( ,,  Lebbad eben Fa‘tr) 
Al Zuwé‘en (_ ,, Batel eben Sarrab). 
Clans of al-Mseke: al-Mseke ( ,, ‘Asi eben Gladan) 
Al Rm4h ( ,,  Bargas eben Wajel) 
Al Mwéne® (_ ,,  Fazel eben Mwéne’) 
al-“Abadat (  ,,. Ahmad eben Kardis) 
al-Bejajea ( ,,  Mezjed eben “Awde). 


In war the commander-in-chief or ‘‘chief of the camel saddle” (sejh 
as-Sdad) is Fazel eben Mwéne’. 

Monday, October 19, 1908. I got hardly any sleep that 
night. Scarcely had Bargas left when whole groups of visitors 
one after another came in with all sorts of questions and 
stories; and they were not a little surprised that I was in- 
terested in neither. Bargas came in every half hour to re- 
mind us to keep an eye on our baggage lest anything be lost. 
As soon as the morning star appeared, hundreds of camels 
returning from the watering places passed us on their way 
to pasture. In the tents, sufr, or the supper of the month 
of ramazdn, was being prepared, and the Bedouins ate and 
drank. We set up our theodolite to ascertain the latitude, 
but the sky was overcast all the time, and when the pole star 
appeared for a short time it soon was again obscured by 
dense clouds. 


RUINS OF ESRIJA 


After breakfast I went with Taman to the Esrija ruins, 
which cover a basin one kilometer wide. This basin is open 
on the northwest and through it winds the bed of a creek 
of the same name, Esrija. At the eastern end of the basin, 
on the right bank of the channel, there rises a hillock where 
there are remains of a strong fort with two deep wells. Op- 


56 PALMYRENA 


0.85 1.88 0.85 


15.3 


ee 
ae Ie TEMPLE AT fee 


ESRIJA 


METERS 
| 


2 5. 


' 
el 


Fic. 10—Esrija: temple, plan. 


WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 57 


lg | 


Za 
mm 
om al 
i a Sa S 
a ta eae 


oS =o 


: Ki 


on 
po] ea 


He 
+ il 
Hl mH a 


es 


il 


pa 


E 1 ma ee eer: 
~ idly + A } i 


all I ON 


Fic. 11—Esrija: temple, facade; a) detail of lintel and arch; 
b) detail of capital. 


58 PALMYRENA 


posite the fort on the same bank the foundation walls of a 
stately round building measuring seventy paces in diameter 
are still to be seen. Its roof evidently rested on gigantic pil- 
lars, the drums of which have been dug out by fellahin 
searching for water. On one of these I saw two Greek letters. 
About two hundred paces to the west I found the apse of 
a Christian church. Still farther west both the banks of the 
channel and the neighboring hillsides are covered with the 
remains of ruined houses. At the northwest end of the ruins 
there rises on the ridge formed by the spur Tanahegs Esrija 
a tolerably well preserved pagan temple (Figs. 10, 11). This 
forms a rectangle 15.38 meters long from east to west by 
9.04 meters wide. From the east a gate 2.5 meters wide leads 
into it. In the corner to the right of the gate there is a spiral 
stairway reaching to the roof. The gate and the whole east 
side have remained almost intact. There are heaps of débris 
of other ruined buildings about the temple. Here I found and 
copied an Arabic inscription. 

Northeast of the temple there is a reservoir 236 paces 
long from north to south by 174 wide. Northwest of it on the 
right bank can be seen the foundation walls of a Christian 
church. A few paces farther north is another church with an 
adjoining monastery, on the cornice of which are Christian 
emblems (Fig. 12). From the Christian church a beautiful 
view opens out over the extensive plain stretching west and 
northwest as far as the black mountain chains of al-Hass 
and Sbéh (or Sbét). Splendid in the rays of both rising and 
setting sun, the pagan temple must have been a shrine sacred 
to the inhabitants of the numerous towns, villages, and lone- 
ly dwellings strewn over the plain to the west, and a place 
of annual pilgrimage. When Esrija became a Christian town 
the former pagan temple was converted into a Christian 
church and after the expulsion of the Christians into a 
Mohammedan place of worship. It is owing solely to this 
double transformation that it was not demolished entirely.'* 

18 The present name of the ruins points to the old town of Seria or Serija. 

The Antonine Itinerary, 194: 11—195: 3; 197: 5—198: 1, mentions a road running 
from Beroa 15 Roman miles to Calcida, thence 27 miles to Androna, thence 18 miles to Seriane, 
thence 82 miles to Salaminiada, and thence 18 miles to Emessa. — Seriane, lying between 


Androna (the present Anderin) and Salaminiada (now Salamja), must be identical with 
the Serija or Esrija of today. 

At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1896 f., and 1908, relates that Merwan II marched from 
al-Kastal by way of Strija and Dejr al-Latak to ar-Rusafa. — Strija is identical with our 
Esrija, 35 kilometers northeast of al-Kastal on the road to ar-Resafa. See above, p. 50, note 12. 

Jaktt, op.cit., Vol.3, pp.187f., places Strija, called popularly Stja, between Hundsira 
and Salamja in Syria. Fleischer (ibid., Vol. 5, p. 255) remarks with regard to this that the 


WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 59 


Adorned by so many churches, monasteries, and mighty 
buildings at one time, what remains of the city of Esrija 
today? In the very same places where formerly stood the 
houses of rich inhabitants, there were at the time of my 
visit about three hundred tents, the 
largest of them — that of Bargas — 
erected on seven poles, the others 
on five, three, two, or even on a 
single pole. Here and there long 
slender spears projected above the 
tents; on the tent ropes hung red 
quilts and rugs; through the en- ~——s Fig. 12—Essrija, a cornice 
campment fettered mares moved to with a Christian emblem. 
and fro, and near them their colts 
gamboled. Around the numerous 
wells crowded thirsty camels, for which half-naked herdsmen 
drew up water, humming short ditties as they worked. The 
camels growled; the she-camels wailed for their young ones, 
who gave little bleats; and the hungry mares whinnied. The 
whole camp was enveloped in rising vapors and smoke. From 
the south came flocks of bleating sheep; from the north long 
rows of camels, which their herdsmen tried to coax to greater 
speed by their characteristically monotonous singsong. From 
the plain three wild-looking riders with waving hair came at a 
gallop to the camp, announcing that they had seen far to the 
northeast a troop of the enemy. Thus appeared before me the 
once famous city of Esrija. But Bargas wanted to build it 
anew and promised me that after ten years I should surely 
eat grapes in Esrija from vineyards everywhere covering the 
hillsides. In Sd allah! 

Our guide, Ahmad, felt no desire to return and tormented 
me all day with entreaties to be permitted to accompany us 
still farther. He offered to serve for a fourth of a megidijje 
(23 cents) a day, if he could only get plenty of sweet tea. 
When I told him it was absolutely impossible, he begged 


form ‘‘Stija’”’ (or even “Siijja,”’ as given by Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid [Juynboll], Vol. 2, p. 67) 
is possible as an abbreviation for Stirija: it should, rather, read Surja. This view is entirely 
correct. The transcribers confused the r with w. We may assume that the form ‘Surja”’ 
corresponds with the Latin Seriane (and the modern Serija or Esrija), since we know that 
the Latins and Greeks also transcribe elsewhere the Arabic uw with 7 or ¢. Thus the Arabic 
Rusafa was spelled by classical writers ‘‘Risappa”’ or ‘‘Resapha.”’ 

Della Valle (Viaggi [Venice, 1664], Vol. 1, p. 569) found here numerous wells with 
good water and near them such remains of a large, ancient town as marble slabs, columns, 
pedestals, capitals, and stone walls of various thicknesses. He asserts that this great place 
was evidently abandoned on account of the sterility of the neighborhood and that the Arabs 
call it Serija. 


60 PALMYRENA 


for higher wages, claiming that the gendarme had made no 
agreement with him and that therefore his pay depended on 
my liberality and appreciation. 

The night was just as restless as the last. After mid- 
night we determined the latitude and shivered with cold in 
doing so. We should have liked to drink some hot black coffee 
but dared not light a fire ourselves; and Bargas’ servant, whose 
particular business it was, slept and would not get up. When 
Bargas finally woke him with many kicks, he went to other 
tents in search of dried camel-manure and after lighting a 
fire declared again that he could find no coffee beans. Having 
hunted for them through the whole tent, he came begging 
us to lend him some. He now began to roast, and then to 
erush and boil it, but all this very leisurely, so that not 
until six o’clock could we drink a cup of coffee ordered at 
two in the morning. 


CHAPTER IV 
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER BY WAY OF AR-RESAFA 


ESRIJA TO AR-RESAFA 


Tuesday, October 20, 1908. Our water bags were already 
filled, the whole baggage loaded, and still we could not depart. 
Sheikh Bargas wanted to make me a gift of a killed sheep 
but could find no one who would kill the animal, which had 
been tied to his tent since the evening before. In the morning 
Bargas asked several men, promising them both the fleece 
and the head, but nobody felt inclined to do the job. At last 
his coffee cook took pity on him, killed the sheep, and skinned 
it with the help of Mhammad. Having received the meat, we 
had still to wait until our new guide could procure a sheep- 
skin coat to wear on the journey; having none of his own, 
he wandered from tent to tent begging at each for the loan 
of one. I squatted with Bargas and his uncle ‘Azw, waiting 
patiently until a coat was finally found. At last we left at 
7.10 (temperature: 14°C). Bargas accompanied me part of the 
way and promised me his friendship. It cost me a Mannlicher 
carbine and a nickeled Gasser revolver; also one hundred 
rounds of ammunition. This revolver I brought Bargas as a 
present; but when he wanted Timan’s carbine too, at first I 
would not give it to him, pretending that I could not be 
without it on our dangerous trip, but finally let him have it 
in exchange for a Martini rifle with fifty rounds of ammu- 
nition. The maker of coffee received one megidijje (90 cents) 
for his thorough and quick work. 

‘After riding alongside the tents and then going east- 
northeast, we crossed the Se%b of ad-Dwejlib and shortly after 
the se%b of al-Habar. 

The latter rises on the northern slope of the a’-Sotob mountains 
and receives on its right the short Se‘ibdn of al-Fasde and al-Fsaka, the 
latter opposite the ruins of al-Hamra. To the southeast of al-Hamra there 
flows a spring at the ruins of the fortress of al-‘ASze. The Se%b of al- 
Habar ends at the salt marsh Sbaht al-Morara. West of it from north 


to south stretch the hills Tanaéheg Esrija and Hawijjet al-Butma, and 
east of it rise the hills of al-Harbaka (or Harbakat al-Hsejje) and al- 


61 


62 PALMYRENA 


Fasde. East of al-Harbaka appeared the ridge of Umm ‘Ajjas, south of 
which extends the Durmand basin. This basin is bounded on the west 
by the al-Mra’ ridge; on the south by Abu Rigmén; on the east first 
by a spur of Abu Rigmén and then by Abu Tummén, as well as by the 
rough hills of Ebrérit, all of which also enclose the basin on the north. 
To the northeast of the hills of Ebrérit is the well Gebb al- Kdejm, west 
of which rise the isolated crags Asabe‘ Kdejm and al-Jetime, and farther 
north al-Hassabijje. 

Looking up the broad valley of al-Habar we sighted to the south, 
above the hillocks of Harbakat al-Hrejbée, the northwestern part of the 
high mountain ridge of al-Abjaz, called Zahr al-Metenne; northwest of 
it we could see the crest of a3-Sotob, with aS- -Sa‘er, Umm ‘Aker§e, and al- 
Mra’ extending to the east. Northeast of the last-named spread out the 
gray, rocky hillocks of al-Mezabe’, among which rises the Se%b of al- 
Faska. On the right, in the basin of the al-Kdejm wells, this se%b is 
joined by the sevbdn of Ahejzer, Nasabt al-HStini, and ad-Defa‘i, and 
the combined Se%b is called Rar. Parallel with our course extended the 
hilly region of Hesjan al-“Ejr (with the wells Gebab Gam‘ )and Abu-l-Fejjaz 
(with a well of the same name); farther east lay the Ab-an-Nétel hills, 
where a sulphur spring bubbles out; and finally al-‘Afuwijjat with the 
at-Turkmanijje ruin on its northeasterly spur. 

The neighborhood of the Ab-an-Nétel wells is a favorite camping 
ground of the Bedouins.!4 


Hast of the se%b of al-Habar we passed over an undulat- 
ing plain between the oblong flat-topped height Hazm as-Serr 
on the north and the hilly area of Srejja on the south. We 
had to watch our camels carefully lest they fall into some 
of the numerous holes dug by the jumping mice called gerdt. 
From 11.28 to 12.56 we rested and then rode on again over 
a similar plain until 3.25 P.M., when in the vicinity of the 
Rar valley we found good pasture for our camels about ten 
kilometers north of the Gebb ab-an-Nétel, where we spent 
the night. 

Our new guide Halil eben Ahmed was not a member of 
the ‘Ebede, but of the His family, who are goat and sheep 
breeders camping between ad-Dejr and ar-Rakka; he soon 
had no rival among us for timidity. We should have liked 
to have reached the foot of the height near the water holes 
of al-Hrejbe, but our guide begged us not to, because there 
are caves at al-Hrejbe inhabited by spirits.’ 


14 Al-Hazemi (Jakiat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 788) knew of the mountain of Nabtal in the 
territory of the Tajj tribe, as well as a place of that name in Syria. — Nabtal in Syria is 
perhaps miswritten for Nejtel, and I suppose it to be the watering place Ab-an-Nétel. 

15 I identify the wells of al-Hrejbe with the place named al-Gerib in the territory 
which formerly belonged to the Tarleb tribe. 

Abu-l-Farag, Ardni (Balak, 1285 A. H.), Vol. 4, p. 141, and al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiusten- 
feld), p. 75, write that al-Ahass is a valley in the territory of the Beni Tarleb, where the 
Tarleb were often attacked by their relatives, the Bekr ibn WaA4’il. There, too, fell Kulejb ibn 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 63 


After making camp, Taman and I sketched a map of the 
neighborhood. 

Wednesday, October 21, 1908. In the evening we agreed 
to start the next day at least an hour before sunrise in order 
to reach ar-Resafa before nightfall, but when I tried to wake 
my companions in the morning not one of them wanted to 
get up, saying that they were shivering with cold. There was 
nothing for me to do, then, but unfetter the camels for pas- 
ture, light a fire, and put on the coffeepot myself. That 
made one after another of them crawl out of their cloaks and 
come to the fire. ‘Abdallah hesitated the longest and, when he 
finally rose and had drunk his coffee, he went with Halil for 
the camels and at the same time tried to find his short pipe 
(sebil), which he had lost. He seemed to care so little for the 
camels that Mhammad and I had to bring them home and load 
the baggage ourselves. In answer to my rebukes ‘Abdallah re- 
plied that he did not come with me to work, but to have a 
look at regions new to him. 

At 6.20 A. M. (temperature: 14.2°C) we finally broke camp, 
going in a northeasterly direction, and at 6.50 we crossed the 
Setb of Rar, near which are the wells of al-Kdejm, Rar, and 
Ab- an-Nétel, and which disappears in the plain of al- Metajih. 
At eight o’clock we approached the broad and flat height Tarak 
al-Hrejbe, which sinks gradually from north to south, and then 
went over the plain of as-Safja, where we noticed great num- 
bers of snakes. Soon to the southeast and then to the south of 
us were the walls of a square ruin called at-Turkmanijje and 
farther southeast of them the low long ridges Zel* an-Na‘am. 

From 10.18 to 11.45 we rested in the plain of an-Nbag (or 
Ambag) by a large pile of stones, from the top of which we 
could see the whole country from south to east. 

To the west the view was obstructed by the heights Tarak al-Hrejbe 
and Tarak as-Safja. To the north rose the heights Tarak Ambag, al-‘Atfa 
and al-‘Anz. To the northeast spread a vast plain shut in on the south by 
the little gray rocks Zel‘ an-Na‘am and al-A‘wugat. To the southeast we 
looked into the wide valley of al-Meleh, bounded on the west by the hills 


of Zel‘ an-Na‘am and al-Harit with its western spur, ‘Orf Twénan. West 
of the last-named rises the steep cone of al-"Wejr and to the south, al- 


Rabi‘a, struck down by Gassds ibn Murra of the Bekr tribe. Kulejb had been troubling the 
Bekr tribe, who camped with the Tarleb; he had driven them away from the rain pools in 
Subejt, al- Ahass, and al- Gerib, and finally from ad-Dana’ib. Here he posted himself at the 
watering place and sent the thirsty Bekr away from the water. At that Gassas rushed at 
and pierced him with his spear. This was the cause of the Basts war between the two tribes 
which lasted forty years. — 

Subejt and al-Ahass are the modern districts Sbét and al- Hass northwest of al-Hrejbe 
For al-Gerib I read al- ‘Herib, which is probably the same as our al- Hrejbe. 


64 PALMYRENA 


Mistah, which on the southwest joins the long ridge of Abu Rigmén. This 
ridge stretches, with a steep descent to the north, from al-Mra’ as far 
east as the ridge of al-BiSri and is made up of several mountains. A 
spur of it, Tamm Ahejzer, runs out westwards. The Abu Rigmén ridge is 
split at about the middle by the gap Ri al-Hawa, separating the moun- 
tains of al-Morar from those of Umm ‘Astr on the east. Above the latter 
rises the high dome of Hawijjet ar-Ras with its northern spur, al-Labde; 
farther east lie the mountain chain of al-Morara and the steep dark 
ridges of al-Mkejbre and al-Minsar. Al-MinSar reaches almost to the 
southern part of the valley of al-Meleh. All these mountains give good 
pasture to the flocks of goats and sheep of the ‘Umitr tribe, and among 
them numerous valleys are cultivated. 

Soon after noon we met great herds of camels owned by 
the “Ebede. From the herdsmen we learned that some of their 
kin were camping near ar-Resaéfa and watering their herds 
in the Euphrates. Finally, after three o’clock, we sighted the 
walls of ar-Resafa and scared away large flocks of kata’ and 
kidri (sand grouse) as well as a few habdri (gray bustards with 
white-bordered wings, a little smaller than our hens). 

My companions wanted to go and spend the night with 
the ‘Ebede encamped far to the northwest of ar-Resafa. Our 
guide Halil especially begged me not to sleep near a town 
where spirits live. Therefore at 5.20 (temperature: 23°C) we 
lay down about three and a half kilometers south of the tents 
in a small dry flat, which in the rainy season receives the 
water from the whole neighborhood. Halil lamented all night 
and would not be calmed until we were joined by several 
herdsmen, among whom he then hid himself. 


AR-RESAFA 


Thursday, October 22, 1908. In spite of the opposition of 
my companions, I had no fire lighted, and we set out at 5.20 
A. M. Our camels bore us to the east as quietly as if we were 
swimming. Already the eastern horizon was turning rosy, but 
the earth was still dark. The sky in the east slowly cleared up, 
and we sighted in front of us first three black peaks and im- 
mediately after the black towers and battlements of the ruins 
of ar-Resafa.'® Everything in the ruined town was black and 
covered by night. Through the crevices in the walls and re- 
flected in the windows the bright eastern sky could be seen. 
‘I should have liked much to have seen the town in the rays 
of the rising sun; but it was still very early, and all the time 


146 For a more complete description of ar-Resafa, which I again visited in 1912, see 
below, Chapter IX. 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 65 


we were drawing nearer the black masses of masonry in this 
dead city. The sound of a human voice could nowhere be heard. 
Only a hyena howled among the ruins and was answered by a 
few owls. My companions remained far behind, and my she- 
camel shied before the ghost-like outlines we were now ap- 
proaching. Nothing was left but for me to turn south and 
make my animal kneel down near the city walls. Having fet- 
tered both its front feet and having concealed my saddlebag, 
I prepared to enter the ruins. Ascending the wall, I called out 
to my men to light a fire and warm up some coffee, because 
I had to begin work with Taman at once. 

Rifle in hand I entered the ruins to find a place to work 
from; but, returning after a short half hour to our baggage, 
I found neither my companions nor the camels. The latter 
were grazing far to the south and, as far as my binoculars 
helped to show me, were dragging their reins after them. The 
baggage was scattered, and the men were in the ruins treasure- 
hunting. Even Halil had conquered his fear of the spirits and 
attached himself to Taman, believing that in his company the 
hidden treasure would soon appear. There was nothing to be 
done, then, but to find all the other men and make them 
prepare the coffee for us. 

Having supplied ourselves with the necessary instruments, 
after breakfast I went with Timan and-the gendarme to the 
church of St. Sergius, where we worked until past noon. First 
we sketched a plan; then I copied the inscriptions and took 
photographs, while Timan made drawings of the ornaments. 
In the afternoon we worked in the southern basilica. Fearing 
the rain, my men led the animals into the town, carried our 
baggage there, and unloaded it under the arch of a half- 
ruined house. Halil warned them not to anger the spirits, but 
they seemed to be more afraid of the rain than of his spooks. 
Since it was evident that our stay in ar-Resafa would be longer 
than we were prepared for and since we needed water and bar- 
ley for the gendarme’s horse, I asked Halil to go and get both, 
but neither he nor ‘Abdallah showed much liking for the errand. 
Only after I had promised to pay two megidijjat ($ 1.80) for 
getting what we now urgently needed, were they both at once 
eager to go; but each claimed that he could go alone and needed 
no one to help him. Then I decided that together they should 
eo to the Euphrates, buy barley there, and fill two water bags. 

I never saw a man so afraid of spooks as Halil proved 


66 PALMYRENA 


to be on the following night. He groaned and lamented, em- 
braced the gendarme’s legs, and begged me wailingly to order 
the baggage to be loaded and to leave the wretched town. He. 
saw a ghost called ar-Resafa in every shadow. He described the 
ghost as a tall woman with long loose hair. He showed us how 
she was approaching him, how she wanted to embrace and kiss 
him, and that she would strangle him. At first we laughed at 
him; then I tried to calm and cheer him; but when | finally 
saw that his hallucinations made the rest of the men afraid 
too, I became angry and told him to get ready for his trip 
to the Euphrates. ‘Abdallah would not leave before he had 
had a drink of coffee, but we had no dry camel manure for 
building a fire. Halil now fell on ‘Abdallah’s neck, kissed him, 
and begged him to take pity on him and not to allow his 
three little daughters to become orphans, should ar-Resafa 
strangle their father. After that they loaded the empty water 
bags on a camel and departed after midnight. I advised them 
to encamp north of ar-Resafa among the “Ebede herdsmen 
and to start for the Euphrates only after daybreak. When 
they left I lay down in the hope of getting a good sleep. But 
the gendarme, who was on the last watch, was hardly less 
afraid than Halil and came every few minutes either to me 
or to Mhammad to ask about one thing or another. Not until 
the morning star had shown itself above the eastern horizon 
and the power of spooks and ghosts had vanished, could any 
of us fall asleep, and then we did not wake up until the first 
rays of the sun showed themselves. 

Friday, October 23, 1908. After breakfast we finished the 
plan of the southern basilica and began to survey the town 
walls, work which occupied us until almost three o’clock in 
the afternoon; then we made a drawing of the martyry south 
of the northern town gate. Before sunset I went to the mon- 
astery church north of the town, and, shortly after, Mham- 
mad came there with the report that Halil was waiting south 
of the town with both the camels that carried the water bags 
and the fodder, declaring that he would not enter the ruins 
again and that he would leave us altogether if we would not 
camp with him south of the town. 

I then sent him word to mount Bargas’s camel and return 
to his chief and tell him how he had behaved while with us 
and why he had deserted. At the same time I ordered him 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 67 


to say that I had asked the chief for a man and that he 
had given me a craven coward. 

I did not return to our camp until after sunset and there 
I learned that “Abdallah had joined Halil and that both would 
spend the night south of the town. 

Saturday, October 24, 1908. Early in the morning I went 
to the monastery church north of the northern gate and 
copied a Greek inscription. After this I sketched two mauso- 
leums built north of this church and copied several Arabic 
inscriptions in the old cemetery northwest of the town. While 
there I disturbed several adders with thick tubercles on their 
heads. Two were lying under one of the tombstones. The mo- 
ment I tried to turn the stone over, one of them leapt at my 
hand and I only escaped being bitten by a miracle. On return- 
ing to the town I- examined the reservoirs as well as the 
larger buildings to the north of them, where I found several 
inscriptions. My companions now pressed me to depart. As 
the ‘Ebede had gone farther west and there was no other 
camp then in the neighborhood of ar-Resafa, they feared lest 
we be attacked by marauders at night and either killed or 
robbed. 


AR-RESAFA TO AL-KWEM 


At 3.45 A.M. we led our camels out of the town and rode 
south. The guide, Halil, was to return to his master, but he 
insisted that he dare not leave until he had delivered us to 
the chief al-Fkiki; that such was the order of the head chief 
Bargas and that he must therefore act accordingly. When 
I reminded him how he had threatened to leave us the night 
before, he replied that Bargas did not order him to perish 
in the embraces of ar-Resafa and therefore he was perfectly 
justified in protecting his own life. 

Our new guide, a herdsman of the ‘Ebede, Nassab eben 
Zasem by name, knew the surrounding country well but was 
very indolent. All he delighted in was rest and sweet tea, and 
scarcely had we left ar-Resafa than he began to ask when 
and where we should encamp and what we should have for 
supper. 

The country south of ar-Resafa is an undulating and 
fertile plain where at 4.52 we made camp near a small but 
solid building called al-Ksejr (Fig. 13). This forms a square 


68 PALMYRENA 


with sides of almost fifteen meters; at the northern end of 
its western wall a door leads into a court 13.6 meters long 
from east to west and 7.6 meters wide. At about the center 
of the south side there is an entrance to a room 4.45 meters 


METERS 
Ze 


Fic. 183—Al-Ksejr, plan. 


long by 3 meters wide, adjoining which both on the west and 
east are similar rooms. All three are vaulted and windowless. 


From the roof of this building we sketched a map of the vicinity. 
To the northeast, east of ar-Resafa, rises the isolated hill of al-Mhéra, 
northwest of which projects the rather low but steep escarpment of the 
plateau of al-Mezabe‘, which is connected with the ridge of al-Bisri on 
the south by the hills of Rgtim a3-Sih, az-Zmejli, and Zemlet al-KA‘ijje. 
From the latter the hills of al-Bowlijjat extend westward and their spurs 
of al-A‘jfigat close the valley of al-Meleh. Behind these heights tower the 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 69 


steep walls of al-BiSri, the limestone ridge stretching northeastward from 
the head of the al-Meleh valley. This ridge is broad and flat-topped and 
is intersected by numerous deep ravines. After abundant rain both camels 
and sheep find good pasture in the ravines and gullies and on the slopes 
of al-Bisri. 

To the southeast of al-Ksejr, on which we stood, and west of al- 
Bisri there appeared on the sky line the high mountain chain of Abu 
Rigmén with the deep notch of Ri° al-Hawa, from which the upland of 
Bil’as extends to the north and northwest. Nearly south of al-Ksejr the 
mighty butte ‘Orf at-Tajjibe projected from the eastern spur of the al- 
Minsar ridge, and almost in the same direction but nearer where we stood 
rose the truncated cone Tell Fhede. The hills of Asabe* Kdejm, Ab-an-Nétel, 
and al-“Afuwijjat clustered together to the southwest of our position, 
forming the western edge of the drainage basin of al-Meleh, which gathers 
all the run-off into the low plain west of ar-Resafa during an abundant 
season, giving it the appearance of a big lake. 


The smoke of our fire attracted a traveling Bedouin who 
declared that he would serve as our guard against a night 
attack. The reason for this magnanimity was the goat’s meat 
which Mhammad was just then cooking for supper. 

Sunday, October 25, 1908. There was lightning that night 
on three sides and a cold westerly wind driving black clouds 
before it. When we started out at six o’clock, the whole 
southern sky was overcast, and broad bands slanting down 
told us of rain in that direction. The damp cold penetrated 
to our bones. The plain of ar-Rg&Gm, through which we were 
now passing, rises gradually towards the south. At eight o’clock 
we were close to the ruins of al-Hulle village, which lie on 
the northern slope of the height of al-A‘jagat. About five 
hundred paces southwest of this hamlet we saw the remains 
of a fortified encampment. At 8.10 Timan and I went to 
examine them, while our companions proceeded farther south. 
I called to them to stop, but in vain, since they were afraid 
of the rain and paid no attention. Unable any longer to hold 
our camels, who wished to follow the other animals, we had 
to survey the ruins but superficially and at 8.20 to trot after 
the others. 

Our guide called the ruins al-Halla, but Turkijje, Prince 
Sattam’s widow, to whom I traced the ruins after our return 
to Prince an-Niuri’s encampment, pronounced it al-Holle or 
al-Hulle. The camp (Fig. 14) is approximately 60 meters long 
from north to south by 55 meters wide. The walls are but- 
tressed at each of the four corners by a round tower and 
between the corners by two towers on each side. From the 


70 PALMYRENA 


east and west sides gates lead into a yard, where the founda- 
tions of several walls are still perceptible, and nearly in the 


AT H ULLE 


METERS 
ie) 10 «0 


Fig. 14—Al-Hulle, plan. 


center of the yard there is what might have been a well or 
a deep cistern. 

Our guide was positive that we should find a huge ruin 
below the hill of Fhede, which from afar resembles a fort of 
large dimensions. Having crossed at nine o’clock the shallow 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER id. 


but wide river bed which emerges from the wells of ar-Rehtib, 
we halted at 9.28 at the foot of Tell Fhede, where we stayed 
until 11.45. Here we were caught by a chilly shower which 
fortunatelly ceased after half an hour. But we found no ruins 
either about Fhede or on its summit. 

The view from the summit, however, was splendid. To the southwest 
the eye rests on the high ridge of aS-Sa‘er and to the south on the mighty 
mountain chain of Abu Rigmén with its northeastern spur, al-MinSsar. To 
the east appears the high ridge of al-BiSri, in the center of which stood 
three dome-shaped hills called Tlejtuwat. North of the eastern dome lie 
the wells Gebab al- -Ka‘ijje and southwest of it the well Gebb al- Gajri. 
Southwest of the western dome projects an oblong hillock, Tell ad-Dabbe, 
and to the south glistens the steep white scarp Tar as-Sbé1. 


Wending our way farther through the innumerable broad 
but low white hillocks and mounds of al-A‘jagat, at 1.20 P.M. 
we reached the al-Kdejr ruins, whence we turned a little to 
the left. At 1.40 we sighted the Nedwijjat al-Kdejr wells about 
two kilometers to our right. They were in the center of a 
white area, to which the black tents of the Arabs camping 
there formed a bizarre contrast. All about us were white 
rocks of soft limestone. Salinas glistened in the valleys and 
lowlands, and both to the right and left of our road there 
were heaps of dug earth and the rather shallow but wide 
pits from which salt is mined. The largest salina, Sbaht al- 
Kdejr, shone forth about ten kilometers west of us. The small 
village of al-Kowm, which we. passed on our right at 3.40, 
numbers fifteen huts built on high’ mounds of dug earth. 
Here also salt has long been mined. Hasan al-Hmejd was the 
village elder.** 

In al-Kowm as well as in the smaller village of al-Kwém, 
which lies to the south, there are numerous wells of salt 
water. The valley of al-Meleh, on the edge of which lie both 
villages, is over five kilometers wide. About ten kilometers 
west of al-Kowm there is a small depression, from which the 

17 In the year 1302 the Tartars prepared a new onslaught on Syria. Having crossed 
the Euphrates, they encamped for a time on the flood plain by its banks. A detachment 
of about ten thousand men attacked the settlement of al-Karjatan (al-Zerjitejn) and other 
neighboring villages. The Moslem army gathered at Hama’, whence a detachment was sent 
to al-Karjatan on March 27, 1303. It met the Tartars on March 31 in Kawm, near the ‘Ord 
settlement, and defeated them there. But when the main Tartar army advanced on Hama’, 
the Moslems drew off to Damascus and waited for the enemy in the Merg as-Suffar, where 
the Sultan of Egypt joined them. The Tartars took up their position near the settlement 
of Sakhab on the western line of the Mer& as-Suffar and ventured an attack; but they were 
repulsed on April 21 and pursued by way of al- Karjatan. As the Euphrates was flooded at 
that time, many of the fugitives were drowned in the river, which they could not cross, and 
the rest fled along the right bank towards Bagdad. The Arabs pursued and killed many of 
them and others died of hunger. (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler], Vol. 5, pp. 182 f.) — 


Kawm, where the Tartars were defeated on March 30, 1803, is identical with our 
al-Kowm, which is scarcely nine kilometers north of the ancient ‘Ord, the at-Tajjibe of today. 


72 PALMYRENA 


salt is extracted that accumulates there during the summer 
after good winter rains. Salt is also plentiful in the as-Sak 
valley, which stretches southeastward. Our guide promised 
to take us direct from al-Kwém to the Kasr al-Hér ruins, 


KASR AL-HER 
ME ARGCE RE POR 


METERS 
10 20 


30 


Fig. 15—Kasr al-Hér: larger fort, plan. 


thus leaving at-Tajjibe on our right. For this reason we 
wished to fill our water bags at al-Kwém, since the nearest 
water was as far distant as the settlement of as-Suhne. It 
so happened that chief Ramazan al-Fkiki, a good friend of 
Bargas eben Hdejb, was camping near al-Kwém. As my com- 
panions were positive that the next night would be the last 
one in ramazgdn (the month of fasting) and that from the 
morrow the Arabs everywhere would hold great feasts, they 
gave themselves up to the glad anticipation of being al-Fkiki’s 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 73 


guests and the recipients of various presents, as is the custom 
of the country on such occasions. Knowing, however, that a 
prolonged visit to chief Ramazan al-Fkiki would but cause 
me unnecessary fatigue and expense, I turned to the wells 
where we wished to replenish 
our water bags. But the guide 
warned me against the salt 
water of al-Kwém and was also 
of the opinion that we should 
not go through the as-Sauk valley. 
He had heard that the ‘Amarat 
herdsmen were camping south- 
east of at-Tajjibe and might 
attack us. Taking his advice, 
therefore, we left al-Kwém at 
once and made for the as-Sul- 
tani road leading along the foot 
of the al-Minsar ridge, east of 
which at 4.42 we pitched our Fic. 16—Kasr al-Hér: 
camp on a small flat. ‘Abdallah smaller, or Persian, fort. 

and the gendarme were much 

displeased at this arrangement and kept on asking Allah why 
He suffered them to spend the last night of ramazdn in so 
lonely a manner. 


SMALLER FORT 


Same scale as Fig 15 


AL-KWEM TO KASR AL-HER 


Monday, October 26, 1908. Leaving at six o’clock, we ad- 
vanced south-southeastwards on the as-Sultani road. We passed 
a watchtower on our right and then crossed the aqueduct Kenat 
an-Nedwijje, which carries the water southeast to Kasr al- Her. 
There we saw before us the little shrine of as- Sejh Ibrahim 
and east of it an old square tower, about which were grouped 
the twenty-five huts of the hamlet of at-Tajjibe. The latter 
is inhabited by the Felalih, who obey their elder, Hmejd al- 
Glal. Northwest of the hamlet there rises a high mound of ex- 
cavated earth, which proves that here also salt was formerly 
mined. At the eastern foot of the mound the spring of Nahr 
al-Kebir flows forth, from which we wished to water our 
camels; our guide, however, declared that the water of ‘Ajn 
al-Gbéb to the south was better; therefore we rode on, halt- 


74 | PALMYRENA 


ing at 6.25 at the southern end of the village in front of a 
huge lintel of a gate which now served as a prop for two 
huts. ‘Abdallah, the guide, and the gendarme led the camels 
to the watering place. Mhammad went to the village to 


in 
ve it 
eae i i : : 
ty Peas pore > 
aa Pee as al 
Inte fe a vm? PR 


oH 
aii lt 


ie eas 
— 


a 


Ie a 


il 


Ty 


ih hi l 


Fic. 17—Kasr al-Hér: Moslem gate. 


buy barley for the horse, while Taiman and I watched the 
baggage. 

In a little while we were surrounded by the inquisitive and 
no less impudent ‘Amarat, who were camping south of us. It 
was not easy to make them keep a proper distance from our 
baggage. A villager about forty years old had to help me, for 
which I presented his little son with a piece of soap. In the 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 75 


meantime the gendarme arrived with the report that the water 
in the ‘Ajn al-Gbéb was so turbid that it was impossible to 
fill the water bags immediately and that we must wait from 
two to three hours until it became clear again. Motioning to 


Fic. 18—Kasr al-Hér: mosque. 


the guide, who was just leading back the camels already 
watered, I ordered him to fetter the animals, take the camel 
that was assigned to carrying the water to the northern 
spring, and fill the bags there. 

The father of the boy to whom I had given the cake of 
soap brought me a stone with a Syriac inscription, of which 
I made both a squeeze and a written copy. He also wished 
to show me an old burying ground there, but, scarcely had 
I gone with him as far as the lintel mentioned above, when 
I heard a violent dispute between the gendarme and the 
“Amarat and hence I had no choice but to return. The ‘Ama- 
rat were making fun of the gendarme, inspecting the contents 
of his bag, and even trying to pull things out of his pockets. 
The gendarme resisted, threatened to shoot, and called to me 
to protect him and not let a representative of the Government 
in Constantinople be insulted by an uncivilized Arab rabble. 
Wishing to end this unpleasant affair quickly, I swung myself 


76 PALMYRENA 


into the saddle and rode southeast, my companions following 
my example. As we passed the ‘Amarat tents I noticed that 
our new guide hired in at-Tajjibe was not with us. Mhammad 
then told me that the old guide had frightened him away. 
Since it was impossible to go on without a guide, I sent 
Mhammad back to the village to hire another one there. We 
waited for them in the Kenat-as-Shejm valley until 9.30. 

The settlement of at-Tajjibe’® lies on the eastern spur of 
the al-MinSar ridge and dominates a large basin extending 
to the south and east. The boundaries of this basin on the 
west are the ridges of al-MinSar, Kotkot, and az-Zaheé;* on 
the north, the hills of al-Hamra and Menajet al-Hér; on the 
east, the spurs of the al-BiSri mountains — called ad-Didi— 
and also the hillocks Zahrat al-Harriba which sink gradually 


18 The old name of the at-Tajjibe settlement is ‘Ord. Since this word calls to mind 
the Day of Judgment, it is supposed to bring bad luck; hence it was replaced by the at- 
tributive at-Tajjibe (The Beneficial) and became obsolete. 

The earliest mention of our ‘Ord is, I believe, in the annals of King Assurbanipal 
(Rassam Cylinder [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5, pl. 8], col. 8, I]. 101—104; 
Streck, Assurbanipal [1916], Vol. 2, p. 72). On the ninth expedition (about 640—638 B. C.) his 
army supplied itself with water at a walled-in place called Laribda, which had many wells. — 
The walled-in place of Laribda may be identified either with “Ord or with al-Labde beside 
the al-Kdejm wells. Both from ‘Ord and from al-Labde a road leads to the Palmyrene moun- 
tains, over which the Assyrian army was marching. 

Jakit, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 3, p. 644, writes that the town of ‘Ord, belonging 
to the administrative district of Aleppo, lies in the Syrian desert between Tadmur and 
ar-Rusafa, 

Al-Makrizi, Sulik (Quatremeére’s transl.), Vol. 2, Part 2, p. 198, states that in the 
year 1303 the Tartars occupied al-Karjatan and “Ord. On March 31 the Egyptian army at- 
tacked the Tartars in their camp at ‘Ord, defeated and plundered them, and took many 
prisoners. 

In January, 1313, Harbanda besieged ar-Rahba with his Tartars-eand’ undertook the 
invasion of Syria. The heads of the Syrian towns assembled with their armies in the neigh- 
borhood of Hama’. Their spies penetrated even to ‘Ord and as-Suhne. When hunger and 
pestilence broke out in Harbanda’s camp, he drew back without withdrawing his war engines, 
which the defenders then brought into the fort of ar-Rahba. (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler], 
Vol. 5, pp. 268 f.) 

Ad-Dimiski, Nuhba (Mehren), p. 202, knew of ‘Ord as a great town on the edge of 
the desert, where also was as-Suhne, the administrative center. 

In 1616 Della Valle (Viaggi [ Venice, 1664], Vol. 1, p. 569) reached a walled-in settlement 
called Taiba, which he said means ‘‘the good.” There he found many old relies, especially 
in the mosque. The tower of the mosque was built with great care and, it seems, originally 
formed the tower of a Christian church. There are many columns there, used by the Moslems 
to strengthen their mud huts. Inside the mosque Della Valle saw a large square stone with 
a Greek inscription and, below this, two lines in letters unknown to him, but resembling 
either Hebrew or Samaritan.— This was a Greco-Palmyrene inscription of August, 134 A.D. 
(Lidzbarski, Handbuch [1898], Vol. 1, p. 477). 

Tavernier, Les six voyages (Paris, 1679), Vol. 1, p. 285, says that Taiba is a kind of 
fort on the plain, built of mud bricks like Mached-Raba. At its gate a spring flows out filling 
a small pond close by. — Mached-Raba, or MeShed ‘Ali, an habitual stopping place for cara- 
vans, lay beside the fort of ar-Rhaba. 


19 Mount az-Zaheé was known to Arabie writers. 

The poet ‘Adi ibn ar-Rika‘, who frequently visited the caliphs Walid I and Sulejman 
ibn ‘Abdalmalek, speaks of the table-like mountains of Dahek and al-Hazim (Jakut, op. cit., 
Vol. 4, p. 974). — 

The caliph Walid I often stayed in the neighborhood of al- Zerjitejn,. whence a_ road 
leads via ‘Tudmor and as-Suhne to Irak. About twenty-five kilometers southwest of Tudmor 
is the well of al-Hazim, and north of the as-Suhne settlement rises the hill of az-Zaheé; we 
might, therefore, identify both these places with the al-Hazim and D&ahek of the poet “Adi. 
But there are two places called Hazim and Zaheé in the northwest corner of the depression 
of Sirhan which lie much nearer together and for this reason may well have been the ones 
to which the poet referred. Abu-l-Feda’ in the first redaction of his Takwim, p. 105 (Rei- 
naud’s translation, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 105) compared al-‘Ared in Negd with Dahek near as- 
Subne. 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER ei 


from north to south; and on the south, the long flat ridge 
of az-Zwéheé. The whole of the basin might be cultivated. 

Riding in an east-southeasterly direction along the aque- 
duct Kenat as-Shejm, we soon sighted the high walls of the 
fort of al-Hér, where we remained 
from 11.52 to 3.50. At the southern 
foot of the height of al-Hamra 
stand two forts. The outside di- 
mensions of the larger one are ap- 
proximately 160 meters long from 
east to west by 150 meters wide; 
it has round towers on each corner 
and smaller towers on each side, 
20.7 meters apart on the east and 
west sides and 22.6 meters apart 
on the north and south sides (Fig. 
15). In the center of each side there 
is a gate flanked by two towers 
and leading into a spacious court, 
where a few remains of old walls 
could be seen. Five brackets orna- 
mented with human faces project 
above the western gate (Fig. 24). 
About in the middle of the court 
there is a reservoir with a door 
shaped like a horseshoe, above which is written in Arabic 
(Fig.17): “Al-Malek Said ibn Gemaleddin... tiSrin the second, 
eight hundred and ten. Manstr wrote this.” Thus the inscrip- 
tion dates from November, 1407; yet the fort itself is un- 
questionably of Roman origin. In the southeast corner of the 
fort a mosque was built (Fig. 18), with three aisles resting 
on pillars. The walls above the arches are constructed of brick, 
and among the débris lay various capitals (Figs. 19, 20). In 
the mosque grows luxuriant bengi. 

Of more interest is the smaller fort, 42 meters east of 
the eastern gate (Figs. 16,21). This is approximately 65 meters 
square on the outside. There is a round tower at each corner, 
and on each side except the west two smaller equidistant ones 
serve as buttresses. On the west the towers are a little nearer 
together, and a gate (Fig. 22) between them leads into a court 
full of débris. Abutting against each wall a row of rooms 
of unequal size is still to be seen. In the southeast and north- 


Fics. 19, 20—Kasr al-Hér, 
capitals. 


718 


PALMYRENA 


HiGgu22Z 


21—Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort from the southwest. 
Fic. 22—Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort, gateway. 


ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 79 


east corners there are stairs leading up to the ramparts. Some 
of the towers are topped by brick domes (Fig. 23) and orna- 
mented all around with pairs of semi-columns connected by 
arches. The columns, as well as the spaces between them, are 
covered with decorations. Between the two forts there is a 
well with a high tower above it, up to which more than twenty 
steps lead.?° 


20 In 1616 Della Valle (op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 570; Vol. 4, p. 614), having started from Taiba, 
grcached a place where there had-once stood a town with a strong fort; its walls were built 
of huge boulders. It was called El Her by the Arabs. In 1625 Della Valle passed a similar 
fort named Heir. This was a large square building of white marble, with fortification walls 
having small round towers. In the court walls of white stone were still to be seen, but every- 
thing there was so dilapidated that it was impossible to obtain any idea of the arrangement 
of the interior. 

Parsons (Travels [1808], pp. 75ff.) traveled in the spring of 1774 from Aleppo via 
Hekla, at-Tajjibe, and ‘Ana to Bagdad. He calls the castles of al-Hér and al-Hwér ‘“‘Soor”’ 
(ibid., p. 86). Sighting the walls from afar, he probably asked what they were and his guide 
answered ‘fortification walls (stir)’’; whereupon he put in his notes that both the forts were 
named Soor. 


80 PALMYRENA 


it 


ee 
“ai 4 ' Aes OS ; +n = 
SS LON \\ aon 
I EX NYE === : a 
y \' Pa = RX \ WS ” veo — ‘ rahe = 


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i) WO 
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WAL 
ih 


Ue 


Fic. 24 


\@ ‘ . 
Drath 

Pt BR . - 
1s 

ae 


smaller fort, gateway tower. 
larger fort, ornament over the western gateway. 


ér 


Fic. 23—Kasr al-H 


SaaS 


or IE 
[f 30 2>292399297>>: 
= Spek 


Fic. 23 
Fic. 24—Kasr al-Hér 


CHAPTER V 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS BY WAY OF ARAK 
AND AL-BHARA 


KASR AL-HER TO ARAK 


Suddenly ten ‘Amarat came to us on camels and would have 
driven away our animals if we had let them. They asserted 
that we might be the spies of the enemy’s troop whom their 
herdsmen had sighted on the previous day at al-Bisri. As there 
was a possibility of our being attacked not only by this troop 
but also by the marauding ‘Amarat, we left the ruins in the 
evening and sought a sleeping place in the az-Zwéheé ridge. 
For over an hour we rode along a wall enclosing a garden. - 
Six arches could be seen to the southeast, but we could not 
go to examine them just then. As we have already seen, the 
whole vicinity of Kasr al-Hér might be cultivated, but only 
really good rains would assure a crop, and, since frequently 
periods as long as two years elapse with but little rain, artifi- 
cial irrigation would be necessary. In olden times the aqueducts 
Kenat an-Nedwijje and Kenat as-Shejm conducted water to the 
neighborhood of the castle and they were easy to repair. 


The run-off from the whole basin of al-Kowm flows to the se%b 
of as-Stk. As-Sik begins at the junction of the al-Minsar and al-“Afwijjat 
ridges, then runs along the western foot of ad-Didi and Zahrat al-Harrtba, 
and finally disappears on the plain Fejzat “‘Edeme southeast of the al- 
Muhejfir well. This well, now caved-in, lies at the southern foot of the 
tabular hills of az-Zwéhe¢ on the old trade road leading from as-Suhne 
to Dejr az-Zor. About thirteen kilometers northwest of it a new well, 
which the Bedouins call Gebb al-Gedid and the settlers Bir al-Barr4la, 
was dug by the order of the governor of Dejr az-Zor. This well is located 
west of the se%b of ad-Didi and has plenty of water, which is unpalatable 
because of its brackish taste. In the dry period merchant caravans approach 
this well by the new as-Sultani road along the northern side of az-Zwéheé 
and do not enter the old as-Sultani road until east of ad-Didi near the 
Seibdn of ad-Defajen. During the winter months, whén, water is to be 
found southeast of az-Zwéhec either in Radir at-Tejr or in Radir al- 
Muhejfir, they follow the old as-Sultani road. Fresh water can be had all 
the year round at the Zelib Negib well, which lies several kilometers south 
of the al-Muhejfir well. The western of the two seibdn of ad-Defajen 
begins at the Tlejtuwat domes near the al-Gajri well and winds in an 


81 


82 PALMYRENA 


easterly direction between Tell ad-Dabbe and Tar as-Sbéii on the west 
and Sa‘afet al-BiSri on the east. It is joined on the right by the se%b of 
ad-Didi and disappears in the plain Fejzat Fazel. The eastern Se%b of 
ad-Defajen originates in Sa‘afet al-BiSri and ends in the same plain. At 
about the center of the long flat-topped az-Zwéheé ridge, which runs from 
east to west, stands the low dome of al-Klejb. 

At 5.40 we reached the new as-Sultani road and went 
along it southwest as far as the knoll of al-Bwejb; there at 
6.05 we encamped at an altitude of 452 meters. 

Tuesday, October 27, 1908. We were not disturbed at night 
either by robbers or by rain, although after midnight we heard 
the neighing of a horse and observed incessant lightning. Having 
left our camp at six o’clock, we descended from the hill and 
took the new as-Sultani road on the vast, white, rolling plain 
of al-Emejlat, which is shut in on the northeast by the az- 
Zwéheé ridge, on the north by az-Zaheé, on the west by the 
white escarpment of the ar-Ruraj, and on the south by the 
mighty heights of az-Zbejwat. Numerous se%badn which wind 
- through the plain merge in the al-Kebir valley and conduct 
the run-off down to the plain of “Edeme. 

At 8.05 we crossed the Se%b of al-Razwanijje, which rises 
on the western slope of the steep white az-Zahe¢ ridge and 
merges with the al-Kebir valley. Numerous springs flow forth 
west of the upper part of al-Razwanijje and irrigate the gardens 
of the settlement of -as-Suhne. The most important are the 
‘Ajn Fejjaz to the north and the ‘Ajn ‘AjjaS to the south of 
the settlement; southeast of the latter bubbles out the “Ajn 
al-Waz‘ijje. South and east of as-Suhne there are cultivated 
tracts and numerous small gardens, irrigated in some places 
by the spring ‘Ajn al-Hammam, while elsewhere water is 
pumped out from shallow wells. The soil is marshy, and every- 
where there is water a meter and a half beneath the surface. 
Here we saw peasants cutting millet (dura) in some of the 
fields. , 

In as-Suhne there are about four hundred small houses 
called hdne, out of which four communities are formed. The 
first, Harat al-Habas, the second, Harat al-Mar4ziz, and the 
third, Harat al-"Afjat, obey Mhammad al-‘Ajed. In the fourth, 
Harat ar-Rhamat, the families of al-MZejbel, M48, and Beni Sbat 
live, all of whom obey Ahmad eben ‘Abdal‘aziz.24.  ~ 
Bass 21 Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 52, states that the Suhne settlement, inhabited by Arabs, 
lies in the Syrian desert between Tadmur, ‘Ord, and Arak, or, more correctly, between Arak 
and “Ord. — And in reality as-Suhne is situated between Arak and ‘Ord, at-Tajjibe of today. 


_ At the beginning of the year 1348 Ibn Battita traveled from ar-Rahba to as-Suhne. He 
writes (Tuhfa [Defrémery and Sanguinetti], Vol. 4, p. 315) that as-Suhne is a fine settlement 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 83 


Mhammad and the gendarme went to the settlement of 
as-Suhne, while the rest of us rode about the gardens and at 
9.28 stopped near the spring of al-W4z‘ijje by the foot of a 
small hillock near a pile of débris from an old watchtower. 
About an hour later a poorly clad Bedouin joined us and sat 
down by the fire, inquiring whether we should need a little 
brother or companion (haw). Since I was quite sure that the 
guide we had hired at at-Tajjibe was not familiar with the 
country which I wanted to pass through south and southwest 
of the as-Suhne oasis, I had asked Mhammad to find us 
another guide and therefore told the Bedouin to wait until 
he returned. When Mhammad brought no one back with him, 
I made an agreement with the newcomer and discharged the 
old guide. The new guide very readily helped Mhammad with 
a wether he had bought in the settlement for two megidijjat 
($1.80). The guide killed and skinned it and gave the fleece to 
a fellah, who was working in a garden near by, to keep for 
him. My companions asked me whether they might cook their 
dinner near al-Waz‘ijje, to which I agreed; and we stayed there 
until one o’clock. 

When it was time to go, our new guide, who had made 
a good meal of meat and bread and had alone drunk almost 
half a pot of black coffee, all at once declared that he could 
not accompany us and ran to the fellah to whom he had given 
the fleece in safe keeping. The gendarme rode after him, but 
at the same moment we heard the war cry of the ‘Amarat 
and saw eleven riders on camels galloping close to us. They 
surrounded us and forced our camels to kneel. But, having 
satisfied themselves that we were not Bedouins — as they had 
thought at first — but wandering traders, they let the camels 
go. In the meantime Mhammad recognized one of them and 
called out to him by name, which brought forth apologies from 
all of them. Returning from an unsuccessful marauding expedi- 
tion, they had taken us for booty sent to them by Allah himself. 
But they did not wish to despoil wandering peddlers, who have 
their protectors in every tribe, especially since they are obliged 
to return to them anything of which their kinsmen may have 
robbed them. Since we did not feel sure that there had not 
attached themselves to this group some ordinary robbers who 
inhabited chiefly by Christians and named ‘‘The Hot” (as-Suhne) because of its hot springs, 
near which were built baths both for men and for women. To be able to drink the hot water, 
the inhabitants draw it in the evening, leave it on the flat roofs of their houses to cool 


overnight, and have it entirely cold in the morning. From as-Suhne Ibn Batttta went by 
way of Tadmur to Damascus. 


84 PALMYRENA 


might assail us at night, without taking a guide we left as- 
Suhne by the as-Sultani road, where we met six more groups 
of the ‘Amarat, all of whom scrutinized us greedily. 

The road runs along the foot of a long steep escarpment, 
Sekif ad-Dabbas, which stretches from northeast to southwest. 
It marks the northwestern edge of a plain which ascends gradu- 
ally to the south with only a few isolated domes rising above 
it. The highest of these is called Rigm as-Sabin (Soap Pile), 
because a great pile of stones is heaped on its summit and 
because in the neighborhood much ‘azgw and sndn grow, the 
ashes (kelw) of which are used in the manufacture of soap. 

At 1.50 P.M. we crossed the wide al-Kebir valley, which 
comes from a deep rift between the mountains of aS-Sejh 
WaAsel on the east and those of al-Klélat and Satih on the 
west. It rises in the Abu Rigmén ridge south of Ri* al-Hawa 
and east of the pass Nakb al-Hmejde and runs eastward along 
the western edge of the fertile plains Fejzat Fazel and Rozat 
al-Basal. Both of these plains are bounded on the north by the 
main ridge of Abu Rigmén and Kotkot, on the west by the _ 
Zahrat al-Bedr heights, on the south by the ridges of Satih 
and al-Kattar, and on the east by az-Zaheé. At two o’clock 
we rode through the river bed of al-Fares, which comes from 
the hillocks of al-Mkate‘ and Zahr al-Hmar to merge later with 
the al-Kebir valley. 

After three o’clock the road led through a gap west of 
the small al-Hléhle ruin, and at 3.45 on the left side of the 
Se?b of al-Butmi we entered a wide plain, shut in on the south- 
west by the peaked hillocks of ar-Rumamin and on the north 
by the spurs of al-Mkate’. The se%b of al-Butmi, also called 
al-Bustan, runs southeastward to the salt morass Sbaht al- 
Mumbatah south of Rigm as-Sabtn and joins the al-Hejl valley. 
We noticed on its left bank the ruined shrine of al-Kubba. At 
six o’clock we had Tell al-Ku‘ajjed on our left and crossed the 
channel of al-Hesja, which runs under the name of al-“Obejje 
from the hills of al-Wa‘arijjAt and an-Nhéle, winding south- 
east to the Zelib al-Mumbatah where it ends in a morass of 
the same name. 

At 7.25 we finally encamped with the Kmusa division of 
the Sba‘a tribe near the hamlet of Arak, or Raka (temper- 
ature: 10.2° C). Mhammad went into a tent to beg dry camel 
manure and returned after a while with an armful. He was 
followed by the owner of the tent, who asked us to come in, 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 85 


at once. To show that he was in earnest, he put out our fire 
twice — nay, he even pulled out the iron stakes which were to 
hold our kettle and was not a little angry when I, knowing that 
a late guest would not get supper (ze7f al-masa’ ma lah ‘asa’), 
declared that we would not disturb him. After a poor meal, 
I lay down in order to avoid being questioned and entertained, 
but scarcely had I covered myself, including my head, when 
the chief of the camp, Fejjaz al Mesreb, came in with about 
ten companions. He sat down by me and began to question 
my men as to whence we had come and where we were going. 
He said that he was very sorry he could not talk to me person- 
ally and wanted them to wake me up, which, however, they 
refused to do. It was after midnight when he finally left. 
A little later some strange Arabs who were camping with the 
Kmusa tried to sneak in, and twice we chased away what we 
took to be thieves. 

Wednesday, October 28, 1908. In the morning I noticed that 
someone had pulled the case containing my toilet set out of 
my saddle bag lying beside me, but the set had been thrown 
away again about eight paces from the saddle bag, the thief 
evidently having no taste for anything of that sort. As we 
were loading our baggage a young man stepped up to me and 
asked whether we should not need a companion (hdwi), saying 
that he would very much like to ride with us. The guide that 
we had, an old man hired by Mhammad, did not seem to be 
what I needed; therefore I nodded to Mhammad to settle it 
with the young man. The old man gave up his job gladly on 
hearing that his relative Blejhan had something to do in al- 
Zerjitejn and would have to go there in any case. 

We filled our water bags from the spring ‘Ajn umm as- 
Sardak, which gushes out by the southern foot of the small 
hillock Tell at-Tafsih, the last spur of the hilly region of ad- 
Dwara. West of this hillock there flows a better spring, the 
Umm Srejhige. Both of these springs could irrigate large gar- 
dens as well as fields, but their water now runs to waste. 


ARAK TO AL-BHARA 


All of the fifteen huts of the hamlet of Arak—or, ac- 
cording to the Bedouins, Raka (or ar-Raka)— were deserted. 
The inhabitants, Tadamre from Tudmor, had suffered much 
from the Bedouins camping in the neighborhood and still 


86 PALMYRENA 


more from the numerous raiding bands; therefore, as they 
always do under such circumstances, they had moved in a 
body with their supplies to Tudmor. The Turkish Govern- 
ment, it is true, some time in the seventies had ordered a 
strong barrack to be built halfway between the hamlet and 
the springs, with five gendarmes for a regular garrison; but 
this was now deserted, because the Bedouins only made fun 
of it. South of the hamlet we saw remains of a few old build- 
ings.2? (Temperature at 5P.M.: 11°C.) 

Blejhan’s brother went with us part of the way and begged 
me, in the name of his mother and himself, to be good to his 
dear brother. At 6.15 we were riding over a plain that rises 
towards the south and.where hardly a pebble could be found. 


On the north this plain is shut in by several mountains running out 
from the main ridge of Abu Rigmén, which projects above them all. North 


22 Arak is often mentioned in history. 

Assurbanipal’s army on its ninth expedition, about 639 B. C., marched as far as 
Hurarina and defeated the nomads in the desert between Jarki and Azalla (Rassam Cylinder 
[Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5, pl. 8], col. 8, l. 107; Streck, Assurbanipal 
[1916], Vol, 2, p. 72). — I identify Jarki with Arak and Hurarina with the Kal‘at al-Hurri 
or al-Harr4r ruins, fifteen kilometers northwest of Arak. 

Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14:19, mentions Adacha; the Peutinger Table (Vienna, 1888), 
Segm. 10, shows Harac; the inscription published in Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3, 
Suppl. no. 6719, mentions Aracha; the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 32, nos. 14, 29, gives the 
name Adatha; and the anonymous Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, II, 15 (Pinder and 
Parthey’s edit., p. 89), refers to Adatis. — 

Ptolemy lists Adacha (misrendered from Aracha) among the Palmyrene settlements. 
It lay on the road built by the Emperor Diocletian and called after him Strata Diocletiana, 
which connected Damascus with Palmyra and the ford of Sura (Strija) on the Euphrates. 
After the new division of the province of Phoenices at the end of the fourth century, Adatha 
(misrendered in the Notitia dignitatum from Adacha, in turn misrendered from Aracha) 
belonged to Foenices Secunda and was garrisoned by equites sagittarii indigenae. 

Peters, Nippur (1897), Vol. 1, p. 372, publishes an inseription from a milestone, which ~ 
indicates that the building of the Roman road Strata Diocletiana was in progress during the 
reign of the Emperor Constantine. The milestone was found about eight Roman miles from 
Palmyra in the direction of Arak. 

The decision of the Council of Constantinople in the year 381 was signed among others 
by Alexander Arachensis (var., Arachon) (by the proxy of the priest Timotheus), one of the 
cnr of the province of Phoenices (Harduin, Conciliorum collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 1, 
col. iF 

The resolutions of the Council of Chaleedon,-451; were ratified by Theodore, metro- 
politan of Damascus, in the name of his suffragan ‘‘Abraamios poleos Archaon”’ (ibid., 
Vol. 2, col. 485). ; 

The petition to the Emperor Leo to recognize the resolutions of this council was signed 
(ibid., col. 720), among the other bishops of Phoenicia’ Secunda by the same ‘“‘Abraamius 
episcopus Uranensis.’’ — The first n in Uranensis is due to an original substitution of a Greek v 
for a Greek x. 

Jakuat, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 210, writes that Arak is a small town on the borders of the 
Aleppan desert near Tadmur and that palm and olive trees thrive there. — By ‘the Aleppan 
desert”? JakGt must have meant the old Palmyrena, because immediately south of Arak he 
placed the northern edge of the desert of as-SamAwa. 

Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar (Adler), Vol. 5, p. 246, relates that in February, 1312, Kara’ 
Sonkor, the administrator of the town of Aleppo, journeying through the desert, reached 
the pilgrim’s station of Birket Ziza. Fearing lest the Egyptian soldiers escorting the Egyptian 
pilgrims should arrest him in the Hegaz by order of Sultan NAser, he returned from Ziza 
via Araka and Suhne to the Aleppan desert, where he and the Arab Emir Muhanna ibn 
‘Isa conspired to rebel against Naser. He then attacked Aleppo, but before he could take 
possession of it the Egyptian army had reached Hama’ and, by the middle of April, had 
driven Kara’ Sonkor as far back as al-Hammam near az-Zerka. From there he fled to the 
Euphrates, where he took refuge in the camps of Emir Muhanna ibn ‘isa. — 

Both al-Hammam and az-Zerka lie on the highway from Palmyra by way of Esrija 
to Aleppo. It is interesting to note that Abu-l-Feda’ does not call the settlement Arak, but 
Araka, as do the Bedouins, who pronounce it either Raka or ar-Raka. 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 87 


of Raka tower the high mountains of Zahrat al-Bedr and al-Rassabijje, 
to the southwest of which appear the Zahrat as-Safra and al-Mizar (other- 
wise called aS-Sejh Mhammad eben “Ali). The last-named falls steeply 
into the plain southwest of Tudmor. Hast of Zahrat al-Bedr, beyond the 
Se%ib of al-Mzebbed, the ridge of Satih stretches parallel with it, and 
both merge on the southeast into the rough hills of al-Wa‘arijjat, which 
send out the narrow spur of an-Nhéle to the southeast and the crest of 
ad-Dawwara to the south. Al-Mzebbed winds through the al-Wa‘arijjat 
hills, separates ad-Dawwara from the mountain of al-Harrar to the west, 
is joined on the left by the Se%b of Carej‘e and on the right by the 
Seibdn of Hale and al-Minsef, and disappears finally in the marsh south- 
east of Tudmor. At the head of the se%b of al-Minsef there are the ruins 
of al-Kattar with a little spring; southwest of them lie the Kal‘at al- 
Hurri ruins.”° 

On the west by the ridge of al-Harrar stretches the deep se%b of 
al-Ahmar with its wells Bijar al-Ammi. This Se%b also disappears in 
the marsh of Tudmor. South of the wells rises the height Mkate‘at ad- 
Darag, which falls off steeply to the southwest. Above it projects the 
steep scarp Marbat al-Hsan, the south side of which is called Tar an- 
Nwejser. South of the latter gapes the pass Tenijjet ad-Demis, through 
which a road leads from Tudmor westward. South of the pass rises the 
conspicuous gray ridge of al-Kajez, merging to the southwest into the 
darker ridge of Hejjal, which skirts the plain of Tudmor on the west. 
To the southwest this plain extends as far as the rose-colored rocks of 
the hilly region of Abtar?‘ and to the south and east as far as the heights 
of at-Telile and az-Zab*. Many parts of the plain might be cultivated. 


As our camels were very hungry we let them rest from 
9.00 to 11.30 and then made our way southward along the 
eastern edge of the Tudmor marsh. This marsh is covered 
with deep drifts of gray sand, in which grow arta, rimt, and 
‘alanda bushes. The animals’ legs sank into the sand, and we 
were more than thankful when, at 1.30 P. M., we again trod 
on firmer ground. At 1.50 (temperature: 26°C) we crossed the 
river bed of al-Frej, which comes from the south and ends in 
the marsh. To the northwest, about fifteen kilometers from 
us, the fort Kal‘at eben Ma‘an, built on a high rock above 
the ruins of Palmyra, was clearly outlined on the horizon. 
South of the fort dark-green palms veiled the poor grayish 
huts of the village of Tudmor, the wretched heiress of the 
imposing queen city of the Palmyrene desert. It seemed as if 
the village were seeking shelter in the folds of the al-Mizar 
ridge, to find safety from the countless attacks of raiders. 


23 Nasr records (Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 228) a place called Hurra’ in the territory 
of the Kalb. — As our Kal‘at al-Hurri lies in the former territory of this tribe, we might 
identify it with Hurra’, but in this case JakGt should have written the last letter as a j and 
not an alif. 

2% Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 78, mentions a place called Abtar in Syria. — This might 
have been the ridge of Abtar. ‘ 


88 PALMYRENA 


Two Tudmor felldhin told us that only four days before their 
settlement had been attacked and they had lost 230 sheep and 
60 pack camels, and that in spite of this they had had to regale 
the raiders as their most welcome guests. 3 

The men were gathering on the plain ‘agw, rimt, and 
§ndn plants, which they pressed into piles about one meter 
high; about these piles they would lay dry sith; then they 
would throw some earth on, set fire to the whole, and wait 
until the plants withered and turned to ashes (kelw). These 
ashes are sold to soap makers in Hama’ or Aleppo and bring 
250 to 800 piasters ($ 11.25—13.50) for 260 kilograms. 

Blejhan pointed out to us to the west the spring wells 
of a’-Sagara, al-Ksejbe, Zebara, and al-“Edejje, the watering 
places of the camels of the Kmusa division of the Sba‘a tribe. 

At 3.48 we halted before a small ruin at the northern 
foot of the low hillock Tell al-Bahra, on the top of which 
a watchtower once stood. There we sketched a map of the 
neighborhood. 

To the north we could see the Tudmor mountains all the way from 
al-Abjaz and aS-Sa‘er in the west to az-Zahe¢ in the east. To the north- 
west rose the reddish domes of Zhtr al-Humr, which lie south and south- 
west from al-Abjaz. To the southwest stretched the mountain chain of 
ar-Rawak, the various parts of which are called Hejjal, al-Gurnijje, 
al-Keteb, and al-Wu‘tl. A broad valley separates this mountain chain 
from a lower ridge to the south, Abtar by name. At the northeastern 
foot of the latter are the extensive al-Bhara ruins, south of which rise 
the bare rocks Swéwint al-Hamra; southeast of these the isolated hill 
Tell al-Frej marks the easiest approach from the south to al-Bhara as 
well as to the lowland of Tudmor. Southeast and east of al-Frej stretch 
the steep escarpments of Tlejlat al-‘Eleb and al-Giffa, above which stands 
the dark red cone of al-Rurab. The view to the east was obstructed by 
the mighty height of at-Telile. 

There is an abundance of water in the neighborhood of 
of al-Bhara, with possibilities of cultivation that must have 
been made use of in times long past, as the numerous re- 
mains of gardens and country houses bear witness. 


AL-BHARA TO AL-HAWA 


Having finished. our work, we went to the al-Baztrijje 
ruins, which lay about one kilometer farther south at the 
western foot of the hillock Tell al-Bahra. Al-Bazirijje had 
evidently never been a settlement, but, rather, a country res- 
idence. It was built in the center of a large garden irrigated 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 89 


from two wells. Solid buildings once stood near the northern 
well, but of these little remains. The southern well is in the 
court of a small square fort with a projecting gate and a 
huge tower. As herds of camels were being watered at the 
wells by singing and shouting men, we were prevented from 
sketching a plan. After a while some Arabs came and asked 
what we had for sale. When my companions told them that 
we were not hawkers but wished to survey the country, they 
began to curse the Government for sending engineers to rob 
them of the land inherited from their fathers. It was quite 
a long time before I succeeded in pacifying them. (Temper- 
ature at 5.45: 20°C.) 

Tuesday, October 29, 1908. Leaving al-Baztrijje at 6.20 
A.M. (temperature: 12°C), we went in a southwesterly di- 
rection to a rather small, partly ruined farmhouse which we 
had on our left at 6.38. At 7.08 we dismounted before the tent 
of Ratwan eben MerSed, the head chief of the Kmusa divi- 
sion of the Sba‘a tribe. My policy was to become personally 
acquainted with the head chiefs of all the ‘Aneze tribes. I 
wanted, if for only a short time, to visit Ratwan. When I had 
entered the men’s compartment of his seven-poled tent, he 
commanded me to sit down on a rug spread out for me op- 
posite him. But I sat quietly beside him, remarking that a 
Rwejli belongs to a Sbé. This made Ratwan laugh. He was 
pleased that I] did not refer to him as a Kmasi (one of the 
Kmusa) but, rather, as a Sbeé‘l (one of the Sba‘a), because 
the word kmdsi means a man with long protruding teeth and 
is therefore avoided by the Kmusa. Ratwan knew that I had 
attached myself to the Rwala and was therefore considered a 
Rwejli. The Rwala and the Kmusa division of the Sba‘a were 
friends of long standing and had helped each other against 
all their common enemies. It was his duty as a Sbé‘% to sup- 
port me — a Rwejli. 

Ratwan, a man of about thirty, tall, with thick black 
brows, black curly hair, and a pleasant face, behaved amiably, 
but with composure. It seemed as if he possessed no judgment 
of his own, because he consulted his scribe all the time. The 
latter had formerly been in the service of Farhan eben Hdejb, 
head chief of the ‘Ebede and Bargas’ father, from whom he 
had stolen more than one hundred Turkish pounds ($ 450). 
Farhan had then confiscated all his property and chased him 
out. After this incident he had entered the services of. Ratwan 


90 PALMYRENA 


and was now examining me. Instead of replying to him, | 
handed him the letters of introduction addressed to his lord, 
and when the scribe asked if the Sublime Porte was informed 
of my journeying there, I told him to read the order of the 
Government addressed to all the head chiefs of the various 
tribes and not to bother me any longer with his questions. 
He then read all the documents aloud and left me in peace. 
After drinking a cup of tea made for me by Ratwan’s orders, 
I went to the ruins. 

Al-Bhara lies at the southwestern end of the Tudmor 
lowland on the northeastern spur of the ridge of Abtar. The 
fresh water in the wells, the fertile soil of the neighborhood, 
and the proximity of the great Roman road from Damascus 
to the Euphrates gave the inhabitants of al-Bhara so many 
advantages that the place prospered, at least as long as it 
was protected by a strong Roman garrison against the attacks 
of the Bedouins. I could not examine the ruins very closely, 
as the scribe made himself one of our party and began to 
worry me with questions; when I did not answer, he boasted 
of all the things he had ever done for noble foreigners. For 
instance, he claimed to have accompanied the Bartn (Oppen- 
heim?), a lady of the French royal family, and many other 
exalted personages, and he said that Ratwan did not have 
a good pair of binoculars and that I should put him under 
a great obligation by presenting him with mine. In answer 
to my remark that I needed the binoculars myself, he thought 
that I could order a pair for Ratwan from Damascus. Seeing 
that the scribe’s impudence would paralyze my whole activity 
about the camp, I returned to the tent, and, having written 
to my friend Halil Fattal in Damascus to buy Ratwan eben 
Mersed a pair of binoculars, I prepared to leave. My compan- 
ions urged me to get another guide from Ratwan, but when 
the latter saw our present guide, Blejhan, he declared that 
I needed no other, because I could travel all over his territory 
without any of his tribesmen molesting me. 

During the conversation several members of the Slejb 
tribe came in and, on hearing that Timan was a Frangi, 
wanted to befriend him. They claimed relationship to the 
Franks, who had left them behind in the desert when they 
emigrated from Arabia to Europe. Also they wished me to . 
induce Ratwan and an-Nitri eben Sa‘lan to compensate them 
for some goats which the kinsmen of these chiefs had killed 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 91 


and eaten. Some of the Slejb wore long skirt-like robes made 
of gazelle skins. Strange to say they were all dressed cleanly, 
if poorly, and evidently washed much oftener than Ratwan 
and his Bedouins. 


The Kmusa belong to the Sba‘a tribe of the ‘Aneze group. According 
to the Rwala their name is derived from their long teeth. They live in 
about twelve hundred tents, obey the head chief. Ratwan, and are divided 
into three subdivisions: 

al-‘Amira 
ar-Rasalin 
al-Mesarbe. 

Clans of the “Amira: al-Btejnat (chief: Ratwan eben Mersed) 
ar-Rhama (35 Barras eben_Sa‘ajjed) 
al-Hamsan ( ,,  Hajes eben Selhtb) 
as-Shejm ( ,  Fellag eben Stéwi) 
al-Mwahib tar “Abbtad eben Rasem). 

Clans of the Rasdlin: Al Gasem ( , Rati eben Nawwak) 
Al ‘Aglan ( ,,  Mhammad eben ‘Ide) 

Al HwejSan (_,, Siran eben Matra). 

The Mesarbe form one unit only; their chief is Fejjaz al Mesreb. 

The recognized leader of the Kmusa in war is BeSir eben MerSed, 
a half-brother to Chief Ratwan by his father. 


After a meal of boiled rice soaked in melted butter, we left 
al-Bhara at 10.30 and rode westward to the Gebb as-Sikkerijje 
well (otherwise known as al-Hazim), which we reached at 10.52. 
The well was dug in the yard of some gentleman’s residence 
northwest of a strong tower. Southwest of al-Bhara there is 
a similar country seat called al-Bhéra. 

Without making a stop, we rode along through the broad 
valley of al-Hallabat, which separates the ridge of Abtar 
from the mountain chain of ar-Rawak. Far to the west-south- 
west were seen the Han (or Kasr) al-Hallabat ruins. Accord- 
ing to Blejhan’s explanation, this name was given the ruins 
because of old the women from al-Bhara used to come there 
every day to milk the goats and sheep grazing in the neigh- 
borhood. Consequently it is called “the Castle of Milking Women.” 
In this sense people often explain to themselves the names of 
old buildings, about the origins of which they are ignorant. 
On the road we met about twenty camels carrying the tents 
and smaller property of a migrating family of the Sba‘a. Every 
now and then both to the right and left we saw the remains 
of old graves, garden walls, and even dams. 

These dams became especially numerous just before al- 
Hallabat was reached at 1.25 P.M. (temperature: 24.3°C). Since 


92 PALMYRENA 


the neighborhood did not have a good reputation for safety, 
we meant to stay near the fort only long enough to sketch 
a plan of it; therefore I ordered my men to make coffee while 
I began work at once with Taman. 


| 
ae 


yee 
Eom 33, 


HAN AL-HALLABAT 


METERS 
10 


= 
w 


0 1S 20 25 


Fic. 25—H4n al-Hallabat, plan. 


Han al-Hallabat forms a square 49 meters on each side 
with mighty, rounded towers at each corner (see Fig. 25). 
In the center of the eastern wall is a gate 3.1 meters wide 
leading into a court in the middle of which lies a heap of 
débris from several ruined chambers. By the north side of 
the gate a stairway leads up to the rampart 3.4 meters wide. 
In each tower is a square room with two stairways giving ac- 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 93 


cess to the loopholes. After the soldiers had gone, the inside 
of the fort had evidently been made to house peaceful in- 
habitants, possibly monks.?° 

The plan finished, we sketched a map of the vicinity and 
then began to look for old inscriptions. At this moment I 
sighted several horsemen far down the valley west of the 
castle. Thinking that they belonged to the migrating clan we 
had met that morning, I did not pay much attention to them, 
but when I noticed four separating themselves from the rest 
and galloping over to us, I ran with Taman to warn our com- 
panions, who were concealed by the eastern wall and could not 
see them. Blejhan knew them as attackers at once, started 
after the camels, and drove them towards us. In the mean- 
time the strangers were already close to the castle and headed 
directly for our party; two of them pointed their rifles at 
us; the other two held their spears ready to throw. Another 
four surrounded us at the same time from the north; two 
threw themselves at our camels; and the rest, reinforced 
by two more, seized our water bags, quenched their thirst, 
and watered their horses. The thirsty mares trod all over our 
baggage and when I tried to drive them away with a club, 
two of the band took hold of my hands, laughing derisively. 
Blejhan and Mhammad came to my aid, snatching the water 
bags away from the strangers; but the gendarme hid his gun 
and with the coffeepot in his hand waited on the attackers un- 
blushingly, calling them ‘“‘efendijje’; ‘Abdallah ordered Mham- 
mad in a loud and angry tone to prepare dinner for our es- 
teemed guests. This order evidently pleased the men who were 
still holding me, for one of them let me loose and went with 
‘Abdallah to our baggage, from which he helped himself to 
rice, burrul, and tea. At that moment two more riders appeared 
on the scene. 

One of them, who was the commander (‘azid) of the band, 
Blejhan recognized as Met‘eb, son of Fahad eben Haddal, the 
head chief of the ‘Amarat. When he approached me I said 
reproachfully to him: 


2% Han al-Hallabat is the Roman station of Heliaramia (Peutinger Table [Vienna, 
1888], Segm. 10). Perhaps no soldiers were there in the Byzantine era, and later it became 
a monastery. 

Wright, Catalogue (1870—1872), p. 718, col. 2, records the following Monophysite settle- 
ments in the ecclesiastical province of Arabia; ‘Awejra, Gubejl, Hadita, Helioram, Gejgil, 
“Awkaba, “Afa’? and (ibid., p. 714, col. 1) the monastery of “Entin. — Helioram is undoubtedly 
identical with the Roman post of Heliaramia, southwest of Palmyra; the monastery of “Entin 
with ‘Anén, southeast of Palmyra; ‘Awejra, probably with al-Barde; and Gejgzil with Han 
Gnejzel, northeast of Geri on the road to Palmyra. (See also Lamy, Profession [1898], 
p. 138, nos. 116 and 119.) 


94 PALMYRENA 


“Took, Met‘eb, how thy friends are treated by thy men.” 

He made no reply whatever, but sat down by our fire and 
commanded Mhammad to prepare a good dinner for him and 
his men. Then he invited me to take a place beside him. When 
I declined with the remark: 

“T cannot sit with a friend who treats me as an enemy,” 
he replied: 

“Since when am I thy friend?” 

“Since the time thy friends gave me letters of introduction 
to thee and when I myself wrapped up the presents intended 
for thee and thy father!’ 

“Show me those letters!” 

“T will, but only in the tent of thy father, who shall know 
how thou hast treated me!” 

My words did not fail in the result desired. Met‘eb rose, 
sat down by me, and begged to be forgiven for the way he 
had acted. At his command his men helped to load our bag- 
gage, the kettle in which our husked wheat (burrul) was mer- 
rily boiling was taken down, and the flour just ready for mak- 
ing bread was returned to the sack, so that by 2.52 we could 
continue on our way again. Met‘eb offered me his friendship 
and his hand; but I refused to give him mine, saying that I 
would do so only in his or his father’s tent. 

We had been on the march about half an hour when 
Met‘eb overtook us and again offered his hand, begging for- 
giveness. Then I gave him mine and sent greetings to his 
father. The young man now told me that he had set out at 
‘the head of about four hundred riders on camels and thirty 
on horseback against the Rwala; but the Rwala’s herdsmen 
sighted them and so alarmed the neighboring camps that 
nothing was left for him to do but to save himself by flight. 
His camel riders and some horsemen escaped by way of al- 
Zerjitejn and Tudmor, while he and about a dozen riders went 
home by way of al-Basiri and al-Bhara. 

At 4.15 we reached the ruined well Zelib al-Hawa, north 
of which lies the demolished Han al-Hwénize. Northeast of 
the latter, through the Se%b of as-Sihle and the defile Ri* al- 
Hawa between al-Gurnijje to the west and as-Seklawijje to 
the east, there leads an easy road to the spring of al-“Edejje 
and to Tudmor. Another road heads northwesterly to the Kal‘at 
al-Béza fort through the saddle between al-Gurnijje and al- 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 95 


Keteb, running thence alongside the se?%b of ar-Raml, which 
disappears in the ad-Daw lowland. 


AL-HAWA TO AL-BARDE 


South of the Zelib al-Hawa I noticed the first Roman mile- 
stones, but most of them were broken and crumbled, thus 
making the reading of even a single letter absolutely impos- 
sible. From five to six o’clock we rested and then rode on in 
the same direction, not desiring to sleep where we had lighted 
our last fire. But in a little while a heavy cold rain began 
to beat across our faces. For more than half an hour we and 
our animals struggled against the rain and wind with all our 
strength; then suddenly our camels turned their faces to the 
east, knelt down, and could not be made to rise again. Un- 
loading the baggage and covering it as best we could, we, too, 
sought protection from the rain. I sat down beside my camel 
and the baggage with my back to the wind and wrapped my 
cloak tight about me; but the wind kept raising it and the 
rain sent one trickle after another down my back. After an 
hour the rain ceased a little, which gave me a chance to get 
a blanket out of the baggage, stretch it on the wet ground, 
pick up some large stones, and lie down, covering myself with 
my cloak, the edges of which I weighted down with stones 
lest it be blown away by the wind. Just then it started to rain 
heavily again. The blanket on which I was lying got wet, the 
night was cold, and the morning star would not show itself. 
My companions wrapped themselves up in their clothes, wool 
coats, and blankets, pulled their knees almost to their faces, 
and seemed not to mind the bad weather at all. But the gen- 
darme pressed, closely to me, making my head ache with his 
lamentations and complaints. The second watch fell to Mham- 
mad’s lot and the third to Blejhan, but both of them de- 
clared that in a dark rainy night like this, no thief or robber 
would venture out and to guard our baggage or camels would 
therefore be unnecessary. The gendarme, however, was con- 
cerned about his horse, which had no iron fetters, and feared 
that any marauder, from what he knew of that gentry, would 
take a horse before anything else. I advised him to consult 
his good friend and ally ‘Abdallah, who surely would keep 
awake with him; but ‘Abdallah declared that he had not known 


96 PALMYRENA 


the gendarme up to a month ago, that in two days he would 
forget all about him anyway, and that if he were afraid for 
his horse he should watch it himself. Having thus relieved 
his mind, ‘Abdallah crawled back into his covers again and 
did not stir until morning. 

Friday, October 30, 1908. At five o’clock we started to- 
ward the southwest. The sky was dark, but the clouds were 
breaking, and here and there a star appeared. From 5.18 to 
6.34 (temperature: 15°C) we let our camels pasture on the 
abundant rate in the neighborhood, while we warmed up the 
coffee. After a while we sighted on the south side of the valley 
about sixty camels laden with the tents and furniture of the 
Hamsan clan of the Kmusa division. Soon after, an elderly 
man seated on a she-camel came over to us and asked where 
we had come from, of what tribe we were, and where this and 
that clan were camping. At 7.48 A.M. Blejhan showed me a 
place to the north where the spring “‘Ajn al-Kattar lies on 
the eastern slope of the ridge of al-Wu‘il. There is another 
spring called al-Wu‘tl southwest of al-Kattar. The deep rift 
Tenijjet al-Wa‘are separates the ridge from al-Keteb to the 
east. North of the rift begins the Se%b of Misa Ara, which 
ends northeast of the at-Tw4ale ruins and well (also called an- 
Najfe). At the entrance to Tenijjet al-Wa‘are there lies, east 
of ‘Ajn al-Kattar, the small fortress of al-Kattar, which I did 
not see, since it was hidden in the fog and Blejhan did not 
call my attention to it in time. 

To shorten our way, we left the Roman road which leads 
through the valley to the al-Basiri ruins and went across the 
pass between the al-Hlejjel and an-Neknekijje ridges in a 
westerly direction. 


To the south the Abtar ridge sinks gradually to’ the flat hillocks 
of al-Makta‘a, southeast of which appear the gray rocks Swéwint aS-Shaba, 
connected on the west with the broad black crest of ‘Ade. This ends in 
a cluster of scattered crags not unlike a black castle, which is called Kal‘at 
Tejr. West of the crags projects the mighty black pyramid of ar-Rmah 
with its two terraces, partly concealing the bluish rocks of the low tabular 
hill of Khejle. Northwest of ar-Rm&h glisten the dark blue mountains 
of Kehle, with the higher Rattis to the north of them, and, still farther, 
al-Barde. To the north was seen the Kasr al-Hér al-Rarbi ruin on the 
as-Sultani road, which runs from al- -Zerjitejn to Tudmor. The lowland of 
ad- Daw, which fie road cuts through, is shut in to the north of al-Hér by 
the white escarpment Tar ar-Rhejmi and by the white heights of at-Tjas as 
well as by the low hillocks Zuml Emhar, al-Hadidijje, and Ras al-Medrir, 
which cluster in front of the southern spur of the high ridge of al-Abjaz. 


KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 97 


At ten o’clock, leading our camels by the reins, we reached 
the western foot of the ridge, crossed the road to the spring 
‘Ajn al-Wu‘tl, and went through the basin to the isolated 
hillock Tell al-Akta, which rises east of the spring wells of 
al-Barde. Around the water were about two hundred tents, 
through which I should have had to ride had I wanted to visit 
the dam of al-Harbaka. From the camp several men came to- 
wards us and invited us to enter their tents as their guests. 
Since our baggage was soaking wet and every one of us dead 
tired, we turned west and encamped at 11.38 (temperature: 
23.5°C) at the foot of the mountain of al-Barde, which rises 
on the left side of the valley of the same name about a kilo- 
meter and a half south of the wells. The gendarme with Blej- 
han went to the wells, the former to water his horse, the 
latter to get water for us. Having unloaded the baggage, we 
spread out the blankets, hung our clothes on the ‘alanda bushes 
to dry, and began to sketch a plan of the vicinity. This done, 
Taman and I lay down for a short rest, but just then the 
gendarme brought to us Chief Fellas eben Stéwi with six of 
his friends, who bothered me a long time, trying to persuade 
me to come as their guest to their tent and in the mean- 
time drinking up all our coffee. 


CHAPTER VI 


AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 
BY WAY OF AL-ZERJITEJN AND HAN ‘ANEJBE | 


AL-BARDE TO AL-ZERJITEJN 


At 2.05 we left in the direction of the gap Tenijjet az- 
Zerka, which separates the ridge of al-Barde from that of 
Rattis. On the way to the pass we found a small cluster of 
yellow flowers which resembled the tulips of Europe and which 
Blejhan called ‘asansal. Leading our camels all the way, we 
reached the summit of the pass in about twenty minutes 
and there sighted to the south-southeast at about six kilo- 
meters from us a few tents of the Fwa‘re, camping by the al- 
Basiri wells. The Roman road branches off from the al-Basiri 
wells through the Tenijjet al-“Alézijje rift to the southwest. 
Another road leads from these ruins north through the valley 
of al-Kantara to the al-Barde wells and farther on to Kasr 
al-Hér al-Rarbi; and a third road goes west through the al- 
Haramijje and al-Maszijje passes to al-Zerjitejn. These two 
passes separate the mountain of Kehle from the long ridge 
of an-Nusrani, which is grown over partly with groves of 
terebinth trees. 

Far to the west in the desolate white plain our eyes were 
refreshed by the sight of the dark green gardens of the al- 
Zerjitejn settlement, where we wished to spend the night; 
we therefore urged on our tired animals to greater speed. The 
descent from the pass was much more difficult than the as- 
cent because the path leads over and among big boulders, 
where our camels could move only with the utmost care and 
very slowly. On reaching the foot of the ridge we were over- 
taken by two riders going from the Fwa‘re camp near al- 
Basiri to visit their relatives, who were camping in the Se%b 
of al-Abtah. Recognizing us as the travelers guided a short 
time ago by their kinsman Ramzin, they inquired what: clans 
we had met on the road and what experiences we had had 
thus far. 

From 4.28 to 6.45, letting our camels graze at the western 
foot of the al-Barde mountain in a shallow valley in the un- 


98 


AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-ATIZE 99 


dulating region of al-Hazerijjat, we sketched a map of the sur- 
rounding country. After supper we passed through the rolling 
plain to the west to the lowland Rozat al-Mizra‘a, where the 
camp fires of the Fwa‘re were then burning. At first it seemed 
that the flames were white, visible one minute, out of sight 
the next. Not until an hour later, when we had crossed the 
Abu Tine valley, which rises at the Tenijjet al-Hufejjer pass, 
did the fire assume its normal red ‘color. It could plainly be 
seen to rise, flare up, and then die down again. We also began 
to hear dogs, then human voices and the wailing of the she- 
camels caring for their young; and at last we halted before 
the camp itself, where we lay down at eight o’clock and had 
a good night’s rest. 

Saturday, October 31, 1908. The sky was clouded and the 
air was moist when we resumed our trip at 5.08 the next 
morning (temperature: 8°C). The Fwa‘re drove their sheep 
to pasture —or, rather, led them; for every herdsman sat on 
a donkey, his dog trotting beside him; then came a ewe with 
a bell hung around her neck, and in her wake the rest of the 
flock, long rows of them in single file with heads bent down. 
The lowland of al-Mizra‘a, which we were passing, might be 
cultivated very profitably. 

We let our camels graze from 6.22 to 6.40, after which 
we headed for the gardens of al-Zerjitejn. We should have 
liked to go around them in the direction of the Umm al-Ke- 
lajed spring and to encamp northeast of the settlement on 
the very spot where we had stayed at the time of our first 
visit (see above, pp. 35f.), but the gendarme declared that we 
should have to go too far out of our way and that he would 
lead us straight through the gardens. As he had been stationed 
at al-Zerjitejn, we took his word for it; but no sooner were we 
between the high garden walls built of dry marl than he did 
not know which way to turn. Our camels shied and made us 
fear for our instruments, which might easily have been da- 
maged if rubbed against the walls. Nothing was left for us 
to do but face about and lead our animals by the reins; hence 
we did not reach the northern edge of the settlement until 
9.42, when we finally pitched our camp.”° 


i 26 The poet al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 86, mentions al-Karjatan (the modern al- 
Zerjitejn). 

The caliph al-Walid ibn ‘Abdalmalek once listened at the al-Karjatan settlement to 
a quarrel between two men, one of the Kalb tribe, and the other of the Kejs tribe. The 
Kalbi was standing in a pond and challenged all present to a wrestling match. The Kejsi 
took up his challenge, but got a ducking and could save himself only by great efforts. He 
was thus humiliated, with nobody willing to help him. At that very moment another burly 


100 PALMYRENA 


AL-ZERJITEJN TO HAN ‘ANEJBE 


Al-Zerjitejn is divided into four Moslem and two Christian 
precincts. The Moslem precincts, Harat aS-Serkijjin, Harat al- 
Rarbijjin, Harat al-Bali‘a, and Harat al-Wasta, number about 
six hundred huts, peopled exclusively by Moslems. Harat as- 
Sarijjan and HAarat al-Katilik, with about two hundred houses, 
belong to the Christians. The Strijjan (Syrian orthodox Chris- 
tians) have two priests, Gebrajil and Haran; the Katdlik (Syr- 
ian Catholics) only one, Philip. The head chief of the whole 
settlement is Ahmad eben Fejjaz. j 

To save themselves from robberies, the people of al-Zer- 
jitejn have protectors in the several tribes of the desert, who 
are obliged to return to them everything of which their kins- 
men have robbed them. For this such protectors get an an- 
nual tribute called huiwa, as follows. 


In the Rwala Eben Me‘gel gets 30 megidijjat ($27) 
se . Eben Rowzan » 40 e ($ 36) 
» » Weld ‘Ali Al Halfl Mee? ; ($27) 
» 9»  Hsene ar-Raffase ecu % ($18) 
pin uc ehigab Ahl Fellah 520 4 ($18) 
Sg a. Eben Sa‘dan as a 5 ($ 14.40) 
Pry iakt OC an Eben Nubejhan ee pi ($18). 
One of the “‘Amarat chiefs Wee . ($27). 


As long as Fejjaz eben Da“as was living, nobody dared 
to ask the inhabitants of al-Zerjitejn, who are commonly 


Kejsi arrived in al-Karjatan on his camel, and scarcely had he dismounted when the caliph 
al-Walid ordered him to challenge the victor. The newcomer hesitated at first, fearing that 
he would have to pay the eustomary blood price; but when the victorious Kalbi yielded his 
claim for the blood money, the Kejsi engaged him in a struggle, which ended by the Kejsi’s 
holding his opponent’s head under the water until he was dead. The caliph was much 
displeased with this. (Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [B0l4k, 1285 A.H.], Vol. 12, pp. 32f.) 

At the beginning of February, 1071, some bands of the Turkoman army, then besieging 
Aleppo for the caliph al-Kajim, passed through the desert to seize al-Karjatén, which, as 
well as the country thereabouts, they thoroughly plundered (Ibn Tarri Birdi, Nugtim [Popper], 
Vol. 2, p. 245; Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl [Amedroz], p. 100). 

In October, 1104, Emir Sukman, leader of the Seljuks of Mardin, who ravaged the 
surroundings of Damascus, died at al-Karjatan and was buried at Hisn Kifa near Mardin 
(Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Tornberg], Vol. 10, p. 268; Ibn al-Kalanisi, op. cit., p. 147). 

tive In 1199 al-Malek az-Zaher, son of Saladin, came with only a small retinue to the 
vicinity of the town of Sarhad and from’there went through the desert of as-Samawa to 
Tadmur. The baggage-laden mules followed him to al-Karjatan. During the next rainy season 
he camped with his army in the Merg as-Suffar and Ras al-Ma’, after which he marched 
by way of al-Karjatan to Aleppo. (KemAaladdin, T'a’rih [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or. lat., 
Vol. 4, p. 220; al-Makrizi, Sulik [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or. lat., Vol.9, p.107; Abu-l-Feda’, 
Muhtasar [Adler], Vol. 4, p. 180.) 

Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 77; Vol. 2, p. 355, and Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid (Juynboll), 
Vol. 2, pp. 406f., write that al-Karjatan is a large settlement inhabited only by Christians 
on the desert road from Homs to Suhne and Arak. According to Abu Hudejfa (as cited by 
Jakut) Haled marched out of Tadmur to the settlement called al-Karjatan, or otherwise 
Huwwarin, two days distant from Tadmur. — Al-Karjatan, however, was not situated on 
the road from Homs to Arak and Suhne, as the direct road between these places ran north 
of it. Al-Karjatan also was quite different from HuwwéAarin, a settlement lying twenty kilo- 


meters to the northeast, and it is indeed remarkable that Jakdat failed to point out the 
difference between them. ; 


AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 101 


called al-Karawne, to pay the huiwa. But he died in 1903 and, 
as his sons are weak and afraid of everybody, they have to 
buy protection from strangers. 

Having paid a visit to the kassis Philip, I told the ser- 
vant I had hired there to follow me to our camp. Asking for 
eight napoleons ($ 30.40) in advance, he promised to bring his 
clothes and to be with us before noon; but in the afternoon 
a messenger came with the report that my man was afraid 
and that he did not know whether he would go with us or 
not. This meant that his friends, having found out that I 
had come to take him with me and begrudging him the good 
wages he was about to get, were trying to scare him away in 
the hope of entering my service themselves. ‘Abdallah eben 
Huri in particular, the son of the late parish priest Ibrahim, 
was spreading rumors throughout the settlement that anyone 
going out with me and the Rwala would put himself in the 
greatest danger. And after that ‘Abdallah was impudent 
enough to offer me his own services, adding by way of ex- 
planation that he had accompanied a number of consuls to 
Palmyra, had more than fifty letters of recommendation, knew 
what every traveler wanted, and that I could hardly find so 
reliable and experienced a servant as he. But, having no suc- 
cess in this, he begged the kassis Philip to plead for him, 
so that I would hire no one but him, ‘Abdallah. Since even 
this did not help, he brought to me the chief of the settle- 
ment, Ahmad eben Fejjaz Agha, who declared that there was 
only one man between Damascus and the Euphrates whom he 
could vouch for, that his name was ‘Abdallah eben Hari, and 
that he warmly recommended him; then he said that all he 
asked for his exertions in this matter would be a rifle, Tt- 
man’s carbine. When Ahmad eben Fejjaz Agha also failed to 
convince me, I was visited by about twenty other men, all 
offering me their services; but I stated over and over again 
that I wanted only the one with whom I had made the agree- 
ment. For him I waited until one o’clock that afternoon, when 
he sent the prepayment back with the excuse that he would 
not accompany me because he really could not. Then, when 
I was ready to leave, a new messenger came, announcing 
that the brother of the man whom I had hired would like 
to go with me on the same terms; because I liked his looks, 
I accepted him. I had, however, to wait for him until 4.22, 
when he finally came with his mother and several relatives. 


102 PALMYRENA 


At five o’clock we stopped at the spring ‘Ajn umm al- 
Kelajed where we planned to spend the night. Telling Mham- 
mad to show the new servant how to prepare our supper, I 
went to the al-Hosn ruins. The building material, huge stone 
blocks, was covered with variously executed ornaments and 
therefore must have been taken from other ruined buildings. 
Use had also been made of it in building a small fortress, the 
vaults of which were in a good state of preservation. 

Returning to the camp, I found the new servant working 
hard. Soon after, his brother came with two strangers who 
were buying horses from the Bedouins then watering their 
herds at the spring. Having bidden a farewell to his brother, 
who turned to go back to the settlement again, our new 
servant suddenly leaped on the baggage pile, took out from 
a bag his bundle of clothes, and called to me, saying that I 
was not to be angry with him, that he could not leave his 
mother, and that he would return the prepayment directly. 
Then he ran after his brother. 

Mhammad, having forgotten the tea he had bought as 
well as the raisins for which al-Zerjitejn is widely famed, 
went back for them with ‘Abdallah to the settlement, so that 
only Blejhan and I remained by the fire. To my question 
whether he too had now to return to his relatives, Blejhan 
replied that he would stay with me as long as I wished him 
to and that he would serve me conscientiously if I would only 
“rid him of coffee and bread,’’ meaning I should not ask him 
to prepare our meals, since he did not understand that kind 
of work. 

At that moment I heard the war cry of the Esage‘a and 
saw ourselves surrounded by eight armed herdsmen, who be- 
lieved us to be camel thieves. We were encamped in a small 
basin between low limestone hillocks, and neither we nor our 
fire could be seen except from very near. Having satisfied 
themselves of our peacefulness, they left again, with the ex- 
ception of one, who sat down beside Blejhan who was just 
then about to finish making our coffee. Fifteen minutes later 
Blejhan brought the empty coffeepot to me with the words: 

“There, thou seest that the ESage‘a are not Sha‘a. The 
Sba‘a have sense, but the ESAge‘a.are insatiable like a bot- 
tomless bucket.” . 

“Why didst thou give it to him?” 

“He helped himself.” 


AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 103 


“Then why didst thou not tell me before?”’ 

“Because Allah has ordered that all our coffee be eve 
by an Esage'i today.” 

This opened my eyes to the fact that Bhejhan would not 
be able to defend my provisions either against my always 
hungry servants, Farag and ‘Abdallah, or against their guests. 
A sensible and fearless man Blejhan certainly was, but at 
the same time very open-handed. The only thing left for me 
to do was to look for a servant of mature age and without 
generous notions; one who out of sheer greediness and antip- 
athy to the Bedouins would know how to protect my pro- 
visions against them. Such an older servant would have to 
cook, whereas Blejhan would take care of our camels, sad- 
dles, and water. 

Mhammad reported to me on his return that the kassis 
had found a new servant for us, a much better and more re- 
liable one than either of the former two. He said that he 
would have offered him to me the day before, if he had not 
been away from the settlement, returning only towards even- 
ing. This aspirant for our service was said to be a camel 
driver named Naser, who, with the help of his beast, acted 
as a sort of carrier between the settlements. He knew the 
roads, was accustomed to exposure, and could be away from 
his family for several months if necessary. This proposition 
appealing to me, I told Mhammad to start for the settlement 
before sunrise and bring the man back with him. We had to 
watch our baggage all night to prevent the herdsmen frequent- 
ing the watering place from stealing anything. 

Sunday, November 1, 1908. At four o’clock I woke Mham- 
mad, reminding him not to stay in the settlement too long but 
to return as soon as possible. Two or three hours had passed, 
however, before he came with the report that Naser had left 
after midnight for the spring to buy a camel, which he wanted 
to kill, cut in pieces, and sell in the settlement. His brother 
went to look for him, saying that he would soon be with us. 
Before long the brother came, but without Naser, who he said 
had returned home by another road. All that I could do now 
was to send Mhammad to the settlement again. This time it 
took two hours before he brought the expected guide. Naser 
asked for six napoleons ($22.80) in advance and wanted us to 
start out at once. 

By ten o’clock we broke camp, rode around the Turkish 


104 PALMYRENA 


barracks, which had been built in the eighteen-seventies but 
were now deserted, and made our way along the foot of the 
hillock Tell al-‘Ajn. This hillock is about ten meters in height 
and on it once stood the fortifications of the old town; the 
foundation walls were still visible here and there. Many of 
the blocks used in building the walls were 2.60 meters long, 
90 centimeters wide, and 60 centimeters thick. To the south- 
west, under the hillock, there bubbles out the large spring of 
Umm al-Kelajed, the water of which irrigates the gardens 
and fields; the farmers just then were industriously plowing 
and sowing. On the north of the Ri* aS-Sam gap, through 
which runs the as-Sultani road, projects the butte Muntar 
al-Radir, and south of the gap stretches the long hillock al- 
Gbejl. At 10.20 P.M. we crossed the Se%b of al-Fahel and 
then, riding between the limestone domes of ar-Rts, reached 
the junction of the two branches of the Se%b of al-Jehmutn. 
The western branch gathers the run-off between the hills of 
al-Mzejble, Ris at-Twal, al-“Enejz, and as-Sawwane; the south- 
ern gathers that from between the mountains of an-Nusrani, 
as-Sejh, and ad-Delle. The combined Se‘ibdn of al-Jehmiin and 
al-Fahel form the Se%b of al-Abtah, which receives on the 
right the at-Tine gully and ends in the low plain of Arz al- 
Kamt‘. At 12.12 we reached the black hill of al-“Abd, made 
a little turn eastward, and went on over the plain to the pass 
Tenijjet ad-Delle, situated between the ranges of al-Butmi 
and an-Nusrani. From the summit of the pass we sighted on 
the south the Han ‘Anejbe, which we reached at 1.38 and 
where we stayed until 4.46 (temperature: 15°C). 


HAN ‘ANEJBE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 


The Han ‘Anejbe lies on the southern foot of the an- 
Nusrani range. On a high hill north of it stands a ruined 
watchtower. The dn is a ruined fort the interior dimensions 
of which are 44 meters long from south to north by 35 meters 
wide (Figs. 26, 27); the walls are 2 meters thick. At the cor- 
ners, Square towers, the outer sides of which are each 9 me- 
ters in length, project 6.5 meters beyond the walls. In the 
center of the south side the wall is additionally strengthened 
by a buttress which projects 6.5 meters beyond the wall and 
is 14 meters long on the outside. A gate 2.7 meters wide in 
the middle of the east side leads into a court divided into six 


AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-ATIZE 105 


parts by low walls. North of the gate a stairway leads up to 
the ramparts. The towers on the east side have five loopholes, 
the other towers four each. The door in the northern wall opens 
upon two reservoirs, one of which on the inside is 35 meters 
long from east to west by 11.8 meters wide, while the second 
is 12.6 meters long from north to south by 11.6 meters wide 
and extends northward along a ditch in a projection 2.3 meters 
wide by 20.8 meters long. Into these the rain water used to 
flow from several gullies. 

The gap Tenijjet al-“Alézijje, which opens to the north, 
is a favorite thoroughfare for marauding bands; therefore 
Blejhan warned me not to spend the night near the hdn, but 
to go farther southwest. Thick clouds began to envelop the 
mountains of Kehle and ar-Rmah, making a never-to-be-for- 
gotten picture. These clouds seemed to come down from the 
skies as if to draw a curtain over the two mountains. Gigan- 
tic sluggish masses of vapor rolled up and down the hill- 
sides. The sky to the east was very black, while to the west 
it glowed in the setting sun as if colored with blood. And 
down ar-Rmah thick columns of smoke seemed to be tum- 
bling eastwards. Riding as fast as we could in a southerly 
direction, at 5.82 we reached the camp of the ‘Abdelle clan 
of the Rwala tribe, near which we lay down to sleep. 

Monday, November 2, 1908. At 5.10 A. M. we were on our 
way again and from 6.08 to 6.42 we rested about one kilo- 
meter from the Han al-Manktra. South of here spreads an 
almost level plain, partly covered with basalt and intersected 
by the numerous wide valleys of al-Butmijjat. The largest of 
these runs out of the Tenijjet al-‘Alézijje, the rest coming 
from the southern slopes of the an-Nusrani, al-Butmi, Hejmatr, 
Ma‘raz al-Krejze, and az-Zbejdi mountains, which shut in the 
plain on the north. East of al-Butmijjat and the long height 
Tarak abu Dalje the valleys are called al-Bowlijjat; and still 
farther east, as-Serijjat. All these Se“ban trend toward the 
Tel‘et as-Sai, which carries the run-off west to the rain ponds 
Habari Sejkal. Scattered all over the region of al-Butmijjat are 
isolated terebinth trees. The entire plain is sparsely covered 
with various perennials, on which the herds of camels of some 
Rwala clans were then grazing. Their watering place was the 
springs near al-Zerjitejn. 

The Roman road we now took runs along the foot of the 
border range of ar-Rawak. At seven o’clock we passed a ruined 


106 PALMYRENA 


watchtower and a large camp of the Weld ‘Ali. Half covered by 
fog banks (kubejs), the tents resembled some giant monsters 


AG e 
Re CAO! RRS aon 
oS ney 
Na CVV NA hy 
as ee pes 
) ara 


( ea 
\ 


7 HAN ANEJBE 
AND ENVIRONS 


METERS 
0 20 40 60 100 
SSE ERT Nase eee eee Sy MIR 


Fic. 26—Han ‘Anejbe and environs, plan. 


of bizarre shapes. The camels appeared to be swimming in 
the mist and parting it with their necks. Here and there 
projected the head of a herdsman or an unreal-looking rider 


AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL“ATIZE 107 


HAN ANEJBE 


METERS 
10 15 20 


Fic. 27—Han ‘Anejbe, plan. 


108 PALMYRENA 


on a camel; and with each shifting of the wind these pictures 
changed. At 7.58 we sighted on our right three broken mile- 
stones and at 8.11 two more. At 8.50 we passed a watchtower 
on our right, at nine o’clock a milestone on our left, at 9.15 


HAN AT-TRAB 


METERS 
10 


Fig. 283—H4an at-Trab, plan. 


another one, at 9.50 a watchtower, at 10.28 a milestone num- 
bered VI, and from 10.52 to 12.56 we sketched a plan of the 
ruins of the Han at-Trab. 

The Han at-Trab was built of soft stone, now almost wholly 
crumbled and fallen to pieces. The walls have disappeared, but 
the plan is still distinct (Fig. 28), forming a rectangle 44.8 
meters long from east to west by 41.5 meters wide, with a 
mighty square tower in each corner. In the middle of the 
north side is a gate. The court is divided by thinner walls 


AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 109 


into many spaces of various sizes. West of the gate are traces 
of a staircase to the rampart, which was three meters wide. 
In each tower there are four loopholes. 

The Han at-Trab stands at an important crossing. The 
Roman Road stretching from northeast to southwest is cut 
here by the highway leading from the Hawran in the south 
to Homs in the north. North of the Han at-Trab the latter 
divides, one branch running past the well Gebb az-Zbejdi, the 
other through the pass of al-Jabarde. 

At 1.52 we noticed a Latin inscription on a fallen mile- 
stone. I made an impression and a copy of it, which took me 
until 2.45. At three o’clock we passed another milestone, and 
the negro ‘Abdallah pointed out to me some ruins about five 
kilometers to the south of our road. At 4.52 we reached the 
Han aS-Samat, where we had wished to let our camels rest, 
in order that they might graze and then be able to continue 
traveling after supper. But far and wide there was not a vestige 
of a plant. The herds of the Eben Hnejjan of the Rwala tribe, 
which had camped here for some time, had eaten everything 
in the vicinity, and there was nothing left for our camels. All 
we could do was to leave the place; which we did without 
further delay, riding on as fast as possible to Dmejr, where 
we halted at 7.08 before my tent between the al-Makstra bar- 
racks and the Roman camp of Dmejr al-‘Atize. Hither, while I 
had been away, an-Nitri had moved his camp from the al-“Asej- 
fir valley. Coming to my tent we surprised a large party that 
my servant Farag was treating to burrul, rice, and tea. ‘Abd- 
allah al-Matrad was away somewhere visiting. 

After a while the Prince’s scribe GwAd abu ‘Ali, who hailed 
from ‘Ana on the Euphrates, delivered to me several letters 
which he had brought from Damascus. He was followed by 
Nawwaf and finally by Prince an-Niri himself, who asked 
all kinds of questions about my trip and did not leave me 
until after midnight. Then, since GwAd had to go to Damascus 
that same day, I sat down to my correspondence and wrote 
until dawn. 


CHAPTER VII 


SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 


Tuesday, November 3, 1908. After sunrise I dismissed my 
servant Farag. His dismissal came to him so unexpectedly 
that he found the parting with my tent and supplies very 
hard indeed. He cursed, reviled everything and everybody, 
asked several persons to put in a good word for him, and 
begged and promised to mend his ways; but*it was out of the 
question to keep him any longer. He then called on all his 
friends to bear witness that he had received fourteen napo- 
leons ($54.04) from me in advance and, since for this sum 
he had served me two months and ten days, he now owed. me 
nothing. He even wanted me to confirm this in writing, a 
request I refused to comply with, since he was hired for me 
for three napoleons a month by the Hagg Datd 4l Salem, a 
good friend of mine. Farag’s complaints having no end, I 
threatened to have him led off by a gendarme to Damascus — 
which helped, because he went out and was not seen any more 
about the camp. 

Prince an-Ntri was very uneasy because the rains were 
so late in coming that season; he was thus prevented from 
going to the inner desert, since he could not have found water 
there either for his people or the camels. As the mountains 
northeast of Dmejr and the plain east of aS-Samat were grazed 
over completely by this time, all the Rwala could do was to 
send their herds into the territory of their enemies, the Ahali 
al-Gebel, or even into the volcanic area, Tl0l al-jat. The herds 
were remaining at pasture (je‘azzebaw) for six days under the 
protection of the younger warriors, who were commanded by 
Nawwaf. The latter came to take leave of me when he went 
to the pasture on his ash gray, pure blooded she-camel. I 
accompanied him for quite a stretch, at last leaving him at 
the Roman tamp of Dmejr al-‘Atize, where I spent an hour 
or so at work. 

Dmejr al-‘Atize was the largest fortified camp northeast 
of Damascus (Fig. 29). It is 189 meters long from east to west 
by 173 meters wide. There is a round tower in each corner 


110 


SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 111 


measuring 20 meters in diameter, and rounded turrets project 
from the sides. The middle turrets on each side are only 8 and 
9.95 meters apart on the east and west and on the north and 
south sides respectively; between each pair a gate leads into 
the camp. From north to south the camp is cut through by a 
road seven meters wide, with columns ornamenting both sides 
of it. Two narrower roads run parallel with it from north to 
south, and there are three similar ones from east to west. In 
the western half of the enclosure are two buildings of almost 
equal size, each 20 meters long from north to south by 17 
meters wide. Outside the camp, near its southwest corner, is 
a basilica 30 meters in length by 24 meters in width, divided 
into three aisles by four pillars on each side. The nave ends 
at the east with a stately apse. Neither in the camp nor in 
the basilica are any columns or even pieces of marble left, 
everything having been sold in Damascus. 

Returning to my tent, I found the Prince there with the 
chief, Fahad. An-Ntri showed me a Mannlicher carbine of the 
1898 model which I had given him. Being used to the Martini 
rifle, he could not accustom himself to the Mannlicher lock 
and had had it changed to the Martini type. This pleased him 
beyond measure and made him boast that his carbine carried 
much farther and better than the Martini. To my mild reproof 
that he could have loaded the original Mannlicher with five 
cartridges, while now he had to be satisfied with only one, 
he replied that at least he would not have to waste so much 
ammunition as before. 

At noon I was visited by the Turkish official at Dmejr, 
who was very pleasant to me when he saw that I had orders 
as well as letters of introduction from Constantinople and 
Damascus. He also told me that my discharged servant, Farag, 
had denounced me as having come to the country with the 
intention of inciting the Bedouins against the Government. 

In the afternoon I overhauled my provisions and was not 
a little surprised to find to what extent they had been pillaged 
by both my servants during my absence. ‘Abdallah kept quiet; 
when I asked him what they had done with the flour, which 
was 150 kilograms, and the sugar, which was 30 kilograms 
short, he said that he knew whom he served and that he 
must act accordingly. After supper the Prince came, complain- 
ing that he had received from Nawwaf only thirty instead 
of the promised two hundred rounds and begged me to make 


112 PALMYRENA 


good the rounds of which he had been cheated by Nawwaf. I 
gave him what he wanted, making the remark that he should 
not allow his son to cheat him. Then he began to explain that 
a messenger had come from Fejsal eben RaSid with letters in 


DMEJR AL -‘ATIZE 


10 Lo) 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 BO 90 100 METERS 
LOTT TT CTY es ee Sn ee ene CSS 


4 
7. e ie 
eecarssee =y - 
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it a 6. H 
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sscccccesssses) benseesncesessee90 | Ghee sss nn aeeessss | [ee eeseseeee 


Sieteiaiaiataiateiaiaiaieaa | 5S ee a merce ec ines ng en 


Fic. 29—Dmejr al-‘Atize, plan. 


which Fejsal and his followers asked him for his help against 
Eben Subhan, offering him the oasis of al-Gowf as a reward. 
An-Nuri said that scarcely had Nawwaf heard of this than 
he wanted to go with a thousand riders to al-Gowf in order 
to get possession of that important place, which Eben Rasid 
had taken away from the Rwala sixty years before. NawwéAf, 
he added, was counting on the help of the Rwala clans then 
camping in the neighborhood of al-Gowf, but he, an-Niari, 
would not permit him to begin to fight before all the Rwala 
divisions had collected in the northern part of the Nefad. 
Wednesday, November 4, 1908. My men occupied them- 
selves with repairing our riding and pack saddles; Taman was 


SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 113 


sketching a map of our trip, and I went to Dmejr to return 
the Turkish official’s visit. He welcomed me cordially, praised 
my Gasser revolver, and asked if I could not order one for 
him, or, perhaps, give him one. I promised not to forget him 
on my return from the desert. This pleased him so much that 
he offered to let me ride his mare when I returned to my 
tent. The official was a Circassian named Rajsuli, a descendant 
of the famous Shamyl who gave the Russians so much trouble 
in the Caucasus in the first half of the last century. 


The settlement of Dmejr has about 2500 inhabitants and is divided 
into five precincts (hdrat): 

Harat al-Rarbijje (or al-Hasel), of the ‘Akejdat (alderman: Hajel 
al-Ibrahim). 

Harat a3-Serkijje (or as-Sijjad), of the Nu‘ejm (alderman: Halil 
eben Hamdan). 

Harat al-Kiblijje, of the Lhejb (alderman: “Abdallah al-‘Ali). 

Harat al-‘Allak, of the Swarke (alderman: Hazim al-Fathallah). 

Harat al-MSarrez, of the Hawalde (alderman: Ism&‘in al-Hasan, 
who is also the mayor of all Dmejr).?? 


Having ridden to my tent on the official’s mare, I visited 
the ailing Turkijje, widow of Prince Sattém, who had died six 
years before. Turkijje was the daughter of Eben Mhejd, the 
head chief of the Fed‘an tribe, the worst enemies of the Rwala. 
She evinced much interest in my trip, particularly in the 
country about the town of “ar-Rusejfe’’—as she called ar- 
Resafa— because her tribe used to camp there very often 
and she knew every gully in the district, even the smallest. 

In the afternoon I dismissed my other servant, ‘Abdallah 
al-Matrad, who would.not take sufficient care of my property 
and, moreover, never made an effort to conceal his hatred of 
the Christians. 

In the evening my neighbor ‘Adib eben Megwel brought 
me his sulkijje (greyhound bitch) as a present, which I de- 
clined with the excuse that I had neither a falcon nor a fal- 
econer, without which his well-trained hound would only de- 

27 According to the inseription given in Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3. no. 129, 
the camp at Dmejr was built perhaps about 162 A.D. 

In the settlement of Dumejr, about fifteen miles distant from Damascus, ‘“Obejdallah 
ibn Ma‘mar died of grief on learning that his nephew Misa had been murdered in Irak 
(in 701) because he took part in the revolt against “Abdalmalek. According to others, he 
was said to have died of the pestilence ravaging Syria at that time. (Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam 
[Wistenfeld], pp. 622f.; Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Btlak, 1285 A. H.], Vol. 14, p. 105.) 

Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 3, p. 481, writes that Dumejr is a settlement and 
fort on the farthest border of Damascus and the desert of as-Samawa. 

Hagsi Halfa, Gihdn numa’ (Constantinople, 1145 A.H.), p. 586, states that in “Adra’ 
and Dumejr the kelw plant is burned for its ashes and used in the preparation of soap, 


thus bringing a good profit to the population. The best ashes of this sort (called kull) are 
produced by the inhabitants of the fort of Gertd. 


114 PALMYRENA 


generate. I did not accept presents and thus avoided putting 
myself under obligations to anybody. 

Thursday, November 5, 1908. In the morning I explained 
to my new servants, Naser and Blejhan, their duties, after 
which I spent the entire day working on and arranging the 
scientific material I had brought from my trip. Towards noon 
a slave of the chief Haled eben Sattam came to me with his 
master’s request for ammunition for the Gasser revolver, 
which he had received from me some time before. | said that 
whenever his master wanted something he should tell me so 
himself. This made Haled come soon. I gave him forty rounds, 
but asked him at the same time never to send his servant on 
such an errand again. The Turkish official Rajstli Efendi 
also came, begging for belladonna drops for his wife. An- 
Nari asked me to go with him to see a sick warrior — the 
bravest of his tribe, as he said — who had been wounded by 
a shot in a raid about three months before. The wound had 
healed, but he had suffered over two months from diarrhoea, 
which enfeebled him until he looked like a skeleton. Scearcely 
had I come to the sick man when he hastily stopped his 
mouth and nose with his fingers, fearing that my odor, or 
rather the emanation from my body, might injure him. I tried 
to encourage him and left the necessary medicine, while the 
Prince counseled the patient’s brother to take care of him as 
I had instructed. 

Friday, November 6, 1908. All day I spent cataloguing my 
scientific material. When noon came, the report was brought 
to me by the brother of the sick warrior that he was asking 
for food for the first time in six weeks. He asked what the 
sick man should be given now. 

“Milk,” said I. 

“We have no milk.” 

“Rice.” 

“Neither have we rice, but an-Ntri would give us some.” 

“Then what have you?” 

“Four loads of barley for our mare and the eight of us. 
The barley will last us all winter, and in the spring we shall 
have milk!” 

The wandering merchants and the other friends of my 
discharged servants could not get used to the idea that they 
would not have access to my provisions any more and for 
that reason kept bothering my new servants with all kinds 


SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 115 


of supplications, requests, and even threats. Twice I had to 
drive them away from my large tent. One Kubejsi— as such 
traders are called in the desert because the majority of them 
hail from the settlement of al-Kubejsa, west of Hit —even 
had the impudence to come to my round tent, where he lit a 
cigarette and sat down most composedly. To my curt question 
as to what he wanted, he said that he had cut his hand and 
had come to me to have the wound washed, salved, and ban- 
daged. I said: 

“Go to the Prince and ask him to come with thee. If he 
does that, I will do as thou wishest; not otherwise.” Then 
he left and did not return. 

Saturday, November 7, 1908. My neighbor ‘Adtb eben 
Megwel pitched his tent again today. His women pulled out the 
tent pegs, drew the tent about twenty meters to the south, 
drove in the pegs anew, lifted the tents over the poles, and 
then lit a fire under it. The winter supplies as well as the 
litters remained outside. In the afternoon, when the sky be- 
came clouded in the west, and later in the evening, when a 
strong wind brought a heavy rain—unfortunately only of 
short duration—, ‘Adib asked my servants to help him carry 
the barley and burrul sacks into the tent. Blejhan had to dig 
a trench (ni‘) around my tent to carry off the rain water, 
and from all sides could be heard the noise of blows strik- 
ing tent pegs, strengthening them to withstand the wind and 
rain, which soaked the roof and the walls of the tents, mak- 
ing them as heavy as lead. 

My tent could not have been put up in a more incon- 
venient place. It stood in the channel of a short side gully 
on the very edge of a wide road leading from the desert to 
the watering place and would have been flooded if the rain 
had been of some duration; its ropes shook more than once 
a day under the hoofs of the she-camels walking about the 
camp. Even if they did keep two or three meters from the 
pegs of my tents, the incessant clamor made by the coaxing 
cries and threats of the herdsmen, the grumbling, the roars, 
and uneasy murmurs of the camels, and the stamping of the 
horses could be heard all night long, waking me from sleep 
every little while. The night before, a camel carrying two 
large water bags had stumbled against one of my tent pegs 
and the girl or woman driving him called out: “O, he who is 
noble-minded will help me!’ 


116 PALMYRENA 


Sunday, November 8, 1908. We were: all sorry that the 
rain ended so soon, since we had been waiting for it anx- 
iously for so many months, and now it was over in two short 
hours. In the morning the sky in the west cleared, and the sun 
rose as if from a bath. The earth was breathing, the air freed 
from dust, the birds sang as if awaking to a new life —it 
seemed as if it were the first day of spring. In the afternoon 
Gwad returned from Damascus with several letters for me, 
which I answered immediately, in order that the Prince’s 
messenger might take them to Damascus again before we left 
Dmejr. Gwad brought 120 napoleons ($463.20). I offered him 
one as his reward, but he would not accept it, asking from 
me a ten-shot repeating pistol. I had to refuse his request, 
telling him that he did not need it, while I might be obliged 
to give presents to the chiefs of other tribes in whose ter- 
ritories I should work later on. 

An-Niri dropped in for a chat and said he felt sorry to 
see me sitting all day and doing nothing but write, write, 
write. Then my neighbor ‘Adtb eben Megwel came in, stricken 
with grief for his sister, who had died the day before, hay- 
ing been ailing for years. Her death was what caused the 
women to move the tent to another place, since no Bedouin 
can spend the night on the spot where a person has died. 
‘Adtb stayed all night with the Prince, who gave him a good 
supper. 

Monday, November 9, 1908. My camels came back from 
pasture at nine o’clock in the morning. They had been there 
six nights; on the seventh they were to rest by the water 
(‘ala sumh). Nawwaf, who brought them back, alighted at my 
tent and stayed with me until afternoon. He said that the 
pasture on the northern border of the territory of Tltl al- 
‘ljat was eaten off and for that reason all the Arabs had 
moved their camps to the south of the rain pools of Sejkal. 
Since I intended soon to visit that very territory, this news 
did not please me. 

In the afternoon a feast was given by my neighbor ‘Adtb 
in honor of the deceased. The sheep, tied the day before at 
the place where the woman had died, was killed on the spot 
and cooked. The tent ropes were loosened so that the tent 
seemed to be sinking. ‘Adtb invited me to the feast too, but, 
having been unwell for the last two days, I was unable to go. 
His guests stayed with him long past midnight. 


SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 117 


Tuesday, November 10, to Sunday, November 15, 1908. 
On Tuesday morning the camels went to pasture again. I 
should have liked to have kept four or five animals near 
my tent to enable me to make shorter excursions, but, since 
there was no pasture in the immediate neighborhood, I had 
to wait another seven days. I had plenty to do. I finished 
my topographical report about the last trip, sketched and 
completed the map, and revised the architectural plans. All 
of us worked from sunrise to sunset and often even longer 
by candlelight. Naser and Blejhan, being thoroughly familiar 
with the terrain we had examined, proved excellent assistants. 
They drew the various valleys in the sand; the mountains 
they marked with coarse gravel; they defined distances and 
directions and argued about the pronunciation and correct 
spelling of this or that word. It was hard but profitable work, 
because I could now complete and verify my memoranda. 

I was not feeling well. From Wednesday to Sunday I ate 
very little and what I did take I vomited. The nights were 
a torment as I could not sleep, and in the daytime I had to 
work hard to be ready on time. The Prince and Nawwaf 
showed their native courtesy by coming every day to inquire 
about my health.?® 


28 The author’s subsequent journeys in the winter of 1908—1909 and spring of 1909 
are narrated in his Arabia Deserta (1927), pp. 1—3853. 


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CHAPTER VIII 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA BY WAY OF AL-BASIRI 
AND TUDMOR 


At the end of February, 1912, I returned to Damascus 
for a new visit to Palmyrena in company with Prince Sixtus 
of Bourbon. After calling on the Governor General, we went by 
way of Baalbek to Homs, where we were hospitably received 
by the Jesuit fathers, in whose house we completed our prep- 
arations. Our companions were to be my tried scientific 
assistant, Rudolf Thomasberger, and, as a servant, Naser 
eben ‘Obejd al-Marlik of al-Zerjitejn. We planned to make 
the trip on camels to be bought from the Arabs. According 
to reports from various sources there were a number of 
camps in the neighborhood of al-Forklos, a place we wished 
to reach by hiring a cart. The baggage, saddles, and re- 
mainder of our outfit was to be carried on hired pack camels 
in Naser’s charge. 


HOMS TO AL-GEBA’ 


Friday, March 15, 1912. At 8.03 A. M. we were at the 
Bab Tudmor (Tudmor Gate) in Homs. To the north is a pic- 
turesque Moslem cemetery. A pretty sight is the large mosque 
consecrated to the memory of Haled ibn al-Walid. Its white 
walls and slender minarets, contrasting pleasantly with the 
houses of black basalt, form a sort of virginal oasis. We sat 
in a small cart behind a team of strong horses and drove 
across a wide fertile level between fields of wheat and barley. 
On the south and west the horizon was shut in by the high 
snow-clad ridges of the Antilebanon and Lebanon and on the 
northwest by the furrowed ridge of an-Nusejrijje; to the 
north projected the two mighty black hills of Kran Hama’, 
and south of them the dome of the settlement Dér Ba‘alba 
(otherwise known as al-Mu‘albe) glistened in the rays of the 
sun. To the northeast the black edge of the al-‘Ala’ territory 
faded into the distance, against which there stood forth 
sharply the white kasr of Sumejmis, itself crowning an iso- 

121 


122 PALMYRENA 


lated white hill. To the east and south the gradually ascend- 
ing plain resembled a green, rolling sea. To the southeast 
could be seen the dome of the tomb Kabr Hebab, behind 
which rose the great ruin of Tell Zbejde with the hamlet of 
al-Gdejde to the west of it and north of the latter the vil- 
lage of Rajjan; the settlement of al-Fértzi was farther west. 
At 8.42 we were at the hamlet of Zejdal or Zejdan, which 
has about eighty huts, inhabited by Syrian Christians. The 
huts cluster about a square church with a low steeple. Some 
have flat roofs of mud, and there are also spacious yards with 
conically shaped huts built of mud bricks. These are called 
kubbe and serve partly as dwellings, partly as storehouses. 
North of Zejdan is the shrine Mizar Ebrine and in the plain 
northwest of it the extensive ruins of al-Kaddah. 

After driving for some time through fertile fields and 
past larger and smaller ruins, we came at 9.45 to the settle- 
ment of Sukkara, where there are about sixty huts, owned 
by both Christians and Moslems. To the north glistened the 
white rampart of an old military camp in one corner of which 
was built the village of al-MiSrefe. To the south, below the 
latter, could be seen the settlement of al-GAabrijje, near which 
rises the mighty Tell Bel‘an.”° 

Still farther south, south of Tell Bel‘an, are grouped the 
huts of the hamlet*of al-Bwer, and northeast of the latter rises 
the shrine aS-Sejh Hméd. We met many country people and 
half-felldhin driving sheep to the Homs market. On asking 
them the whereabouts of the Fwa‘re and ‘Umutr tribes, we 
were told that they had gone south of al-Basiri and Tudmor 
because of the prosperity (rabi‘) of that region. 

We did not find a single real se%b on the entire plain. 
There are many low places but no actual channels. Not until 
near the hamlet of Abu Dalje at 10.20 did we see a few nar- 
row and shallow valleys. Abu Dalje lies below the northern 
end of a large ruin and numbers about eighty huts belonging 
to Syrian Christians. The well there is twenty meters deep. 
We stayed only eight minutes. 


From there the at- Tidribe road leads to Tudmor by way of the 
settlements of ‘Abbas, a8-Setlaja, Tell aX- Snan, and the wells Gebb Habl, 
all of which are on the southwestern border of the hillocks of as- -SawwaAne, 
which merge on the east y.ith the aS-Sémerijje ridge. The western spur 

29 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle (Chabot), Vol. 4, p. 525, writes that in the settlement 


of Bel‘an (wrongly spelled ‘“Bel‘atan” in the text), in the environs of Homs, was born St. 
George, who was elected pabriaren, of the Jacobites in 759 A. D. 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 123 


of as-Sawwane is called al-Heble; here are the hamlets of al-Harraki, 
Tell al-Rarr, aS-Stkatlijje, and al-Heble. 

From Abu Dalje we rode along the eastern slope of the 
Tarak Holaje, stopping at 11.12 at the large Tell ‘Ejfir ruins 
south of ‘Abbas and north of al-Hazzi. A short way from 
Tell ‘Ejfir there bubbles out a vigorous spring of the same 
name, north of which are eight huts at the western foot of 
an isolated hillock on the top of which there once stood a 
strong fort. East of the hillock are the remains of old houses 
and a large burying ground with graves dug perpendicularly 
in the ground. During the preceding few months many of 
the graves had been opened and robbed. After a while all 
the inhabitants of the hamlet of Tell ‘Ejfir crowded about 
us, wishing to know how soon Syria would be occupied by 
the Italians, who, they expected, would not plague them as 
much as the Turks. 

At 2.35 P.M. we left Tell ‘Ejfir and after a ten minute 
ride over stony ground reached a basin where Garbii‘ijje, 
a village of about forty huts, is situated. To the east the ho- 
rizon was shut in by the spur HaSm as-Sawwane and by the 
higher ridge of as- -Sémerijje. To the west the equally great 
height Tarak Holaje stretched from northwest to southeast, 
and beyond it, far to the southwest, rose the lofty, snow-clad 
butte Halimt al-Kara. To the southeast extended a vast plain, 
with two isolated domes, Nhejdén. At 3.25 we passed the 
village of as-Sajjid, at 3.52 the al-Besse ruin, and at 4.16 
were in the valley of al-Forklos, through which the run-off 
makes its way to the northwest. On the right-hand side of 
this valley stands a large heap of ruins with the débris of 
several old buildings scattered to the east, all of which is 
called al-Forklos.*° 

The soil here is almost white and needs much water. Wide 
fields had been sown with barley and wheat but were suf- 
fering from the drought. In the eastern part of the ruins a 
new hamlet of the same name has been built, and there we 
halted at 4.34. Both Christians and Moslems live in the place. 
Being afraid of the rain, we took refuge in the house of the 


30 Forklos, or al-Forklos, is the classical Betproclis that was garrisoned by the equites 
Saraceni indigenae under the command of the dux Foenicis (Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 82, 
mo, 27 

sr alkat, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 881f., states that Furkuls is a spring not far from Sa- 
lamja in Syria. ° 

In 1292 Sultan al-Malek al-ASraf went from Damascus to hunt in the desert and 
encamped by the shallow wells of al-Furkuls in the eastern part of the administrative dis- 
trict of Homs (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler], Vol. 5, p. 108) 


124 PALMYRENA 


Moslem elder. The inhabitants to the last soul had come from 
al-Zerjitejn and hence were known as al-Karawne. The Chris- 
tians had their Syrian priest, but he did not like al-Forklos 
and wanted to go to some town. Both village elders explained 
to us that east of their settlement there had been no spring, 
no plentifulness (rabi‘), that year, since there had been no 
rain, and that we should not find any Arabs there except, 
perhaps, south and north of Tudmor. 

We were now trying to obtain horses, but none were avail- 
able, as they were supposedly grazing somewhere on the ridge 
of a&-Sémerijje. With our cart we could not go any farther, 
because the driver was in fear of being attacked and robbed 
on the way home. The owners of horses, on the other hand, 
taking advantage of our situation, made exorbitant demands. 
After prolonged haggling, we finally agreed to pay one me- 
gidijje (90 cents) for a horse and half a megidijje for its 
owner by the day, but only for the outward trip and not for 
the return. 

It was already dark when Naser arrived with our bag- 
gage and brought a young Moslem called Mhammad eben 
Sa‘adaddin al-Hamite, whom he had picked out for our second 
servant. As his behavior pleased us, I engaged him. 

Saturday, March 16, 1912. Before seven o’clock the men 
of al-Forklos brought the horses and then began to hunt for 
saddles and stirrups. There was no piece of dress, bag, or rope 
in the entire hamlet that they did not bring in order to make 
something out of it to resemble a saddle or stirrups. The horses 
shown us were small, thin, and covered with callosities; the 
saddles were miserable; and the stirrups not to be depended 
upon. And yet it was necessary to take what they offered, 
Since we did not have our own camels and our own saddles 
to ride on. Naser had his hands full with preparations, even 
with Mhammad as a good helper. I could see that he liked 
to work and always worked for a purpose. At 8.30 we were 
all in our saddles and soon had left al-Forklos behind us. Naser 
and Mhammad were in charge of the pack camels, while we 
went on horseback ahead of them. 

Al-Forklos lies on the eastern edge of the undulating plain 
al-Ka‘, which is shut in on the west by the Tarak Holaje, on 
the southwest by the Tarak al-Knejje, on the south by the 
hills of Abu Rubah, and on the east by the ranges of a8-S6- 
merijje and as-Sawwane. In the Tarak al-Knejje are the settle- 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 125 


ments of al-“Azizijje and al-Burhanijje; also some springs, the 
water of which is led off into the plain al-Ka*. East of al- 
Forklos stands a square barrack occupied by gendarmes, but 
only in summer time, for then the Bedouins camp in the 
neighborhood. 

Fifteen minutes after our departure we passed on our left 
the ruin and spring ‘Ajn ad-Dwejlib.*! 

Below the rising sun we sighted the large Rigm abu 
“Akbén. A strong icy wind drove thick, dark brown clouds 
from the northwest into the plain and soon hid the view. At 
10.20 we rode through a camp of the ‘Akejdat clan. Many 
tents had been blown over by the wind, while men and women 
were hanging on to others with all their strength or driving 
in the tent pegs. The camp once behind us, we soon reached 
the rocky heights of Zukum al-Hanzir. 

Shortly after 10.50 the sky cleared, enabling us to see the hills of 
Abu Ruba&h to the south, the three white domes of al-Bawlijje or al-Bilijje 
to the east, with the two domes of al-Wu‘erijje to the southwest of them, and 
far to the northeast the three pyramids of at-Tjas. Between the rocky 
swells of the al-Ka* plain are large depressions with a fertile soil but no 
inhabitants. From 12.10 to 1.58 P.M. we stayed on the northeastern edge 
of the hills of Abu Rubah, among which we then passed to the wide basin 
of az-Zeli. Our eyes were fixed on the black mountain chain which, like 
a mighty rampart, shuts in Palmyrena on the south. Only a few passages 
lead across this rampart and they were all visible, deep rifts dividing 
the mountains into several groups. To the north of the rampart spreads the 
brown lowland ad-Daw, overhung just then by veils of dense vapor. South- 
west of the lowland rose the ridge of al-Harriba in three terraces. North- 
west of it, at the east end of the DahSsas district, stands the isolated, 
flat-topped butte Muntar ar-Rmejle. East of us glistened in the rays of 
the sun the white escarpment of the Tar ar-Rhejmi, northwest of which 
were visible the cleft hillocks Mu‘allak aS-Ska’ and southwest of the latter 
the lowland of Mkejmen al-Geba’. South of ar-Rhejmi this lowland is over- 
topped by the low mesas Kwérat Biz and as-Semen, with the rain holes 
Rudr Serife close by. 

At 3.18 we sighted on our right the Abu Rubah ruin and 
took our way across the spurs of Hazm al-Jasir to the water- 
ing place of al-Geba’, which we reached at 4.16. 


AL-GEBA’ TO AL-BARDE 


Al-Geba’ is a vigorous spring of fresh water which fills 
a pond and irrigates fields where wheat and barley were just 
then growing luxuriantly. The owner, a Christian from al- 


31 Wright, Catalogue (1870—1872), p. 708, col. 2, mentions a monastery of Dejlabin in 
the country east of Damascus which may be identical with this Dwejlib. 


126 PALMYRENA 


Zerjitejn, had built himself a hut on the north side of the 
spring. North and northwest of it are the remains of an old 
settlement and a ruined building, 116 paces long from north 
to south by 58 wide. It was built from the large, roughly hewn 
blocks which were scattered about in all directions. Indeed, 
everything was so dilapidated that it would have been impos- 
sible to sketch a plan without resorting to excavations. The 
building is situated on the left bank of the Se%b of at-Tin.*? 

The wind was getting so strong that we could not put 
up our tents and had to sleep in the hut in company with the 
cows, sheep, and goats which were also seeking shelter there. 

Sunday, March 17, 1912. The night was very cold, and in 
the morning the sky was overcast with small dark clouds 
chasing one another. We sent our pack animals directly to the 
al-Barde wells, but we ourselves turned at 7.15 A. M. from al- 
Geba’ east-northeast to the watering place at al-Komk6ém. We 
rode past limestone rocks with their sides slowly crumbling 
away. On the right of the at-Tin valley great numbers of 
storks were gravely promenading. They are spared by the 
natives, who never kill them and will not eat their flesh, es- 
teeming them for destroying the locusts, calling them miskin 
(poor things), and likening them to the members of the Slejb 
tribe, which is spread over almost the whole of Arabia and 
everywhere must bow to others. 

At 7.40 we were at al-Komkom. The abundant spring there, 
which fills several ponds of large size, lies in a basin open 
to the south but otherwise entirely shut in by limestone rocks. 
The edges of the ponds are white with crusts of salt. South- 
west of the southern pond is a well with walls of hewn stone, 
which was nearly full of water. A few paces to the south- 
east of this well is a knoll on the top of which there once 
stood a roomy house built of large stones. East of al-Kom- 
kom and the valley of at-Tin extends the lowland of Mkejmen 
al-Geba’ and south of this the lowland of Arz al-Kami‘, which 
after good winter and spring rains are full of the herds and 
tents of the Sba‘a tribe. The herds are watered in al-Komk6m, 
the somewhat salty water making them thrive surprisingly. 
The people use the water from al-Geba’. 

8 Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 17, writes that al-Geba’ is a watering place in Syria 
between Aleppo and Tudmor, where Sejfaddowle made an attack on the Bedouins. 

Among the country residences of the Omayyad caliphs that were demolished in the 
reign of the Caliph Abu-l-“Abbas mention is made of Bab at-Tin (Abu-l-Farag, Ardni_[Balak, 
1285 A.H.], Vol.18, p.150).— As Walid I, like Yazid I, made both al-Hawwarin and al-Zerjitejn 


with the surrounding country their favorite abodes, we might, in all probability, look for 
the unknown residence of Bab at-Tin in the ruined building on the bank of the at-Tin valley. 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 127 


The valley of at-Tin winds southeasterly to the well Gibb abu Haraze, 
southwest of Rudr Serife, and disappears in ad-Daw. The lowland of 
Arz al-Kamt‘ ends on the northwest at the heights of al-Fatajer, which 
run from the Tarak al-Harriba to the se%b of Radir al-Abbas. South of 
al-Fatajer stretches a long low hill, Tarak Da‘kane, bordering the fertile 
lowland Rozat al-Mizra‘a on the north. To the east were seen the rose- 
tinged walls of the ruined Kasr al-Hér (or al-Hér al-Rarbi), as well as 
the whitened walls of the new barrack Nuktat al-Hér built about seven 
kilometers north of it. At this barrack is an old but recently cleared well, 
supposed to be 130 meters deep. 


From 9.45 to 10.25 our horses grazed in a narrow but 
long stretch of flat ground covered with a thick growth of 
grass. At 11.88 we crossed the road leading from Damascus 
to Palmyra. On the southwest we sighted camels belonging 
to the inhabitants of al-Zerjitejn and met the an-Nu‘ejm clan, 
under the chief Zasem al-Hsejn, moving north. They were 
coming from al-Basiri and said that we should find some other 
clans there, as well as near the pass of al-Wa‘are. We should 
have liked to have bought some camels from them, but found 
that this was impossible, as all their animals were mangy. 
From 12.50 to 1.80 P.M. our horses grazed in Ma‘zeb. as-Slejb, 
some short but wide valleys which run out north among the 
aS-Sutub hillocks from the mountain range of Rattus. After 
two o’clock we reached the shallow rocky hollows Hawaja umm . 
Sire, where we expected to find some rain puddles but were 
disappointed. Crossing the path leading to the pass Tenijjet 
umm al-“Awamid west of Rattis, we ascended the slope of 
al-Muta‘areb to the az-Zerka’ pass. The path is so steep and 
smooth that we had to dismount and lead our animals by the 
bridles. The pack camels, which we had overtaken by this time, 
could make headway only by the greatest effort. On the left 
of the ridge was seen a rift where flows the fresh-water spring 
of az-Zerka. Naser told us that in and about az-Zerka is the 
favorite ground of the ibex, he himself having killed several 
there. The hunter, covering himself with dry plants, hides 
among the boulders and waits breathlessly for the animals, 
which come to graze on their beaten track. If the wind blows 
from their quarter, the ibexes come quite close to the hunter, 
who can sometimes kill two of them at.once, especially if he 
has a double-barreled gun. 

From the pass we sighted a few tents of the Nu‘ejm clan 
on the western foot of the an-Neknekijje ridge. Going down 
was much more difficult than coming up, because the horses 


128 PALMYRENA 


were so tired that they could hardly move, and therefore we 
preferred to walk. Fearing that the owners of the horses, whom 
we had paid in advance at al-Forklos, might ride away with 
them, we dared not separate ourselves from the party, and 
all of us felt much relieved when at 6.10 we finally reached 
the wells of al-Barde. These wells are ten meters deep. Sup- 
plying ourselves with water, we marched dispiritedly about 
two kilometers farther and encamped on the eastern slope of 
the ridge of al-Barde, not caring to stay at the wells, where 
no fuel could be had and where, moreover, herdsmen watering 
their flocks might have molested us. 


AL-BARDE TO AL-BASIRI 


The wells of al-Barde lie in a basin shut in by high moun-. 
tains, which, however, afford an easy crossing from north to 
south. These wells are a favorite camping place which I be- 
lieve to have been the old watering place and camping ground 
of al-Ruwejr (often mistakenly rendered al-“Awir or al-‘Uwejr).** 

Monday, March 18, 1912. Leaving all our baggage in Mham- 
mad’s care, we made a detour from our camp to the al-Basiri 
ruins, going through the valley of al-Kantara, which is over a 
kilometer wide and has high mountains on both sides. Running 
down the valley is a subterranean aqueduct coming from a 
large artificial reservoir which was built at the foot of Mount 
‘Ade in such a way that it catches the water not only from 
this but also from the ar-Rmah mountain. To the west-south- 
west rises majestically the mighty table mountain of Kehle, 
sculptured by erosion out of two enormously thick limestone 
strata, the upper one violet in color, the lower yellowish. The 
steep cliffs of Kehle were tinged with blue. A row of low hil- 
locks stretches eastward from this mountain. 

At nine o’clock we noticed at our left the stone walls of 
old fields and vineyards. By 9.15 we had reached the southern 
foot of the spur of al-Hlejjel and could look through a wide 
rift eastward into the vast desert. To the south and south- 
west the horizon was shut in by the high Mount ‘Ade and to 
the west by the ar-Rm&ah mountain. Between the spur of al- 
Hlejjel and Kehle we saw the al-Basiri ruins, where we dis- 
mounted at 9.17. To the southwest’ of the ruins is a large 
cemetery and to the southeast three fresh-water wells twenty 


83 See below, Appendix V. 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 129 


meters deep. Naser told us that his father used to go to al- 
Basiri before every Christian holiday and there light an oil 
lamp in a church. The church, he said, was demolished by the 
Fwa‘re tribesmen no more than fifty years ago. 


AL-BASIRI TO AL-BEZA 


We began work at once, examining the buildings, which 
are very extensive but in a hopelessly ruinous condition, and 
sketching the ground plan of the largest building still standing 
(Fig. 30). 

In the center of the ruins could be seen the foundations 
of walls two meters thick, which formed a rectangle 140 me- 
ters long from west to east by 100 meters wide. The north 
wall is adjoined by a similar space 140 meters long by 43 me- 
ters wide, but it is enclosed by a weaker wall. In the large 
enclosure stands a fort 49 meters long from east to west by 
40 meters wide, with round towers 10.7 meters in diameter 
at each corner. In the eastern wall a gate opens into a court, 
around which near the fortification walls are smaller struc- 
tures, mostly in ruins. Of the towers the southeastern one is 
the best preserved. In the southwestern part of the court there 
is a well.** 

We had not yet finished our plan of the al-Basiri ruins 
when a column of dust rose in the southeast and a troop of 
soldiers mounted on mules arrived. They had come from Hama’, 
where they were quartered, and were out searching for camps 
of the Nu‘ejm clan, from whom they wished to collect taxes. 
Paying no regard to their officer, they dismounted, surrounded 
us while we were busy with our instruments, took from us all 
they could lay hands on, and examined everything. Fearing 


34 Al-Basiri lies on the Roman road which was made in Diocletian’s reign from Da- 
mascus to Palmyra; it is identical with the classical Danaba (Danaba of Ptolemy, Geography, 
V, 14: 19; Danava of Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3, no. 755; Danoua of Peutinger 
Table [ Vienna, 1888], Segm. 9; Danaba of Notitia dignitatwm, Oriens 32, no. 31). 

According to Ptolemy, Danaba was one of the towns of Palmyrena. From its important 
location on the southern foot of the Palmyrene border mountains almost halfway between 
Palmyra and the cultivated country and at the entrance to three very easy passes, it was 
selected as the residence of the praefectus legionis tertiae Gallicae. Besides the prefect, a 
bishop subordinate to the metropolitan of Damascus likewise resided there. At the Council 
of Chalcedon in 451, Theodore, the metropolitan of Damascus, signed the canons in the name 
of Bishop Theodore from the town Danabon (erroneously printed ‘‘Dabron’’) (Harduin, Con- 
ciliorum collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 2, col. 485; Le Quien, Oriens christianus [Paris, 1740], Vol. 2, 
cols. 847f.; Mansi, Concilia [1759—1798], Vol. 7, col. 169, writes ‘‘Danaborum,” ‘‘Dababorum’’). 
The same Theodore also signed a petition to the Emperor Leo as ‘‘episcopus Castridanabeni’’ 
of the province of Phoenicia Secunda (Harduin, op.cit., Vol. 2, col. 720). The resolution of 
the fifth oecumenical council at Constantinople in 553 is confirmed by ‘‘Eulogius episcopus 
Danaborum” (Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 3, col. 206). Neither Hierocles nor Georgius Cyprius 
mention Danaba among the towns of Phoenicia Libanensis. 


130 PALMYRENA 


that they might spoil our photographic and cartographic 
instruments, we requested the officer to stop them; but he 
only laughed, begged for cigarettes, and then lay down be- 
side us. Knowing that we could not ged rid of them soon 


A EB a le a 
AL-BASIRI ok Bier eae 
Pokies Weer ee ae aa ali ts: 
L an 
! i 5 ies 


Fic. 30—AlI-Basiri, plan. 


and that to work any longer would be out of the question, 
we mounted our horses and started to ride back to our camp, 
but the soldiers accompanied us, declaring themselves our 
guests. Unable to endure the childish jests of both soldiers 
and officer, we stopped after about half an hour and lay 
down beside our horses; the soldiers, however, followed our 
example, asking us all the time to conduct them to our camp 
and feed them, our hungry guests. Since we showed no willing- 
ness to humor them, one after another they left us; and finally - 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 131 


the officer went too, reproaching us for our stinginess in not 
feeding hungry travelers. Then, sending the horses to our 
camp, we walked up to some tents of the Nu‘ejm clan to buy 
some camels. The chief instantly sent to the pasture for the 
animals, but it took fully two hours before the men returned 
with some really good she-camels. The price demanded, how- 
ever, was so high that we could agree on only one, which 
we purchased for eleven Turkish pounds ($ 49.50). With this 
animal we returned to our camp. 

Tuesday, March 19, 1912. It rained at night, and our tents 
were so wet in the morning that we had to wait until they 
got at least partly dry; otherwise our pack camels would not 
have been able to carry them. After we got started Naser and 
Mhammad led the pack camels in the direction of the military 
station of al-Béza on the road from al-Zerjitejn to Tudmor 
Taman mounted our new she-camel and went along with them. 
We could not help praising her long steady pace. At 6.45 we 
went down the al-Kantara valley, where after about a quarter 
of an hour we sighted numerous gullies eroded in the alluvial 
deposits on our right. These were from a half meter to three 
meters deep and constituted a great hindrance in passing 
through the valley, which for about five hundred meters of 
its width is filled with alluvium to a depth of ten meters. 

We now rode along the foot of the al-Barde mountain, 
which gradually approaches the rocky slopes of an-Neknekijje, 
and halted at 7.20 in front of a dam over 300 meters long, 
18 meters high, 18.5 meters thick at the base, and 8 meters 
thick at the top. The sluiceway was originally only 82 centi- 
meters deep by 52 centimeters wide but later it was artificially 
enlarged in its lower part, so that it is now possible to crawl 
through from one side to the other. South of this opening the 
alluvium has been eroded and washed away by the run-off 
(Fig. 31), making it possible to reach the original rock bottom 
upon which the foundation of the dam was built and which 
the enlarged opening overtopped by only a few centimeters. 
The north side of the dam is faced with blocks sixty centi- 
meters square, with carved ornaments like those in Palmyra. 
At a height of eleven meters above the bed rock the dam 
forms a terrace, upon which rests a wall over seven meters 
high, strengthened every twenty-eight meters by buttresses 
three meters square. Below the dam we saw a mass of broken- 
off blocks, half columns, and various ornaments. When the 


132 PALMYRENA 


dam was in working order, the water was held back by it for 
a long time after rains and was distributed among the ex- 
tensive gardens to the north, through which we rode after 8.36 
These gardens are called al-Huzrijje. 


Fic. 31—Al-Harbaka from the southwest 


The ridge of an-Neknekijje bends from northwest to north- 
east almost at a right angle. From 8.50 onwards we could see 
a rather small rift due east of us, where the spring ‘Ajn al- 
Wu ‘il flows. One ridge of the ar-Rawak mountain chain takes 
its name from this spring. Five high domed hills render this — 
ridge visible from a great distance. From the fifth hill to the 
west an easy path leads to the ‘Ajn al-Wu‘tl, a favorite camping 
place of the Arabs. The little spring of al-Kattar flows out 
on the southern slope of the same ridge. To the north the 
white escarpment Tar ar-Rhejmi shone in the rays of the sun. 

We were now passing over a plain almost bare of vege- 
tation. Only in a few sheltered places was there a little grass, 
in one patch of which our horses pastured from 11.50 to 
12.40 P.M. To the east a white road wound up to the pass 
Tenijjet al-Wa‘are. To the northeast could be seen the cleft 
ridge of al-Atjas, or at-Tjas, and on its right the white hills 
E‘jat Ghar. The road leading from Tudmor past the Han al- 
Leben to Homs follows the southern foot of al-Atjas right to 
the at-Tjas ruins and thence passes about eight kilometers 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 133 


to the southeast of the Murran ruins, where itinerant black- 
smiths like to came for a brown lignite which becomes red hot 
when put on a fire and keeps its heat longer than any charcoal. 

The shortest route from al-Zerjitejn to ar-Resafa runs by 
way of at-Tjas, which I consider to be the former settlement 
of Nihja.*° 

From time to time the flat-topped ridge of al-Abjaz showed 
itself momentarily, only to vanish again in the dark clouds. 
Whenever the sun broke through the clouds in some place, 
its rays gave the rose-colored slopes of the mountain Marbat 
al-Hsan a fiery hue, announcing to us the site of Palmyra, 
queen of the desert. After four o’clock the clouds became 
denser and sank lower, their fragments chasing each other 
over the mountain summits like so many ghosts; then they 
descended to the level of the lowland itself, enveloping and 
depriving us of the impressive view. To the west we suddenly 
sighted a row of gigantic figures which now joined the clouds, 
now parted from them, appearing this minute, only to vanish 
the next. When they finally came closer, we found them to be 
our friends, the troop of soldiers on mules. They were looking 
for some Arabs from whom they could get enough to eat. On 
meeting us they shouted with joy, but our guides, especially 
Naser, were able to convince them of our shortage of meat; 
while not very far away, east of al-Béza, were camping the 
Nu‘ejm Arabs with plenty of fat wethers. The soldiers kept 
us company for a while, but when at five o’clock we reached 
al-Béza, they watered their beasts there and, mounting again, 
rode at full speed eastwards in expectation of a good supper. 
My companions laughed at them, but an old felladh from al- 
Forklos pitied the Arabs to whom Allah sends such guests. 


AL-BEZA TO TUDMOR 


The gendarme station of al-Béza is very neglected, dirty, 
and even dilapidated; therefore we put up our tents in front 
of it. The well dug south of the gate is 21 meters deep, with 
water of a somewhat brackish taste. Lying on a safe traffic 


3% Jakat (Mu‘gam [Wiistenfeld], Vol. 4, p. 852) on his trip through the desert from 
ar-Rusafa by way of al-Karjatan (al-Zerjitejn) to Damascus, stopped at the water of Nihja, 
then held by the Kalb tribe. He relates that in that place there was a settlement with 
various old monuments, buildings, and many cisterns, but without spring water. — 

His statement that he traveled through the desert indicates that he did not follow 
the old Roman_road leading through several settlements, but that he went from ar-Resafa 
directly to al-Zerjitejn by the shortest route which runs through a desert and on which 
lies at-Tjas. 


134 PALMYRENA 


road from Tudmor to al-Zerjitejn and Damascus, it has always 
been a watering place of no little importance to caravans.*® 
No sooner had we encamped than it began to rain very 
heavily, but luckily it stopped a short while later. 
Wednesday, March 20, 1912. We had a restful night. Much 
refreshed, we mounted our horses at 7.10 A. M. and rode north- 
northeast. The air was very cold but so’ clear that we could 
see every rift in the mountain chain of ar-Rawak to the south. 
Mount ar-Rm4h is not visible from al-Béza, but at least part 
of Gebel Ratttis could be seen. To the northeast of the latter 
all the several links of ar-Rawak were in clear view. We meant 
to make a detour to the demolished Han al-Leben, past which 
ran the old road from Tudmor to Homs, but we found it im- 
possible, for the farther we advanced the softer and muddier 
the soil became, until we reached the edge of a salt marsh 
(sabha), to avoid which we had to turn from north to northeast. 


In this salt marsh, the name of which is at-Tarfa, many se7bdn 
converge. From the mountains of al-Keteb and al-Gurnijje on the south 
come ar-Raml and al-Murra; from the north, Ghar, ‘Arfa, Dekara, and 
al-Abjaz. Ghar originates under the name of a’-Senna‘a at the north- 
western edge of the ridge of al-Abjaz between the mountains of aS-Sa‘er 
and Mraht al-Faras. It is joined on the left by the Se%b of ad-Dréle, 
which comes from the mountain of al-Btéhe at the eastern foot of the 
al-Hadidijje ridge. In the upper part of the Ghar valley are the Simrin, 
al-Mezabe’, al-Béza, and al-Mis‘ade ruins. The se%b of “Arfa winds down 
from the mountain of al-Btéhe and runs along the western edge of the 
hillocks of al-Humr; in the northern portion of this hilly tract are the 
caves Morajer al-A‘la and in the southern the burying grounds Makbara 
Beni Helal. The valley of Dekara starts under the name of al-MAasek from 
the mountain of al-Kéz at the northern edge of the al-Abjaz ridge and 
separates in its central part the hillocks of al-Humr from the mountain 
of al-Mkéti‘a. East of the caves Morajer al-A‘la flows the spring “Ajn 
Gezel, past which runs the shortest road from Tudmor to Umm Hmejme 
and ‘Uzéribat. 


At 8.08 we crossed the wide but shallow valley of ar-Raml, 
in which are ruins of numerous old dams designed to hold back 
the run-off and prevent the soil from being washed away. 
Here and there could be seen the foundation walls of demolished 


% Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 805, records that al-Bujejda is a water in the desert 
between Aleppo and Tadmur, — ‘ 

Pe This al-Bujejda can be nothing else than our al-Béza, which is, of course, quite a 
distance from Aleppo. That we are not mistaken in this, J akit himself is a witness, quoting 
the poet al-Mutanabbi who accompanied Sejfaddowle, the lord of Aleppo, on his expedition 
against the Bedouins as far as the desert of as-Samdwa. 

: Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar (Adler), Vol. 5, p. 298, relates that in 1315 the chief Sulejman 
ibn Muhanna ibn ‘Isa, with Tartars and Bedouins as his allies, attacked the combined 
Turkoman and Arab troops in their camp at Tadmur, defeated them, and pursued them 
as far as al-Béza between Tadmur and al-Karjatan, returning with his booty east again. 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 135 


farms. At 8.40 we halted before a rise, where the fortified 
camp of al-Klejbijje had been built (Fig. 32). Northeast of 
this camp a rampart had been thrown up 464 paces long from 
south to north by 400 paces wide. East of the rampart are 


AL-KLEJBIJJE 


ee 


ce 


Fic. 32—Al]-Klejbijje, plan. 


visible the foundation walls of ruined houses, an olive press, 
and a fragment of a column seventy centimeters in diameter. 
Leaving these ruins at 9.10, we rode through the lowland of 
at-Tarfa, grown over with nothing but sorrel, as far as two 
Palmyrene altars, where we dismounted at 10.25. I had visited 
these in 1897 and copied all the inscriptions from them. About 
eighty meters west-northwest of the altars stands a Roman 
milestone without an inscription. After another five minutes 
we started again in west-northwesterly direction and at ele- 
ven o’clock found a new pair of milestones. The one standing 
was 1.15 meters high, 35 centimeters in diameter, and had no 
inscription; on the broken one lying on the ground was en- 
graved an inscription of which I had also taken a copy in 1897. 
After a ride of quarter of an hour we came to another milestone, 
erected on a square pedestal; this one was 1.15 meters high and 
1.46 meters in circumference and had an inscription. We should 


136 PALMYRENA 


have preferred to travel by this road still farther to the west, 
but we had no water and were concerned about our pack cam- 
els, which had gone straight ahead to Palmyra. For that reason, 
at 12.10 P. M. we turned east through the white plain al-Ka‘. 
To the right of the steep, rocky wall of the Marbat al-Hsan 
now appeared the fort Kal‘at eben Ma‘an. Palmyra itself was 
hidden by the double-peaked spur of al-Muntar. At 1.05 we 
ascended the height of an-Nwejser and sighted the first se- 
pulchral towers of Palmyra. On the south, at the southeastern 
foot of an-Nwejser, runs the strong fresh water spring of Abu-l- 
Fawares, the water of which flows away to Tudmor through 
an old but recently repaired aqueduct. We rode alongside this 
aqueduct through a partly cultivated plain until 1.50, when we 
watered our horses. Mounting them again at 2.24, we were at 
Tudmor by 3.20. Naser had already arrived there and behind 
the Moslem cemetery in the Suk al-Barranijje had rented 
for us a spacious courtyard with two vacant rooms, in which 
we made our quarters. 


TUDMOR TO AL-BHARA 


The Tudmor settlement belonged to the sanjak of Dejr 
az-Zor, the government representative there being the mudir, 
who was not at home at the time of our visit. As his deputy 
paid no attention to us, we were left entirely free. We learned 
that northwest of Tudmor the clans of the chiefs Mazhtr eben 
Teli and Me‘gel eben Sened of the ‘Umir tribe were encamped 
in about one hundred tents and that they had good she-camels 
which they had received in exchange from the ‘Aneze Bedouins. 
Acting on this information, we made it Naser’s business to 
go and see them the next day, while we went to examine pike 
ruins of al-Bhara. 

On Thursday, March 21, 1912, at 6.23 A. M. we coaes out 
from the Stk al-Barranijje on the horses hired in the settle- 
ment of al-Forklos, making our way between the gardens of 
Tudmor, which are fenced in by high mud walls and irrigated 
by the lukewarm creek, Nahr al-Balad. In nearly all of these 
gardens barley was sown, Tudmor being a very favorable spot 
for its cultivation. The gardens were also full of olive trees, 
with some pomegranates, pears, apples, and date palms. The 
dates ripen here, but do not taste as well as the Setata dates. 
Nor can they be compared with the dates from the depression 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 137 


of Sirhan or those of the oasis of al-Gowf. But by far the 
best product of Tudmor is the olive, famous far and wide for 
its juiciness and pleasant taste. 

At 6.48 we left the gardens west of the isolated ruin of 
Kasr ‘Anén, a building Palmyrene in origin but later changed 
into a Christian monastery. We then passed through the sandy 
fields of ar-Rmil, which extend west as far as the foot of the 
huge dome of al-Muntar. 


The hillocks of al-Kajez join with al-Muntar on the south, merging 
with the Hejjal ridge on the southwest and then continuing farther in the 
same direction. The gap Tenijjet al--Edejje separates the Hejjal mountain 
from the rocky heights of al-Aktar, which form on the east the long low 
Ummu-r-Ruhi. Northeast of Ummu-r-Ruhi is the rise of al-Mefaze, west 
of which flow the springs of al-Ksejbe, aS-Sagara, and Zebara. The salt 
marsh al-Malah, which extends west as far as these springs, is pass- 
able in the dry season by several paths. We made a detour northwest of 
the gap Tenijjet al-“Edejje at a place called at-Tabtab and at 8.17 came 
to the ridge of Ummu-r-Ruhi. On the southwest the Hejjal ridge sinks 
to the spur of as-Seklawijje; beyond this opens out the long valley of 
al-Hallabat, which is bounded on the north by the mountain chain of 
ar-Rawak and on the south by the lower ridge of Abtar and its north- 
eastern spur of a&-Sa‘irat. Far to the south the low haze-covered scarp 


eA __ see 


in front of it. The dark hill Tell al-Frej rose in the southeastern part 
of this plain. 


Making a turn to the southeast, we met a group of about 
twenty Tadamre, or inhabitants of Tudmor, seated on donkeys. 
They were going south in search of kema’ (truffles). 

From 9.30 to 11.40 we stayed at the al-Baztrijje ruins. 
These are situated southwest of the rise of al-Mefaze and 
consist of several building's, all of them in a state of great 
dilapidation. Best-preserved are the foundations of a huge 
structure at the eastern end of the ruins (Figs. 33,35), which 
forms a rectangle 53 meters long from east to west by 48 
meters wide. The gate is on the south side. East of the build- 
ing stands a house in the form of a square of 17 meters to 
a side, with an entrance at the south. 

On the west side of the ruins is another building in fair 
condition (Figs. 34, 36). It is a rectangle 63 meters long from 
east to west by 29 meters wide. The east and west sides are 
strengthened by two rounded towers. The arched gate opens 
from the east into a yard, where there is a natural well. At 
the southeastern corner is a strong tower and north of it the 
foundation walls of other ruined buildings. Near the ruins is 


138 PALMYRENA 


AL-BAZURIJJE 
EASTERN RUIN 


10 0 10 20 30 METERS 
fesse tiasi j———___._—__ |} —________}. —________+ 


AL-BAZURIJJE 
WESTERN RUIN 


10 0 10 20 30 40 METERS 


Fic. 33—AI-Baztirijje: eastern ruin. 
Fie. 34—Al-Baztrijje: western ruin. 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 139 


Pig. 35 


Fic. 36 


Fic. 35—Al1|-Baztrijje: eastern ruin. 
Fic. 836—AlI-Baztrijje: western ruin. 


140 PALMYRENA 


an old cemetery. All the graves had been opened and robbed. 
At twelve o’clock we reached the Hirbet al-Han, where we 
stayed until one o’clock (Fig. 37). 

After that we went over a plain which slopes to the south- 
east. It seemed as if the terrain south and southeast of us 


N 


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N 
N 
N 
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NY 
NY 
N 
N 
SN 


AVR ENS BELO BE UES Vettes eeettinns 


4 2 
= 4 
WOLOLTLEIRILILYLMETILELBTOLEIEILOEBLEETSLEIELD DETER Ebel) 


g 


J 
N 
N 
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N 
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30 METERS 


Fic. 37—Hirbet al-Han, plan. 


were covered with water, this appearance being caused by a 
stratum of vapors which from time to time enveloped the 
whole country in such a way that the al-Frej hill alone rose 
above it like an island. At 1.28 we came to a large cemetery 
where the graves, dug in stony ground, were variously orna- 
mented, plastered with mortar, and covered with large slabs 
of dark stone. In 1908 all the graves were still untouched, 
but by 1912 about two thousand of them had been broken 
into and parts of the skeletons lay scattered among them. 
Our guide told us that, some time before, the felldhin of as- 
Suhne arrived unexpectedly, put up their tents, and began 
to dig up the graves. One of them had happened to find a 
precious stone, at which the rest began to search in the other 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 


foe} 
=i htt 
100 


2.8 


AL-BHARA 


METERS 
| 20 


Fic. 38—Al-Bhara, plan. 


141 


142 PALMYRENA 


graves too and took all they found. About three hundred paces 
west of the cemetery is a small heap of old brickwork covered 
with basalt sand. A few paces farther west begin the ruins of 
the former town of al-Bhara, which consisted of a fortified 


Fic. 39—Al-Bhara, a capital. 


camp and a large settlement to the north and south of it. 
These ruins measure over one kilometer in diameter. Quite 
striking in the ruins are the numerous column heads and 
ornaments in the Palmyrene style; also the large, roughly hewn 
stone blocks which were used in the buildings, but which today 
are so completely scattered that it is impossible to determine 
even their ground plan with any degree of precision. 

The fortified camp at al-Bhara is 159 meters long from 
west to east by 105 meters wide (Figs. 38, 39). From each 
corner projects a rounded tower. Two similar towers stand 
on each side. The eastern tower on the south side alone is 
square, but it seems that it was rebuilt when the inhabitants 
of the neighboring settlement put up their huts within the 
camp itself or close by. The distances between the several 
towers are not the same.~From the east an ornamental gate 
leads into the yard, where could be seen three wells and heaps 
of débris both large and small. The largest building, hence the 
castle (kasr), probably stood as usual in the center or some- 
what to the south, where the débris is piled up the highest. 
There are many wells in the vicinity of this camp. 


HOMS TO AL-BHARA 143 


All of this tends to show that al-Bhara must once have 
been a rich flourishing town. It was built on the northeast 
foot of the spur of aS-Sa‘irat and it, not Palmyra, dominated 
the desert that extends to the south. South of al-Bhara there 
are only two small, now ruined settlements — al-Bhéra about 
two kilometers to the southwest and al-Mléke about twenty- 
two kilometers to the south-southwest.** 


37 The ruins of al-Bhara I take to be the classical Goaria. 

Stephen of Byzantium, Ethnica (Meineke), p. 210, writes that Goarene is a place in 
Arabia not far from Damascus and that it is also called Goaria. 

Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre’, Chronicle (Chabot), p. 33, records that the caliph 
Walid II was killed near the town of KWRJ, a word which could be read as Koare or 
Koaria. The Greek g is often used instead of the Aramaic or Arabic k. We know from the 
Arabie sources that Walid II was slain near the settlement of al-Bhara, and there is no other 
source which contradicts the identification of Goaria with al-Bhara. 


CHAPTER IX 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA BY WAY OF GEBB 
AL-KDEJM 


AL-BHARA TO TUDMOR 


The guide urged us to return to Tudmor; therefore we 
left al-Bhara at 3.52, going north-northwest. On our left we 
saw the demolished residence of al-Hazim — or, as the ‘Aneze 
call it, as-Sikkerijje — and came at 5.15 to the likewise ruined 
camp and watering place of al-“Edejje.** 

The sun had been sinking for some time, but the columns 
in Palmyra still shone white. At 5.40 we found four fallen 
milestones which we turned over with a great effort. Three 
of them were quite crumbled away, and the inscriptions were 
illegible; on the fourth only one word was distinct: ‘‘Con- 
stantino.” At six o’clock we started off again; some fifteen 
minutes later we saw a milestone lying on the ground and 
after another quarter of an hour came upon one standing, 
although broken, and one lying, without any inscriptions 


38 I identify the spring of al-“Edejje with the “Wdaje’ of the early authorities. 

Michael the Syrian, Chronicle (Chabot), Vol. 4, pp. 323f., and Barhebraeus, Chron. syri- 
acum (Bedjan), pp. 85f., relate that in the twenty-seventh year of the Emperor Justinian, 
al-Mundir, whose mother’s name was Sakika, was pillaging the territory of the Roman Empire. 
Al-Haret, son of Gabala, attacked, defeated, and killed him by the spring of al-“Wdaje’ in the 
administrative district of Kinnesrin, Al-Haret’s son Gabala perished in this battle and was 
buried by his father in a shrine of the castrum of ‘Wdaje’. 

Liber chalipharum (Land), p.138, records that al-Mundir died in the month of June, 554,— 

The w in the Syriae ‘Wdaje’ can only signify the vowel o (pronounced ¢ in the modern 
dialect). Al-“Edejje lies in Palmyrena, which belonged for the most part to the administrative 
district of Kinnesrin. 

Other writers (Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 74; Vol. 3, pp. 756f.; Vol. 4, p. 211) call the 
place where al-Mundir fell ‘Ajn Ubar, a short day’s march from Kajjad, which some write 
Kajjas. — 

About fifty kilometers north of al-‘Edejje is the mountain of al-Kéz and twenty kilo- 
meters away in the same direction are the hills of al-Kajez, the names of both resembling 
closely the classical Kajjad. Fifty kilometers is a short day’s march for a swift camel rider, 
and twenty kilometers is a short day’s march for a migrating clan. Like al-“Edejje, both 
al-Kéz and al-Kajez are situated near the road from northern Syria to inner Arabia. We 
might therefore look for the ‘Ajn Ubar in some of the springs about al-‘Edejje, This location 
of the ‘Ajn Ubar would seem to be confirmed by statements quoted by Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 3, 
pp. 756 ff., that it was once the abode of the Amalekites. The Arab tradition might easily have 
confused the Amalekites with the Palmyrenes. Our location of the ‘Ajn Ubar is not affected 
by another report (ibid.) to the effect that it lies beyond al-Anbar on the road running 
along Euphrates to Syria or to Damascus. From Bagdad a road led by way of al-Anbar 
along the Euphrates as far as ar-Rahba, where it turned west toward Damascus or central 
Syria, running either through al-KAajez or al-‘Edejje according to the direction it followed 
beyond Palmyra. Al-Mundir fought with al-H4ret (Procopius, De bello persico, II, 1) for con- 
trol of the region about the Roman road called Strata south of Palmyra; hence it is possible 
and quite credible that he may have been defeated and slain at the site of the present al- 
‘Edejje near this Roman road. 


144 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 145 


whatsoever. It grew dark so suddenly that we could follow 
our guide only with the greatest difficulty. At 7.42 we at 
last reached our quarters at the Suk al-Barranijje. Naser re- 
ported that he had found twenty good she-camels, of which 
we could easily buy nine— just what we needed. 

Friday and Saturday, March 22 and 23, 1912. On Friday 
forenoon we sketched a detailed plan of the ruins of Palmyra 
and the near vicinity. Unfortunately this painstaking work 
came to nought, since we lost all the sheets forming the basis 
of an accurate plan when we were attacked and robbed by the 
Sammar on May 28 following. 

Saturday at noon Naser brought the she-camels, which he 
had bought in the camps of the chiefs Mazhir eben Teli and 
Me‘gel eben Sened. In the afternoon he marked them with our 
brand (Fig. 40), while we arranged our baggage in the mean- 
time. The mounted gendarme of Tudmor was to accompany us 
as far as Dejr az-Zor, and therefore we had to take along barley 
for his horse. For our guide we hired a native. 


The modern settlement of Tudmor has about 350 houses, divided 
into ten groups or hdardat: 


Harat as-Selka Harat al-Handak 
»  al-Kaba‘a a wae jok 
» Beni Hammtd ,»  al-Barranijje 
» al-Kible »  an-Nkére 
»  az-Za‘abne »  al-Bajader. 


Mhammad eben ‘Abdallah is the chief. 


The gardens are divided into a northern group called 
Basatin al-Kena’ and a southern group, Basatin Nahr al-Ba- 
lad. The northern gardens are irrigated from al-Kena’, which 
brings the water from Abu-l-Fawares; the southern from the 
lukewarm Nahr al-Balad. All the gardens are irrigated every 
twenty-fourth day, the water standing twenty-four hours in 
each. Formerly the water was cheap, but now anyone start- 
ing a new garden acquires a perpetual lease for a payment 
of twenty Turkish pounds ($90) per hour. The output of the 
gardens falls short of what the inhabitants need, causing them 
to buy not only wheat but barley flour as well. One rotol (2.56 
kilograms) of wheat flour sells at seven piasters (81.5 cents), 
of barley flour at four or five. Bread is baked mostly from 
the dera’ (a kind of millet) flour. 

3 As to cattle, the Tudmor people breed principally donkeys 
and cows. A female ass costs from three to four Turkish 


146 PALMYRENA 


pounds ($13.50—18.00). The males are cheaper because the 
country people prefer the females; consequently the males 
are bought only by the wandering peddlers to carry their 
wares. A cow sells at from two to six pounds ($9—27) a 


Fic. 40—Branding a camel. 


head. There were only five horses in all Palmyra, the breed- 
ing of them proving unprofitable owing to the dearness of the 
feed. For the proper feeding of a mare one mudd (16 liters) 
of barley is needed every two days, which costs from fifteen 
to sixteen piasters (67.5 to 72 cents). Hay for the cattle is 
cut in the hills in the springtime, and in the sum mer the 
inhabitants pluck leaves and the offshoots from the trees, 
especially the terebinths, and dry them. But the main source 
of the Palmyrenes’ income is the salt which they gather in 
the near-by salina, disposing of it again to the felldhin from 
around Homs and Hama’ either for money or in exchange 
for wheat and barley. 


TUDMOR TO GEBB AL-KDEJM 


Sunday, March 24, 1912. On Sunday morning we led our 
camels from the yard through the ruins as far as the foot 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 147 


of the hillock of al-Muntar, where we took to our saddles. 
The camels went along quietly, and therefore at 6.57 A. M. 
we could gaze for the last time at the remains of the once 
proud and powerful city of Palmyra. Descending slowly, we 
reached the junction of the sevbdn of al-Kanater and ad-De- 
mus at 7.385 and at 7.48 crossed the aqueduct of Abu-l-Fa- 
wares in a northwesterly direction, taking the road Darb 
al-Mizra‘a, which leads to the fields in the lower al-Abjaz 
valley. These fields depend upon the moisture from the rains 
only; for this reason they are called ba‘l (sun-fields), because, 
when the rain is insufficient, they may easily be destroyed 
by the sun. Anyone can cultivate a piece of land for himself 
if he wishes to. If he does it for three successive years, the 
land becomes his property (mulk). If it rains enough in 
March and April, the crops are good; if it fails to rain in 
April, the grain is quite poor; but if there is no rain in March 
also, the grain dries up before it can ripen; the peasant then 
loses his seed, and his hard work goes for nought.*° 

To the south were seen the conical crests of Mounts Hejjal 
and al-Gurnijje, and even of as-Seklawijje; to the north the 
dome of the shrine al-Mizar Mhammad eben ‘Ali and above 
it-the red rocky sides of the Tar an-Nwejser and Marbat 
al-Hsan..The country was deathlike. The only living beings 
we could see were three Tadamre walking behind a donkey 
carrying two earthen pots filled with tar. They were looking 
for the camps of the Nu‘ejm Arabs, whither they were going 
in order to cure the latter’s camels of the mange. At 8.43 we 
reached the top of the height of at-Tenaja, which is a south- 
western spur of the Tar an-Nwejser. On nearly every hilltop 
were seen heaps of stones or the remains of watchtowers. 
In front of us was the mighty range of al-Abjaz, which falls 
off on the east’ with a steep wall but sinks more gradually 
to the southwest and sends to the southeast a sharp crag 
towards which we were heading. 

The nearer we approached, the more distinctly could be 
seen the groups of trees in the western part of the al-Abjaz 
mountains. These are especially numerous on both sides of 
the Wadi Dekara, which ends in the lowland of al-Ehéej. At 


39 Smith, Religion of the Semites (1914), p. 97, is mistaken when he writes that the 
Arabs do not associate Ba‘l’s animating power with the rain of heaven but with the springs, 
rivers, and the subterranean water. Just the opposite is the truth. If the rain is not adequate, 
the soil suffers from lack of moisture, the underground waters as well as the springs and 
wells get quite dry, and all life perishes. S 


148 PALMYRENA 


9.04 we entered the wide Se%b of al-Mizrab, which joins that 
of al-Abjaz and forms a large, partly cultivated plain. 

Al-Mizrab rises in the range of Abu Rigmén on the southern slope 
of the al-Morar mountain and winds from the waters Bijar Sajjah through 
the ‘Anétid basin between the mountains of aS-Sa‘ara and Marbat al-Hsan 
on the west, and the Zahrat al-Bedr, al-Rassabijje, and al- Mizar on the 
east. The se‘ib of al-Abjaz comes from the north-northeast and runs 
along the eastern foot of the range of the same name. This was originally 
connected on the southeast with the Marbat al-Hsan hill, but the narrow 
link between them has been worn through by erosion so that the crag 
of al-Mkéti‘a on the west and the steep sides of Marbat al-Hsan on the 
east are now separated by the channel of al-Abjaz. 


Southwest of this rift Mazhtr eben Teli of the ‘Umtr 
tribe was just then eamping. The moment he sighted us he 
leaped on his mare and, waving his spear, came to us at a 
gallop, inviting and begging us to descend at his tent as his 
guests. Unwilling and unable to waste time, we thanked him 
for his courtesy and, continuing on our way, at ten o’clock 
entered the upper valley of al-Abjaz through the opening to 
which we have just referred. The southern part of the rift 
is narrow, with high walls of white rock on both sides; but 
on the north the gap widens, opening into a gigantic basin 
which slopes gradually upward to the north and is surrounded 
by rolling highlands. This basin was once inhabitated. 7 

From 10.35 to 2.00 o’clock we stayed among the ‘Antar 
ruins at the waters of al-Hafajer, where we found a marble 
column with a Greek inscription. The ruins are covered with 
a layer of earth and sand. To the east of the basin above a well 
rise the walls of an-NaSmi, behind which loom the dark red 
peaks of as-Safra’, and still farther the rather low white 
cones of al-Habijje, in which there is a spring of the same 
name. Southwest of al-Habijje project the al-Kawa‘ed moun- 
tains and northeast of them the mighty crest of a&-Sa‘ara. 
At three o’clock we reached the extensive ruins of al-Hérem, 
situated near a spring of the same name below the high 
butte of RuSm at the eastern foot of al-Abjaz. 

At 4.10 our guide showed us to the northeast of aS-Sa‘ara 
the flat ridge of Hawijjet ar-Ras and nearly north of us the 
well of al-Mellihi. At 4.50 we pitched our camp by the spring 
of ad-Dnén on the slope of the al-Honsor mountain. 

On Monday, March 25, 1912, we continued our march at 
6.50 A. M. in a northerly direction. At 7.10 we saw north of 
us in about the center of the eastern slope of al-Abjaz a 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 149 


green meadow irrigated by the spring of al-WeSel, on the 
side of which is a small ruin.?° 

West of al-WeSel begins the valley of al-Masek, which, 
under the name of Dekara, borders the lowland of al-Ehéej. 
It is separated from the Bijar Ghar by low hillocks. From 
7.12 to 7.40 we drew water from the spring well of al-Ma- 
nasre near the Bir Hnéfes. Passing at 9.28 by the well of 
Hamud, we entered into the Se%b of al-Btéhi, with its deep 
channel eroded out of yellow clay mixed in some places with 
fine gravel. The valley is wide, enclosed by moderate slopes 
overgrown with erbijjdn. To the northwest stand the wooded 
cones of al-Mra’. From 10.08 to 12.28 P.M. we remained at 
the brackish wells Bir Slém. At 1.32 we reached the wide, 
shallow se%tb of at-Turkm4an, where terebinth trees thrive 
especially well. At 1.42 we had the old, deserted well of al- 
Kudmijje on our left. The rain coming down suddenly, we 
had to pitch our tents at 2.20, leaving our camels to graze 
on the abundant plants about us. 

Tuesday, March 26, 1912. It was very cold. We rode 
away at 6.25 A. M. over a wide, clayey basin, reaching at 
7.10 the ridge of at-Turkmanijje (also called Abu Tummeén), 
on which rises a stunted cone covered with ruins, the mighty 
ramparts of which were overshadowed by terebinth trees. 
The old well had caved in. At 7.25 we rode past the ruins 
of the small settlement of Dubejs south of the head of the 
Ahejzer valley, which disappears in the basin of al-Kdejm. 
All the ridges are wide and undulating. Terebinth trees grow 
everywhere, making the country look like a vast natural park. 
Their fruit is picked for the oil it contains, which the settlers 
use in preparing food, the Tadamre even preferring it to olive 
oil. The terebinth resin is also gathered and sold at Aleppo. 
From all sides resounded the “huf-huf! huf-huf!” of the 
hoopoes searching the trunks of the terebinth trees. Our 
guide asserted that in summer the districts north of Tudmor 
swarm with gazelles, but that, on the other hand, these ani- 
mals are rarely seen in winter or spring, when they remain 
in the neighborhood of-al-Hamad. Not until :all the grass 
there has wilted and dried up do they return to Palmyrena, 
which, with its more adequate moisture, keeps the grass in 
good condition until late in the autumn. 


40 This spring may be identical with the al-WaSal mentioned by Jaktt (op. cit., Vol. 4, 
p. 930) who writes that Abu Manstr, while in the desert, saw the al-WaSal mountain, from 
which water dripped and gathered at its foot. 


150 ; PALMYRENA 


From 8.30 to 9.10 we stayed at the large al-Bwéza ruins, 
which belong to the Maharse family of the ‘Umtr. Here we 
had a splendid view over a whole stretch of country. To 
the southwest we saw the hills of Skakijje, which form the 


Fic: 41—Kdejm basin: our camp. 


northeastern spur of the al-Abjaz mountains. The hills of 
Skakijje are connected with the low, white hillocks of al-Mra’ 
which on the south close the basin of Durmand. Northwest 
of Durmand rose. the domes and cones of the al-Fasde, al- 
Harbaka, and Umm ‘AjjaS mountains, and northeast of the 
latter were visible the six isolated, stunted cones of al-Jetime 
and Asabe‘ Kdejm. Beyond Umm ‘AjjaS to the north and 
northeast lay a vast plain strewn over with low buttes. On 
the plain there glistened like white threads the dry channels 
of several watercourses and numerous large and small rain 
pools (habari). Northeast of al-Bwéza emerged the ridges of 
al-Morar, al-Labde, and al-Mkejbre, with the al-Hmejde pass 
opening to the east. 

At 10.16 we passed on our right the high Rigm Sa‘adin. 
We were now riding on the broad flat crest of Abu Rigmén. 
By 10.20 we had crossed the road leading from the al-Kdejm 
wells through the aS-Sa‘ara and al- Rassabijje mountains to 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 151 


the waters of al-Kattar near the Hullet al-Warak ruins. From 
11.40 to 1.50 P. M. we let our camels graze on the edge of 
the se%tb of ad-Defa‘i and then descended north toward the 
basin of al-Kdejm. Here and there were groups of boulders, 
which had rolled down at different times, and groves of 
terebinths with steep cliffs rising above them. We met about 
fifteen nawar, or gypsies, the men and women alike wearing 
narrow trousers; the women were seated on donkeys and the 
married women had their heads wrapped in black shawls. 
They drove about twenty kids before them, their reward for 
having entertained the fellahin and goat and sheep breeders, 
who camp with their flocks in Palmyrena during the winter 
season. At 3.50 we entered the basin of al-Kdejm, which is 
shut in on the west by the low, reddish-brown hillocks of 
Abu Tummén, Ebrérit, and Umm ‘Ajjas8; on the north by 
al-Jetime, Asabe‘ Kdejm, and as-Swane; and on the east by 
the ridges of al-Morara and al-Labde. 


GEBB AL-KDEJM TO AR-RESAFA; THE HADEDIJJIN TRIBE 


At 4.42 we rested by the remains of a small fort on a 
hillock. In the basin of al-Kdejm (Fig. 41) the al-Bu Hasan 
clan happened to be camping just then; southeast of them 
were the tents of the al-Gerrah family, and still farther 
south those of the ‘Anatre family of the an-Nwejhat clan, 
all belonging to the Hadedijjin tribe, who cultivate tand in 
and about several hamlets northeast of Hama’. 


The Hadedijjin tribe has about two thousand tents and is divided thus: 


al-Kwame (head chief: Nawwaf as-Saleh) 

al-RanAatse hice »  sftk ar-Ragw). 
Clans of al-Kwame: ‘ 

Abu Kens al-Gmejle 

Abu Slejbi Al Gemlan 

Abu Ku‘ejran Al Marasa 

Abu Fatla Al Gawélli. 
Clans of al-Ranatse: 

al-Bu Hasan Kijar 

Abu ‘Atejri al-Abraz 

Abu Sihabaddin al-Gaffatin 

Abu Taben Abu “Atab 

an-Nwejhat al-Ma“azi 

Awlad ‘Ali al-Bu Rhama. 


We pitched our tents near the ‘Anatre camp at 5.25 and 
sought a guide; but there was not a single man there who 


152 PALMYRENA 


knew the topography of this part of the country. In the even- 
ing we determined the latitude. 

Wednesday, March 27, 1912. We had to draw water, which 
cost us a great deal of time, as the Hadedijjin were watering 
their herds. There are six wells in the basin, each about eight 
bd° (c.16 meters) deep and all having fresh water. It was 
about eight o’clock before we left. North of the wells on a 
hillock lies a pile of old building material. On the south the 
basin is bounded by the mountain mass of Abu Rigmeén, 
which is cleft by the deep pass Ri‘ al-Hawa separating the 
mountains Hawijjet ar-Ras and al-Morar. East of Hawijjet 
ar-RAas stands the low pyramid of al-Klej‘a and farther east 
the summits of Umm ‘Astr. 

In the as-Swane hills we met a traveler, a native of as- 
Suhne, who gave us the names of the various mountains and 
valleys while he rested with us from 9.50 to 10.55 east of 
the well Gibb Rar. He would have liked to accompany us, 
but my companions begged me not to take him, because his 
left. cheek was disfigured by leprosy, of which they were 
horribly afraid. Naser would not even give the poor fellow 
a sip of tea and finally, when he had to do it, he marked 
the tin cup, not putting it back among the other kitchen 
utensils. He feared contagion, although it is said that leprosy 
in Syria is not contagious. 

The well Gibb RAr is located in a Se%b of the same name, 
which begins in the basin of al-Kdejm and is joined there by 
the seibdn of Ahejzer, Nasabt al-HSQni, and ad-Defai. This 
se%ib separates the hills Asabe‘ Kdejm and al-Hassabijje from 
as-Swane and al-‘Afuwijjat and disappears in the plain of al- 
Metajih. At eleven o’clock we entered the se?b of al-“Wejr, 
where our camels grazed from 12.30 to 2.45 P.M. on gamba, 
wraka, ga‘ade, ribla, zejte, silwa, rassa, and zrejme, while in 
the meantime we sketched a map of the neighborhood. To the 
east we saw the cone ‘Orf Twénan, north of which begins the 
Se%b of the same name, in which there is also a spring well. 
This se?b of Twénan connects northeast of Zel‘ an-Na‘am with 
the Se%b of al-‘Wejr and ends close by ar-Resafa. After four 
o’clock we saw large flocks of sheep belonging to Syrian traders 
who had bought them from the Dlejm tribe on the middle 
Euphrates and were now driving’ them to the Syrian markets. 
Their herdsmen were all Dlejm. At 4.25 we camped not far 
from them, bought a wether, and had a good supper. 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 153 


On Thursday, March 28, 1912, at 6.30 A.M. we set out north- 
ward, riding through a rolling country into which penetrate 
the spurs of the mountain range to the south. The valleys 
are here broad and white, the limestone slopes completely bare. 


AT-TURKMANIJJE 


METERS 
1S 


) 10 20 


Md 


Fic. 42—At-Turkmanijje, plan. 


On the left we saw three different ridges. The western one, 
Hesjan al-‘Ejr, is made up of flat-topped hills; the central one, 
al-HaSSabijje, forms a crest etched out by numerous gullies; 
and the eastern one, al--Afuwijjat, which was nearest to us, 
consists of a row of hillocks with narrow, sharp crests. From 
7.20 to 7.388 we let our camels graze. We were now approach- 
ing a chain of hillocks stretching from east to west, on the 
northwestern side of which there stands the building of at- 
TurkmAanijje, where we rested from 10.54 to 1.11 P. M. 

The air was filled with the smell of putrid flesh. Reach- 
ing the top of the hill about twenty-five meters above the 
northern plain, we saw not far below us on a terrace hundreds 
of dead, decaying sheep. A road favored by the sheep traders 
leads past at-Turkmanijje, running from the middle Euphrates 
to Aleppo and Hama’. At the end of February there had been 
a heavy snowfall, which lay ten days on the ground, and a 
trader who had brought his sheep as far as at-Turkmanijje 
at that time had lost the entire flock, the animals dying of 
hunger. 

At-Turkmanijje (Fig. 42) is a structure built of roughly- 
hewn stone; above the well-preserved door it is ornamented 


154 PALMYRENA 


with a cross. In ruins for the most part, it seems to have 
been a monastery in times past.** 

North of at-Turkmanijje the run-off makes its way through 
the Se%b of as-Safja between the heights of al-Hrejbe and Ta- 
rak Ambag into the Se?b of Selmas and the Euphrates. On 
the west and southwest spreads an endless, undulating plain, 
thus giving at-Turkmanijje a dominating position over the 
whole country for many kilometers around. 

From at-Turkmanijje we headed northeast, making all 
possible speed, since no pasture for our camels was anywhere 
to be seen. At four o’clock we came across a few green patches 
of the erbij7dn in some shallow pans and also sighted eight 
gazelles, the first wild animals we had met thus far. This was 
a sign that all of them had not left Palmyrena for al-Hamad 
as yet. At 4.42 we made camp. | 

On Friday, March 29, 1912, we were on the road as early 
as 6.10 A.M. At 6.88 we passed through a tract of lowland, 
where the yellow blossoms of the erbij77dn formed a thick car- 
pet, giving out a pleasant odor at every step of our camels. 
From 10.25 to 11.20 our camels grazed. We then rode across 
the plain of al-Kwar through a camp of the Walde half-fellahin, 
who breed goats and sheep and cultivate land on the right 
bank of the Euphrates west of al-Kasra. Three girls were 
gathering fuel: old camel manure and the dry stems and roots 
of tough perennials, which they had to tear out of the ground ‘ 
by main force. 

At 12.13 P.M. the ruins of ar-Resafa appeared in the distance, 
producing a striking effect in the midst of the vast plain. The 
walls overtopped the horizon, seemingly larger than they act- 
ually are. The church of St. Sergius resembles a mighty castle, 
and the remains of the other buildings charm the traveler’s 
eye and excite his curiosity. As we approached, masses of 
dense, dark gray fog were hovering above the deserted town, 
intensifying still more its mysterious aspect. At 2.30 we finally 
reached the ruins and encamped by the southwest corner of the 
walls; then, after a hasty inspection of the site of the town, 
we started work at once. 

In the evening the Emir (as we called Prince Sixtus of 


41 At-Tabari, Ta’rih (De Goeje), Ser. 2, pp. 1896f., writes that Merwan II marched 
from al-Kastal via Stirija and Dejr al-Latak to ar-Rusafa. — 

The locations of al-Kastal and ar-Rusafa are known. Strija is identical with Serija, or 
Esrija, thirty-five kilometers northeast of al-Kastal; Dejr al-Latak is to be sought in our 
ruined monastery. It received its name at-Turkmanijje probably from the Turkomans, who 
held the surrounding territory in the thirteenth century. 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 155 


Bourbon) wanted to make his bed in a vaulted room under 
a corner tower. I tried to dissuade him from this idea, calling 
his attention to the danger threatening not only himself alone 
but all of us should we be attacked in a closed-in place. I pointed 
out the risk of building a fire and lighting our electric torches 
under the vaulted ceiling, because the ight would shine through 
the few narrow loopholes and thus be visible from afar. Further- 
more, the floor of the room was covered with the offal of birds 
of prey and other kinds of birds which nested in the loop- 
holes and cavities of the vault. But the Emir, afraid of the 
impending rain, would not budge. Consequently we had with 
some difficulty to clear a part of the room, where we made 
our beds. We lit a fire outside, in front of the entrance of the 
room, and after eight o’clock put out our lights. 

At midnight a few stones were thrown at us through the 
loopholes, but luckily none fell on our heads. Then a shot was 
fired. Seizing our rifles, we ran out of the vault and hurried 
as quietly as possible to the nearest opening in the walls, let 
ourselves down into the moat, turned west, and made for the 
tower. Several black figures moved quickly past the tower and 
disappeared below the western wall. The intense darkness pre- 
vented us from seeing anything, and sleep was out of the ques- 
tion; therefore we carried our blankets up from the room and 
remained outside, the better to guard our beasts and baggage. 
The attackers did not return. 


AR-RESAFA 


Ar-Resafa® lies at the very point where the undulating 
plain of al-Kwar merges into the lowland of al-Hora.* The 
site of the town is enclosed by walls 577 meters long on the 
north, 361 meters on the east, 591 meters on the south, and 
417 meters on the west, enforced by powerful towers at each 
corner and smaller ones on all sides.-The walls are narrower 
above than below and carry a parapet about two meters high, 
with loopholes, behind which the defenders could walk about 
and repulse the attackers (Fig. 43, 44). 

From the town side the walls were ascended by numerous 
stairways. On the north (Fig.47), east (Figs. 45, 48, 49, 50), and 


42 On ar-Resafa see also above, pp. 64—67. 

43 Classical writers call the surroundings of ar-Resafa ‘‘the Barbarian plain,’ Barbarikon 
Pedion (Procopius, De bello persico, I, 5, 29; Theophylactus Simocatta, Historiae, V, 18: 3). 
The Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, uses these words: fines exercitus syriaticae et conmertium 
barbarorum. 


156 PALMYRENA 


south (Fig. 46) sides stately gates led into the town, the most 
splendid being the northern gate (Figs. 51, 52, 53, 54, 55). It 
was from that side that the martyr Sergius came to ar-Resafa, 
and before the northern gate he was tortured to death. 


Fic. 43—Ar-Resafa: the northeastern part of the walls 
from the southwest. ate 


Both to the right and left of the gate in the northern 
wall is a narrow inside passage (Fig. 56), allowing one to walk 
around the entire fortification (propugnaculum) which pro- 
tects the gate on the north side. | 

Most remarkable within the walls were the huge ruins of 
three Christian churches and of some dwelling places. Apart 
from these, everything has been completely demolished and 
strewn about. Amidst the débris a broad avenue 28 meters wide 
and running from the north to the south gate could be discerned. 
Arcades lined it on both sides, each arcade having once been 
covered by an arched roof supported by columns rounded on 
the sides toward the avenue and forming rectangular pillars | 
on the opposite sides. Between the arcades and the houses 
were sidewalks 1.8 meters wide. At several points branching 
off from the main avenue to the west and east are traces 
of streets with ornamental columns. In two places we found 
the remains of triumphal arches. The first was built not far 
south of the northern gate and led to the martyry (Figs. 57, 
58, 59, 60). tere ; 

The roof of the latter was originally supported by twenty- 
two columns, but only the eastern part of the building is left 
standing, where especially strong earthquake-proof walls were — 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 157 


necessary to support the vaulted roof of the three apses at 
this end. The vaulted dome of the main apse reached up to 
the level of the roof and was faced by a fine wall. On either 
side of the main apse stairways 70 centimeters wide with 
steps 25 centimeters high and treads 25 centimeters broad led 
to rooms built above the two side apses or diaconica. Some 
time after the original building was completed, the great win- 
dows on the east side of the diaconica were walled up to the 
middle and an additional structure three stories in height 
added on this side. In this structure the ceilings of the first 
and second stories as well as the roof rested on timber rafters, 
for the ends of which holes were made in the church wall. 
The top story of this structure was reached by a wooden stair- 
way at the south side of the right-hand, or southern, apse. 

Farther south, almost due north of the southern gate, rises 
the ruined tower of the largest church (Figs. 61, 62, 63, 64) 
in ar-Resafa. East of the main avenue on an extensive level 
surface above huge vaulted crypts, which may have been used 
as cisterns, was built a basilica with five aisles, each ending 
on the east with ornamental apses. Unfortunately the only 
parts of this church that have been preserved are the southern 
end of the main apse, the two southern apses, and the tower, 
the ruins of which are about fifteen meters high. Of this tower 
twenty-five layers of stone masonry, each 45 to 65 centimeters 
thick, are still standing. A spiral stairway in the tower led to 
rooms above the domed vaulting of the main aisle and above 
the apses. The ceilings of these rooms as well as the roof were 
supported by timber rafters. The windows were grated. As far 
as could be judged, the tower was originally at least twenty- 
five meters high and afforded a splendid view over the vast 
plain. 

East of this basilica stands the largest monastery of Sergi- 
opolis, as ar-Resafa was once called. This one was inhabited 
longer and repaired more frequently than any of the others 
and, hence, together with its church, is the best preserved of 
all the monuments in the town (Figs. 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71). 
The church of today shows unmistakably two or three kinds 
of building material. It has three aisles originally separated 
merely by piers on which rested high arches. Some time after 
the building was completed in its original form the support 
of these high arches was reinforced by the insertion within 
each of two smaller arches resting in each case on three por- 


158 PALMYRENA 


AR-RESAFA 
DETAILS OF RUINS 


SCALE FOR ALL PLANS 
METERS 
5 


10 


EASTERN GATE 


NORTHERN GATE 


QQMMM@lld 


FIG.47 


Fic. 44—Ar-Resafa: southwestern corner of wall, plan. 
Fic. 45—Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, plan. 
Fic. 46—Ar-Resafa: southern gate, plan. 
Fig. 47—Ar-Resafa: northern gate, plan. 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 


Fie. 49 


Fic. 48—Ar-Resafa: eastern gate from the east. 
Fic. 49—Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, a capital. 


160 PALMYRENA 


phyry columns 2.1 meters in circumference (Fig. 72). Of the 
bases of these porphyry columns no traces whatever have been 
left. These smaller arches supported horizontal tiers of stone- 
work, and the spaces between these tiers and the high arches 
were filled with bricks. Timber raf- 
ters upon which rested the ceilings 
of the side aisles were supported by 
the lesser arches. Each side aisle 
originally ended on the east in a 
high, vaulted apse built of bricks 
(each 4937 X 3.5 cm.) separated by 
layers of white sepiolite. Above the 
concha of the southern apse twenty- 
two rafters (each about 25 cm. thick) 
supported a layer of sepiolite bricks 
four centimeters thick, forming the 
floor of a large room, the roof of 

Fic. 50—Ar-ResAafa: which was also supported by rafters. 

eastern gate, a capital. | Subsequently, within each of the 

high apses there was inserted at 

a lower level a vaulted ceiling made of rubble and decorated 
with colored garlands. 

Both aisles were painted, and a panel in the southern apse 
was ornamented with pink and white mosaic, in which the letter 
A, made out of the white stones, has been preserved. In front 
of the apse of the main aisle there was a tomb, to which the 
relics of St. Sergius were transferred. This tomb was encased 
with slabs of porphyry three centimeters thick. 

The main aisle projects as a clerestory above the side aisles, 
the clerestory windows being ornamented with small columns 
oO) centimeters in diameter and the clerestory itself being built 
of bricks (24 « 24 * 4em.). Both the north and south walls 
of the side aisles of the church as well as of the monastery 
are propped up by huge buttresses (Figs. 73, 74), filled with 
rubble. In the inner west wall of the church, above a walled-in 
door, a stone was placed with an inscription stating that the 
monastery church was repaired by the metropolitan Simeon 
in 1093. In that year all the relics of the earlier ecclesiastical 
edifices of Sergiopolis were undoubtedly brought to this church. 
The porphyry slabs, with which the tomb of St. Sergius is 
encased, as well as the porphyry columns supporting the vaulted 
ceilings of the side aisles, came from the martyry. In 1910 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 161 


people from ar-Rakka and as-Suhne carried on a treasure hunt 
in the martyry, on which occasion they dug out small por- 
phyry columns, slabs (Figs. 75,76), and many other ornaments 
identical with those which we saw in the monastery church. 
The bases of the large porphyry columns are still visible in 
the martyry, and that the columns were rolled away from here 
to the monastery church can be easily proved, since some of 
the fragments and one capital are still lying in the road over 
which they were rolled (Fig. 77). The less strongly built mar- 
tyry was destroyed by earthquakes in the tenth and eleventh 
centuries; and, even if it had been restored, it could not have 
withstood another shock of that kind. Therefore it was not 
again repaired after the earthquake of 1068. It was then that 
the columns were rolled into the monastery church and the 
new tomb of St. Sergius decorated with the plates and orna- 
ments from his older tomb. 

Among the Moslem buildings a mosque east of the mar- 
tyry is still partly visible (Fig. 78). It looks as if it had been 
vaulted. Both the roof and parts of the upper walls have 
fallen in, filling the inside two meters deep with débris. 

The cisterns in ar-Resaéfa are without number. Usually 
two or three are close together, over four meters deep, and 
vaulted, with small round holes in the vaults through which 
the water was drawn. The south gate was walled in and the 
space between it and its outer defensive walls converted into 
a reservoir, the vaulting of which was supported on five brick 
pillars. Cisterns of gigantic size were built in the southwestern 
part of the town (Fig. 79), and those about eighty paces from 
the southwest corner are still well preserved. The northern 
cisterns are of an earlier date than the southern ones. They 
were filled with water from a rain pool constructed 450 paces 
west of the walls. This pool forms a square of 160 paces and 
is enclosed by a wall eighty centimeters in thickness. South- 
west from it stretches a dam over six hundred paces long. 
Here the rain water was checked and made to flow into the 
pool and thence into a canal, which led it off again to the 
moat, over five meters wide. The water was then carried across 
the moat on an arch protected by two towers; thence it flowed 
through an opening in the wall north of the third tower from 
the southwest corner, whence it fell into the cisterns. In the 
wall above the inlet is a niche with an inscription, no longer 
legible. 


PALMYRENA 


162 


‘Y}LOU 94} Wort 04vs UTOYJIOU :eyeSeYy-IyW—Te ‘DIY 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 163 


Fic. 52—Ar-Resafa: northern gate, middle door. 


Outside the town, in front of the north gate, is a small 
church, the northern part of which is in ruins (Figs. 80, 81, 
82). It had three aisles running into apses, vaulted over by 


164 PALMYRENA 


Fia. 54 


Fic. 53—Ar-Resafa: northern gate, east portal. 
Fic. 54—Ar-Resafa: northern gate, details. 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 165 


four small domes and one high one. The nave did not have 
a flat timber roof but a vaulted one which had been painted. 
Above the windows of the main apse is a short Greek in- 
scription imploring victory for Alamundarus, a Christian king 


Fic. 55—Ar-Resafa: northern gate, propugnaculum. 


of the Ghassanians. South of the church was either a well 
or a very deep cistern, and north of it was once either a big 
caravansary or a monastery. To the east extends a large Chris- 
tian cemetery. This was still intact in 1908, but in 1912 we 
found all the graves opened and plundered. 

North of the town both to the right and left of the Ro- 
man road are the remains of numerous tombs (Fig. 83). I 
found the Moslem cemetery northwest of the northwest corner 
of the town. Many graves are encased with slabs of burnt 
clay, on which are incised maxims from the Koran, such as 
are also found on the tombstones. For the most part, these 
graves had been rifled before 1908. They were overgrown with 
nejtul, in which and under the stones hide countless adders. 

East and southeast of the town are the stone quarries from 
which the white, alabaster-like building material was taken 
for the walls and most of the houses. 


166 PALMYRENA 


Saturday and Sunday, March 30 and 31, 1912, we spent 
working in the ruins. We examined the ground plans and our 
sketches made in 1908, prepared the elevations of some build- 
ings, made a detailed plan of the whole town and its vicinity, 


Fic. 56—Ar-Resafa: inside passage along northern walls. 


drew and photographed various ornaments, and cheerfully ex- 
pected soon to be in possession of a really substantial basis 
for the solution of various scientific problems. But Allah 
decided differently. The principal plans and sketches we kept 
in a special tin box, which we did not send from al-Hammam 
to Aleppo but took along with us to Irak. All was lost when 
we were attacked by the Sammar on May 28. The fruit of our 
labors in 1908 and 1912 was destroyed; only the sketches and 
memoranda in our diaries were saved. 


AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA 167 


Nobody disturbed us in our work except on March 30, 
when a few robbers brought some cows they had stolen to the 
town. One of them drove his three cows into the ruins through 
a breach in the southern wall, strayed into our midst, and 
was captured. His companions, who were waiting in the moat 
along the southern wall, being thus warned, ran off to the 
east and disappeared in the dark quarries and caves there. 
Our gendarme took possession of the robber’s revolver, a heavy 
hatchet (klenk), and the cows; he wanted to bring the thief 
fettered to the gendarme station at al-Hammam. But, being 
short of water and not liking to irritate his companions, we 
preferred to let him go. The gendarme then ordered him to 
go north as fast as he could, threatening to shoot him if he 
turned east, in which direction the other robbers had fled. 
The captive promising readily, the gendarme posted himself, 
carbine in hand, at one of the western towers to see where 
the robber was heading for. At first he went northwest, then, 
after about five hundred paces, he turned east, thinking that 
a Martini, the ordinary rifle of the gendarmerie, would not 
earry so far; but he ran like a gazelle northwest again when 
he heard the whistling of a bullet fired from a Mannlicher. 

The gendarme was not a little proud of having made a 
show of his authority and also of having possessed himself 
of the revolver and the three cows, which he did not intend 
to return without the customary finder’s reward. But with 
the approach of evening he became more reserved, fearing 
the revenge of the robber’s companions; and he warned us to 
prepare for defense. As he could not sleep all night, he sat 
down by the southwest corner tower and kept a sharp watch, 
not letting the slightest noise escape him. Whenever he thought 
that he heard a suspicious sound, he crept towards us, whis- 
pering that the enemy was coming. We hardly slept at all. 
On the. morrow the gendarme kept watch all day again, and 
on Thursday night the experiences of the preceding night 
were repeated. Our water was nearly gone; the cows were 
lowing with thirst; the camels would not graze, suffering from 
thirst also; therefore nothing was left for us but to go to the 
Euphrates, although we should have liked very much to stay 
at ar-Resafa two days more in order to examine the neigh- 
borhood more thoroughly. 


CHAPTER X 
AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR; AL-BISRI 


AR-RESAFA TO AR-REHUB 


Monday, April 1, 1912. At 1.25 (temperature: 1.25° C) we 
left ar-Resafa by the northern gate. The channel of as-Séle 
near here was visible in some places but in others it dis- 
appeared into the ground. At two o’clock we noticed on our 
left a well and on our right a cistern. The town was soon 
lost to view behind a broad rise. From 5.00 to 5.10 we stayed 
in the Kasr ad-Dahal, a medieval freehold or monastery, and 
sighted to the west low ramparts, possibly the remains of a 
square fortified camp with numerous semicircular outbuild- 
ings, perhaps towers. Not having a drop of water left, we 
could not make a stop. At six o’clock we reached the top 
of a high knoll, whence we observed before us the two domes 
of the Tadejjén ruins and far beyond them a mountain range 
in Mesopotamia, enveloped in a violet haze. In the eastern sky 
the nearly full moon hung as high as the sun in the west. We 
did not feel the moist breeze coming from the river until 6.40, 
and at seven o’clock we encamped on the bank close to the 
water (temperature: 20°C). 

It was not without difficulty that we unloaded our bag- 
gage, since the thirsty camels were panting for water. The bank 
on which we made our camp was only twenty meters wide 
(Fig. 84). To the south rose the steep scarp of the al-Mezabe* 
upland to a height of about forty meters above the bank, which 
fell away on the north five meters to the river. The run-off 
had made for itself a deep channel in the clayey part of the 
slope, extending over the bank right down to the water’s edge. 
Through this channel the sheep, goats, and possibly the cows 
of the neighboring half-felldhin went to the water to drink. 
They had made it so slippery that the soft hoofs of our camels 
found no firm footing there, and we were fearful lest some of 
them might fall into the water. Therefore, we first made them 
kneel down; then we fettered their legs, and, after cleaning the 
slippery part of the channel, let them go to the water, two by 
two. We did not go to sleep until midnight. 


168 


AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR 169 


Tuesday and Wednesday, April 2 and 3, 1912. We visited 
with our guide the big al-Hnejda ruins, the two old ruin heaps 
of Tadejjén, which are formed like a woman’s bust, and the 
remains of various houses and buildings. East from Tadejjén 
there is the gendarme station of al-Hammam, close to which 
there had been built a large khan, several stores, and a small 
house, the residence of the superintendent of the post and 
telegraph office. We made an agreement with the owner of 
the khan to have him send to Aleppo by the next depend- 
able carrier the photographs that we had taken. Then we 
collected plants, examined them, and made our saddles and 
baggage ready for our further journey. 

Wednesday, April 3, 1912. At 1.55 o’clock we left the 
Euphrates and passed through an undulating plain in a south- 
southeasterly direction. On our left was a row of hillocks rising 
above the al-Mezabe* plateau and stretching south. At four 
o’clock our guide pointed out to us the small heap of the al- 
Hulmi ruins on the east, where the Abu Habata valley rises. 
East of al-Hulmi the hills of al-Wtejd are located, and south- 
east of them is the isolated Tell al-Mhéra. We made camp at 
5.23 in a sheltered hollow (temperature 27.5° C). 

Thursday, April 4, 1912. We started at 6.12, going nearly 
due south. On the right of the sun we saw Tell al-Mhéra. At 
6.36 we stopped for ten minutes at the waters of ad-Dahal 
(Fig. 85). Dahal is the Arabic term for doline, a hollow in 
the ground connecting with a cave into which the rain water 
flows from the surrounding country. Ad-Dahal by which we 
now stood is about seventy meters deep, with its western 
side inclined in such a way that even a camel can walk 
down it. The cave is said to be over two kilometers long. In 
some places it is as much as twenty meters high and thirty 
meters wide, but in others it is only five meters high and 
eight meters wide. After heavy rains the water in it is some- 
times two meters deep. The walls of the cave are of soft 
limestone. Turning southeast, at 7.12 we saw a dam and at 
7.18 some old deserted gardens, from one of which a big 
lizard (arwal) ran out. At 8.16 we had on our left the height 
of Rgtum as-Sih and before us the rather low, but broad and 
long, irregularly-shaped hill of az-Zemle; east of this was 
the hill of az-Zmejli, with the deep pit or doline of al-Haba 
close by. At one time the ‘Ebede, when camping not far away, 
were anxious to know what might be at the bottom of this 


170 PALMYRENA 


é Fig. 57 


Fia. 58 


Fic. 57—Ar-Resafa: martyry, the apse from the east. 
Fic. 53—Ar-Resafa: martyry from the southwest. 


AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR ve 


Fia. 59 


Fia. 60 


Fic. 59—Ar-Resafa: martyry from the west. 
Fic. 60—Ar-Resafa: martyry, arch and vaulting above diaconicon. 


lb fo PALMYRENA 


eavern. Tying together the girths and reins of forty horses, 
they fastened a saddle to this line, on which they let down 
a young fellow, who, however, did not reach the bottom. When 
they pulled him up again, the youngster was changed into a 
gray-headed old man. A similar but shallower cavern called 
al-Bét lies northeast of the Tell al-Mhéra on the plain of al- 
Hkaf. The al-BiSri ridge, rising to the south, had the appear- 
ance of a high, straight wall, on top of which a few cones 
were placed. 

From 12.10 to 1.48 we rested east of al-Hulle by the hill 
of az-Zemle and the radir or water hole of the same name in 
the channel of a short basin, which always holds the run-off 
for a long period. At 3.22 we reached an undulating basin 
near the Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje, where we encamped at 5.22. A heap 
of stones was seen to the southeast at the wells of ar-Rehtb,*™ 


44 Abu-l-Farag al-Isbahani relates (Ardni [Bdlak, 1285 A.H.], Vol. 11, p. 59) how 
the satire of the poet al-Ahtal insulted the chief al-Gahhaf ibn Hukejm. This chief was 
permitted by the caliph ‘Abdalmalek to collect taxes in the territory of the Tarleb. He 
therefore came in 692 A. D. with a thousand riders of his tribe to the town of ar-Rusafa 
at one day’s march south of the Euphrates. In the morning he made a surprise attack on 
the Tarleb camping at ‘Aginet ar-Rehtb, where al-Ahtal also had his tent, and defeated them. 
Abu-l-Farag adds that ‘Aginet ar-Rehtb is supposed to have been.the valley south of Suhejn 
and al-BiSr and that ‘Omar ibn Sabbe calls this battle Jowm (Day) al-BiSr or Jowm Hagibet 
ar-Rehtb (also Jowm MugaSen), either after a hill near al-BiSr or after the plain of as- 
Salawtah in ar-Rehtb. — 

The watering place of ar-Rehib lies 36 kilometers southeast of ar-Resafa on the 
northern, not the southern, foot of the al-BiSri ridge. Suhejn is probably identical with the 
lowland scarcely two kilometers south of as-Resafa. The localities MuhasSen (not MugaSen, 
as printed) and as-Salawtah are to be looked for in the ridge of al-BiSri. 

Al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), pp. 211, 289, 315, and al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 580, 
mention the camping ground ‘Aginet ar-Rehtb as being between Teni MuhaSen and Nazirat 
al-Bisr. — This _Nazirat al-BiSr I identify with the mountain of an-Na4azra in the al-Bi8Sri 
range. The hill Gubejlat at-Tni right below this mountain is undoubtedly identical with the 
Teni MuhaSen. Near at-Tni there used to pass and still passes the easiest road across al-BiSri. 

In 954—955 the Beni Kilab pillaged the country around BaAalis. Sejfaddowle, the lord 
of Aleppo, pursued and attacked them in the ridge of al-BiSr between the watering places 
al-Rabarat and al-Hararat, killing the men and capturing the women (al-Mutanabbi, Diwan 
[De Sacy] p. 3). — The watering place of al-Hararat lies in the al-Harrar valley; al-Rabarat 
I do not know. 

‘Omara ibn ‘Akil states (al-Bekri, op. cit. p. 179) that the al-Bi8r ridge stretches from 
west to east only a few parasangs south of the ‘Aginet ar-Rehtb and that roads from Irak 
to Syria run through it. Damascus he places to the south of al-BiSr. At al-BiSr, al-Gahhaf 
ibn Hukejm defeated the Tarleb on the ‘‘Day of al-Bisr,” or, as it is also called, the ‘‘Day of 
ar-Rehtb,” or of ‘‘MuhaSen,” or ‘‘of as-Salawtah.”’ MuhaSen, he says, is a mountain at al-BiSsr; 
as-Salawtah, a rocky plain (merg or ldbe) at ar-Rehtb. The torrents from the ridge of al-BiSr 
pour their waters into the ‘Aginet ar-Rehib only three parasangs from Rusafa Dimask. 
At ar-Rehtb the rain water collects, whence it runs off through several valleys to the 
Euphrates. Abu Rassén says (ibid.) that al-BiSr lies at a distance of one day’s march south of 
ar-Rakka, but al-Bekri was of the opinion that this must be another al-Bisr. — 

‘Omara ibn ‘Akil looks for ‘“Aginet ar-Rehib three parasangs south of ar-Resafa and 
a few parasangs north of-al-Bisri in a plain where the valleys which head in that ridge 
come to an end. This would fully agree with the vicinity of the Radir az-Zemle, as is called 
the watering place in the plain into which run all the Se‘ibénm coming from the ar-Rehtb 
wells. This Radir az-Zemle is situated seventeen kilometers south-southeast of ar-Resafa and 
nearly the same distance north of the foot of the al-BiSri ridge. After heavy rains, all the 
run-off from the valleys around collects in the plain in which lies the Radir az-Zemle, whence 
it flows in part through the Se%> of al-ASwugat to the Euphrates. As-Salawtah is called 
both merg (meadow) and ldébe (stony ground); therefore it should be looked for in the stony 
plain between the Radir az-Zemle and the Tell Fhede. Abu RassAn is right when he states 
that the distance between al-BiSri and ar-Rakka is a day’s march; but al-Bekri errs in 
differentiating between this al-BiSr and the one mentioned by ‘Omara. He does so, thinking 
that the al-BiSr described by ‘Omara extends much nearer to Damascus. 


AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR 173 


some of which have caved-in. The best water is drawn from 
a well twenty-one bd* (c. 42m.) deep. 

The basin of al-Ka‘ijje is bounded on the south by outliers 
of the hillock region of al-Bowlijjat, on the northeast by the 


Fic. 61—Ar-Resafa: southern church from the southwest. 


mighty elevation of Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje, and on the north by 
az-Zme]le. 


AR-REHUB TO SEB OF AT-TNI 


On Friday, April 5, 1912, we were on the road as early 
as 5.45 and stopped at 6.30 at the foot of the al-BiSri ridge. 


This ridge is separated by the deep rift of the al-Meleh and as-Stk 
valleys from the Abu Rigmén. The Abu Rigmén sends into the rift a 
narrow ridge, on the western end of which lies the settlement of at- 
Tajjibe, which is divided only by the channel of as-Stk from the Zahrat 
al-Harrtba, a part of al-Bisri. Al-BiSri extends to the northeast as a 
huge, generally flat-topped ridge, with, however, a few isolated domes 
on its top and numerous dry watercourses stretching northwest and south- 


Jakit, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol.1, p. 631, records that the al-BiSr ridge, a posses- 
sion of the Tarleb, stretches from the settlement of ‘Ord in the Syrian desert to the Euphrates. 
Beds of bitumen, ocher, of the marl for making vessels for iron smelting, and of the white 
sand which resembles white lead and is used in the manufacture of glass in Aleppo are 
found here. The bitumen is exuded by the spring Ab-al-Zir. 

Jaktat, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 789, looks for the locality ar-Rudab in al-BiSri and also in 
the immediate neighborhood of ar-Rusafa, his opinion being that ar-Rudab was the name 
of ar-Rusafa before it was rebuilt by the caliph Hisim (at-Tabari Ta’rih [De Goeje], 
Ser. 1, p. 2078). 


174 PALMYRENA 


east from it. The western part of al-BiSri is called ad-Didi, northeast of 
which the ridge reaches its highest point in the cone of ad-Dabbe. Farther 
east are the three domes of Tlejtuwat, behind which the main ridge, Zetab 


al-Bisri, turns somewhat to the east. Al-A‘jigat is the name given to the 
northwestern slopes of the western part of al-Bisri; east of these are 


Fic. 62—Ar-ResAafa: southern church, apse from the west. 


the slopes of al-Bowlijjat; then follow the hills of Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje, Ab- 
al-Zir, al-‘Obéd, and as-Sirre. Along the western slope of al-Ka‘ijje winds 
the deep Se%b of al-Bowl, which begins in Tlejtuwat. On the northeastern 
slope of al-K&‘ijje is the spring Ab-al-Zir, which exudes from time to 
time small quantities of bitumen. At Ab-al-Zir commences the Se%b of 
al-Harrar, on the eastern branch of which lies the heap of ruins Hajj 
Rumman with, north of them, the Radir as-Slubi. At the eastern bend 
of Zetab al-Bisri is the spring a&- -Sizri.4s 


4 Tiglath Pileser I (Annals, No. 2 [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions (1861—1884), 
Vol. 3, pl. 5, no. 2], obverse, 1. 12; Budge and King, Annals [1902], p. 118) took possession 
of six towns in the land of Sthi, all of them lying at the foot of the Bisuri mountains. 

In 877 Asurnazirpal (Annals [Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 1, pl. 24], col. 3, ll. 40f., 48 f.; 


AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR 175 


Our guide refused to go any farther. Naser and Mhammad 
went with one camel to bring water from the ar-Rehtb wells, 
but did not come back until one o’clock They were delayed 
because the Walde half-felladhin, who just then happened to 


Fic. 683—Ar-Resafa: southern church, right dzaconicon. 


be watering their goats, sheep, and cows at ar-Rehthb — or, 
as they pronounced it, ar-Rehim — would not let them ap- 
proach the wells. At 2.18 we left, again going in an easterly 
direction. 7 

After a while we were overtaken by two Fed‘an from a 
camp near Ab-al-Zir, who gave us a good description of the 


Budge and King, op. cit., pp. 357 f., 860) pursued the rebellious natives in the desolate mountains 
of Bisuru and on the right bank of the Euphrates caught eight wild bulls alive and killed fifty. 

The poet al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 134, says that the territory between Irak and 
al-BiSr as far as Manbig& (Hierapolis) belongs to the Tarleb. 


176 PALMYRENA 


road we had to follow. Likewise our gendarme, a native of 
Dejr az-Zor, knew al-Bisri fairly well. 

Rotting sheep were seen everywhere. We were told that 
in the first days of January snow fell all the way from al- 
BiSri to ar-Resafa and remained on the ground forty-five days. 
The half-fellahin and Swaja (breeders of goats and sheep) 
who did not take their flocks to the Euphrates in time lost 
all their property, it was said. The animals died of cold and 
hunger. At 5.35 o’clock we made camp in the se%b of al-Bowl. 

Saturday, April 6, 1912. We rode forth at 5.52; first 
through the al-Bowl valley until seven o’clock, when we reached 
the water parting of al-BiSri. The view northwards was not 
clear, owing to a dense haze enveloping the whole country. 
On our right were the three domes of Tlejtuwat, the middle 
one of which is cleft in two. These domes project about one 
hundred meters above the ridge. The valleys are wide and deep 
and the slopes grown over with grass. On the south of Tlej- 
tuwat stands another dome, ad-Dabbe, and southeast of it 
stretches the broad, sloping plain Sa‘afet al-Bi8ri. 

At 7.26 we saw to the east the flat-topped crest 6s an- 
Nazra, which is gashed by short but very abrupt gullies with 
deep limestone sides, and which forms the western boundary 
of the al-Fassajat district. We rode over a well-trodden path 
leading east-southeast. On the hillsides were seen hundreds of 
dead sheep, and in the river bed of al-GAjri carcases were 
piled high. In one bend of the channel we also saw among the 
sheep three dead mules and even the gnawed skeleton of a 
small child. We were told that toward the end of February 
the snow had melted so fast that the tents of the poor half- 
fellahin, who had sought shelter against the freezing north 
winds in the deep gullies, floated away with the first rush 
of melted snow. 

From 9.36 to 9.56 we let the camels graze in the Se%b 
of al-Gajri. After ten o’clock we encountered another enemy 
of the poor half-fellahin. Several grassy spots were swarming 
with tiny locusts, which, hatched from eggs laid the year 
before, were now feeding on and destroying everything upon 
which they hopped. 

From 11.16 to 12.55 o’clock we rested; then we left the 
road leading southeastward through the valley and, turning 
east, passed over several low, table-shaped ridges separating 
wide, shallow valleys. At each prominent point were piled up 


AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR eg 


stones serving as landmarks for the migrating half-felldhin. 
We encamped at 4.38 o’clock in the setb of at-Tni, which 
heads at an-Nazra. On its right slope looms the high dome 
Gubejlat at-Tni, whence the Bedouins, camping at their out- 
post at as-SiZri, keep a sharp lookout for the ever possible 
coming of a raiding troop from the south. Below the Gubejlat 


AMA 


at-Tni is the spring well of Htézan.*° 


SETB OF AT-TNI TO DEJR AZ-ZOR 


On Sunday, April 7, 1912, we started at six o’clock (temper- 
ature: 10°C) but had to stop at 6.35 and wait till 7.15 be- 
cause the wind was so cold that our fingers at once became 
stiff and numb. Not until the sun came out did the air grow 
warmer. . 

In the district through which we were passing rose many 
low flat-topped hills, between which appeared the vast desert 
to the south. Right at the foot of the al-BiSri range we sighted 
by the se%b of al-Kebab the gendarme station of al-Kebazeb, 
which was built beside a well of the same name on the road 
Darb as-Sultani running from Damascus by way of Palmyra 
to Dejr az-Zor.*" 

East of al-Kebazeb in the valley of ‘Azaman a Christian 
traveler lies buried, his grave being called, therefore, Kabr an- 
Nusrani (Tomb of the Christian). The white, desolate hillocks 
of Fejzat al-Rurr, with the high Tell al-Rurr rising among 
them, stretch to the east of this grave. At 10.12 we crossed 
the valley of Gebb ‘Azaman, which comes from the steep, 


46 At-Tni I regard as identical with at-Teni, frequently mentioned in Arabic literature. 

Jaktt op.cit., Vol.1, pp. 937f., states ‘that at-Teni is a place in al-Gezire near as-Sikri 
east of ar-Rusafa, arene the Tarleb and Bugejr assembled when they wished to make war 
on Haled in the reign of Abu Bekr (see Musil, The Middle Euphrates [1927], pp. 309—313). 
But “Haled surprised them at at-Teni and completely defeated them. 

Jaktt’s text reads: ‘“not_far from as- -Serki, Serki ar-Rusafa.” The first Serki is un- 
doubtedly a misrendering of a&- Sikri, by which name the range and a spring north of Gubejlat 
at-Tni are called. A&- Sikri, like at-Tni, is situated east-southeast of ar-Resafa, which agrees 
with Jakiat’s term ‘‘Serki ar-Rusafa” meaning “east of ar-Resafa.”’ 


47 In pre-Islamic times the negro Arab as-Sulejk, son of the negress as-Salaka, captured 
No‘man, son of ‘Okban of the Kinana tribe, and set him at liberty again. Years after, when 
as-Sulejk visited the camp of the Beni Kinana at their watering place of Kubakeb beyond the 
al-Bisr range, No°’man offered him his two sons, chiefs among the Kinana, and his daughter, 
declaring that the sons as well as the daughter belonged to him by right (Abu-l-Farag, 
* op.cit., Vol. 18, p. 137). — The modern Kebazeb lies to the south, or, as viewed from the north, 
“beyond” the al-BiSri range proper (or, as it was formerly called, al-BiSr). 

Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 26, says that Kubakeb is a watering place of the Tarleb 
beyond the al-Bisr range in Mesopotamia. — Kubakeb was not in Mesopotamia Mae in the 
administrative district belonging to it. 

According to Halil ad-Daheri, Zubda (Ravaisse), p. 117, Kubakeb was a neat for 
carrier pigeons. There was a tower there arranged in such a way that the pigeons could 
roost in it comfortably. In the tower were also cages, roosts, ladders, and provisions for 
both the keeper and his servants, who had immediately to send off the letters brought there. 


178 PALMYRENA 


reddish rocks of an-Nazra on the north, and went on farther 
over the wide, slightly undulating plain, where from 11.15 to 
1.45 o’clock we rested near the spring of at-Trejfawi. At 3.16 
we were nearing the end of the broad Se%b of al-Ksejbe, when 
we saw on our left a gendarme station and a khan on the edge 
of the extensive cultivated fields irrigated by the springs of 
Karktr and al-Ksejbe.** Their owners are Sahane, or inhabitants 
of as-Suhne. 

After four o’clock a horseman appeared to the south; then 
a second, and before long six riders were heading towards us. 
They stopped but, on finding out that we were ready to defend 
ourselves, went away again. At 5.15 we made camp at the al- 
Meéatel hillocks (temperature: 14°C). On the south rose the 
height of al-Haba, and to the west and north glistened the 
white rocks of an-Nazra, which form a sloping ridge, the 
eastern side of which looks as if it had been planed down. 
Above them all projects the high Zetab al-BiSri. We kept watch 
all night, feeling that the suspicious riders we had seen in the 
afternoon might come back to attack us. 

On Monday, April 8, 1912, we were on the road at 5.58 
A.M. At 7.20 we sighted on our left two extinct volcanoes 
and farther to the northeast two more, all of them called al- 
Hzéfat. At 3.12 we were on the height of al-Malha and could 
see the town of Dejr az-Zor down by the Euphrates. From 
10.15 on we rode along the Darb as-Sultani highway. On our 
left were the stone quarries of al-Erham, and before us, beyond 
the river, spread an endless plain enveloped in a magic violet 
haze through which projected only the two volcanoes of al- 
Hzéfat. The plain was that of al-Gezire, Mesopotamia. At 10.28 
o’clock we reached a cemetery with whitewashed tombstones 
on many graves and began to descend to the valley of the 
Euphrates, arriving before Dejr az-Zor at 10.42 o’clock, when 
we encamped.’ 


48 In connection with al-Kusejbe Jakiat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 126, mentions al-Kawatel, 
al-BiSr, and ar-Rakka. — The modern al-Ksejbe lies on the southern foot of the al-BiSri range, 
through which a road leads to ar-Rakka. The watering place of al-Kawatel is 52 kilometers 
southeast of al-Ksejbe. 


49 For the narrative of the continuation of this journey along the Euphrates as far 
as ar-Rumadi, April 8 — April 21, 1912, see author’s The Middle Euphrates (1927), pp. 1—34; 
for its continuation thence to an-Negef or MeShed ‘Ali, April 22— April 26, 1912, see his 
Arabia Deserta (1927), pp. 857—373; for the return journey from an-Negef through Meso- 
potamia to Abu Hréra (on the Euphrates nearly due north of Tudmor), April 27— May 27, 
1912, see his The Middle Euphrates, pp. 34—96. The continuation of the journey thence to 
Aleppo is narrated in the following chapter of the present volume. 


CHAPTER XI 


ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO BY WAY OF ZEBED 


Monday May 27, 1912. At 1.28 we left the station of Abu 
Hréra,”° a gendarme and a reliable guide accompanying us, and 
went northwest along the cultivated flood plain of al-Mehkan. 
At 1.48 we crossed the se%b of Selmas, which is joined by 
the short gully of as-Selm4ani, and continued on our way over 
the plain of al-Ma‘ata. On the right by the river bank in the 
field of Hamtd dura’ was being sown. Every water hoist was 
working to its fullest capacity, which means three seven-hour 
shifts, since each animal used at the hoists must be replaced 
after having worked seven hours. 

At 3.40 we had before us the Razale fields; on our left, 
in the bluffs of ar-Rukafa, was the deep rift of the se%b of 
Mhammad al-Kurdi; and in front of us the orange spur of 
ad-Dibsi, which shuts in the plain along the river. From 3.57 
to 4.25 our camels pastured, and at five o’clock we left the 
plain and started northwest for the upland of Abu Kbara, on 
top of which we encamped about four kilometers southeast 
of the Umm Hartm ruins. 

On Tuesday, May 28, 1912, we left camp at 4.55 and going 
west-southwest passed through an undulating clayey plain cov- 
ered here and there with fine gravel and bordered on the 
south by the spurs of the al-BiSri and Abu Rigmén ranges 
and on the northwest by the basalt mesa of Sbét and plateau 
al-Hass. Broad swells projecting into the plain in several 
places prevented a full view. To the southeast was the low 
flat-topped rise Tarak al-‘Atfa and to the southwest the hill- 
ocks al-‘Anz and al-‘Anéza, which are broad but not high. 
West of the latter rose the white knolls of Ab-al-Rurr and 
north of these and of al-‘Anéza the hillock range of Tléelat 
al-Humr, with the isolated domes of as-Sej h, Hsejfan, and the 
Tell Fuzza. Southeast of the last-named are the Medint al- 
Far ruins. At 5.20 we passed al-Hrejbe, the ruins of a small 
building. At 6.30 we saw to the south the dark height of al- 
Hrejbe and the well of the same name in the Se%b of al-He- 
bara, which merges with the se?b of Selmas. 

50 See footnote 49. 


179 


180 PALMYRENA 


From 7.15 to 7.57 we let our camels graze in a basin by 
the hillock of al-“Anéza, which here forms the western limit 
of the Euphrates watershed. At ten o clock the brown mesa 
of Sbét was sighted to the west, with, behind it, the black 
and jagged al-Hass; and in front of these heights glistened 
the white surface of the salina MAalhat Gabbil. About four 
kilometers south-southwest of us was seen a pile of old 
building materials. 

Our march was very fatiguing. We were alone, and there 
was nothing in the monotonous country to cheer us. More- 
over, a dry and hot southeast wind, called by our guide sa- 
mim, blew with an effect depressing both to man and beast. 
The air seemed to be filled with filmy golden veils, which 
obstructed the view as noon approached. Two camels became 
sick; as one kneeled down and refused to rise, we were obliged 
to rest from 10.30 to 11.20 and try to cure her; luckily we 
were successful: she was finally able to get up and we could 
continue on our way. 

Passing through a deep valley, we sighted on our right 
at twelve o’clock two camel riders; a little later there were 
about ten of them in our rear, and before long we were sur- 
rounded by a troop of more than one hundred men. Defense 
was not to be thought of. Each of us carried about thirty 
rounds of ammunition, and there was more in the baggage; 
but we were down in a hollow, while the enemy had occupied 
the high ground all about us. 

Ordering my men not to shoot, I cried out that we placed 
ourselves under the enemy commander’s protection; but in 
vain. They threw themselves at us like so many wild beasts, 
tore us from our saddles, and took all we had on, even to 
disrobing us entirely. 

The commander was not with the troop at the time but 
arrived in about half an hour with five other men, one of 
them an elderly negro, who on seeing me shouted to his 
master: 

“Allah protect us from all evil! Beware of punishment! 
Is not this Misa, the brother of Nawwaf eben Sa‘lan?” 

The commander. bounded at the negro with the words: 

“Thou art mistaken!’ 

“T am not mistaken, so help me Allah! I am not mistaken.” 

I likewise protested that the negro was not mistaken, but 
the commander ordered me to keep still. At that moment our 


ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO 181 


guide from Abu Hréra stepped up to him and declared that 
my name was Musa in fact and that we were under the pro- 
tection of the Government, whose representative, the gen- 
darme, was accompanying us. Instead of answering him, the 


Fic. 64—Ar-Res&fa: detail of a structure adjoining the southern church. 


commander knocked the poor guide down with the stock of 
his gun, taking no notice whatever of the mention of the 
gendarme. 

From the bits of conversation I overheard IJ learned that 
our enemies belonged to the Singara and ‘Abde tribes of the 


182 PALMYRENA 


Sammar. Although both obeyed Eben RaSid, they had to keep 
on friendly terms also with the emir of al- Gowf, since they were 
wont to camp in the Neffid, on which his territory bordered. 
Since my good friend Nawwaf eben Sa‘lan was at that time 


Fic. 65—Ar-Resfafa: basilica of St. Sergius from the southwest. 


emir of al-Gowf, I said to the commander: “Hear my words! 
Thy name I do not yet know, but I know that thy troop is made 
up of the Singara and ‘Abde, both of whom obey Eben Rasid, 
to whom the Government pays a monthly salary for suppress- 
ing robberies. And now thy Singara and ‘Abde have robbed 
not only us but, in the person of the gendarme, the Govern- 
ment as well. I also know that thou and thy troop are afraid 
of Nawwaf, who is my brother; and .you have robbed me, the 
brother of Nawwaf. Hear what I am going to do! I will re- 
quest the Government to discontinue Eben RaSid’s pay until he 
has returned ten times what his Singara and ‘Abde have taken 
from us. And so that thou shalt not laugh at the Government 
any more, I will send a report to the emir Nawwaf at once, 
asking him to avenge the insult thou hast heaped upon his 
brother, Mtsa. And that Nawwaf will avenge me thou well 
knowest. This old man, a slave, will testify to that. By Allah, 
I will do so!” 

The commander then called some of his men together to 
confer with them. They came to me after a while with their 
decision, which was that all that could be found should be re- 
turned to us. First they gave us the papers; also the camels, 
with the exception of one that had disappeared with her load 
and which the robbers pretended not to have seen at all. We 


ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO 183 


had to look ourselves for our saddles. Two were gone and in 
their place we got old ones, very much out of repair. As for 
our arms, we received back two rifles but without ammuni- 
tion. Our clothes the raiders simply put on. One wrapped 
three shirts around his legs, pulling two pairs of trousers 
over them, which he tied under his shirt with a belt. Most of 
the scientific instruments were damaged. When they wanted 
to see the contents of a barometer or camera, they simply 
broke open the instrument with a stone or cut it with 
a dagger and then gave it back to me. One of the raiders 
buried the theodolite and the best barometer in the sand, 
where we found them, undamaged by the merest chance. All 
the plants we had collected they threw on the ground for the 
wind to scatter. But the most galling for us was, and still is, 
the loss of all our ground plans and sketches of ar-Resafa, 
dating both from 1908 and 1912, as well as of the detailed 
plan of the ruins in the vicinity of Palmyra. These large 
sheets had been wrapped up and put into a special tin case, 
which was lost, like other things too numerous to mention. 
We did not get back any of the provisions at all, and the 
raiders also drank up all our water. When the sun began to 
dip down to the west, the commander demanded from me a 
written receipt stating that he had returned to me all that he 
had robbed us of. This, of course, I would not give. After 
long haggling we finally agreed that I should write that I 
had received what was found and that he would return the 
rest as soon as he could find it. 

At last we could prepare for our departure, which took 
place at 8.30. We rode northwestward fast and silently, fear- 
ing that the raiders might attack and murder us at night. At 
ten o’clock a hyena, suddenly jumping from his den, scared 
our camels to such a degree that they galloped away like 
mad, causing us to lose many more things. Finally we calmed 
them with great effort, but the things they had dropped were 
gone for good. Night had long since set in and here we were, 
lacking both water and food. At midnight we reached the 
eastern edge of the Sbét mesa and at 1.380 in the morning 
made our beds on a threshing floor near the settlement of 
Zebed.°! 

On Monday, May 29, 1912, early in the morning, Naser 
went and begged a little milk for us from the farmers of 


51 Jakat, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol, 2, 1914, writes that Zabad is a settlement in the 
territory of Kinnesrin, inhabited by the Beni Asad. 


PALMYRENA 


184 


‘yS¥o SUIYOO] ‘oaavuU ‘SnNId1Eeg 49 fo BoITISeq :Byesey-Iy—g9 ‘DI 


ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO 185 


FIia. 68 


Fic. 67—Ar-Res&fa: basilica of St. Sergius, nave, looking west. 
Fic. 68—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, north aisle, looking west. 


186 PALMYRENA 


Zebed, who were camping near their threshing floors not far 
away. At 6.45 we left, setting our course as nearly northwest 
as we could without the compass. On our left were the dark 
brown slopes of Sbét and on the right a white salt marsh. 
At 7.45 we were close to the north corner of the Sbét mesa, 
whence we passed through the plain separating it from the 
range of al-Hass, which we reached at 9.15 o’clock. 

From 10.45 to 11.50 we rested beyond the hamlet of Umm 
“Amutd. Naser and Mhammad begged some bread and curdled 
milk for us, as we had neither provisions nor money with 
which to buy them. Having eaten, we looked each other over. 
The Emir (Prince Sixtus) had got back his shoes, trousers, 
and coat but was without a kerchief to cover his head. In 
place of one, he had made himself a headgear out of the 
dishcloth that Naser used when on duty, fastening it with ° 
a piece of string. My headcloth had been returned to me, but 
it had been partly torn during the quarrel. I, too, fastened 
it with string. I also had got my coat, but the shirt and 
trousers I could not discover; instead of this I found my 
Bedouin cloak, which I wrapped around me. This worked well 
enough as long as I was on the back of a camel, but when 
walking it was quite a bother. The Emir had a good laugh 
at me, comparing me with a sans-culotte. The rest of my 
companions looked just as funny; and yet we were all glad 
that nobody had been killed or wounded and that we had 
saved our diary and most of our photographs. 

From 1.830 to 2.35 we halted by the settlement of Abu 
Derih, from which Mhammad brought us some bread. At 3.45 
we reached the northwest end of the salina of Gabbil; from 
4.30 to 5.10 our camels grazed; at 5.38 we entered the town 
of Sfira, situated in the mide, of large gardens and fertile _ 


fields; at 6.15 we crossed the creek ‘Ajn Sfira and made ~ 


camp on 6.50 in a field not far from a small hamlet, where 
Naser and Mhammad again obtained bread and milk for us 
by begging. 

Thursday, May 30, 1912. By starting at 5.15 we reached 
Aleppo at 8.50. 


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CHAPTER XII 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 


Towards the end of 1914 I undertook an extensive explor- 
ing expedition to Ne&d, from which, in the spring of 1915, 
I returned by the Pilgrim Road to al-Ktfa, and from there 
along the Euphrates to Syria.°? My scientific assistant was 
Karl Waldmann — whom we called Halaf — an official in the 
Military Geographical Institute at Vienna; and my servant was 
Naser eben ‘Obejd al-Marlik from al-Zerjitejn. At first we 
followed the left bank of the Euphrates; but at Dejr az-Zor 
we crossed to the right, and on May 25 reached Balis, the 
Barbalissus of old. 


AL-MESKENE TO GABBUL 


On Wednesday, May 26, 1915, after spending the night 
in the fields near Balis, we stopped from 6.40 to 7.30 at the 
station of al-Meskene, where there are gendarme barracks and 
a big khan, the residence of the telegraph superintendent. Our 
camels grazed below the station on the fields of al-Ishakijje; 
here an old canal, which branches off from the Euphrates, 
formerly irrigated the flood plain about the town of Balis. 
On a slope to the south are situated the hamlets of ‘AtsSane, 
Wazha or al-Gdejde, and Zeben. At 8.12 we sighted the ruins 
and hamlet of at-Tanntze before us to the northwest on a 
bluff sloping towards the river bank. At 8.83 we crossed the 
Se%ib of al-Mellah and ascended the bluff. On the right was 
seen the gravelly plain of al-Warde, which slopes gradually 
towards the Euphrates. Beyond it, to the north, were the 
hamlets of al-Babiri, at-Trid (built on a heap of ruins), al- 
Habtbe, and the shrine of al-‘Artde, which glistened white on 
a high hillock. West of these hamlets stretch the low hillocks 
of al-Cettale. 

Turning west, we rode over a rolling, rather stony plain, 
dotted with low domes, on most of which were the remains 

52 The narrative of the author’s journey from Damascus to al-Gowf will be found in 
his Arabia Deserta, New York, 1927, pp. 375—474; that dealing with his explorations in 
Negd will appear in his forthcoming volume, Northern Negd; that treating the journey 
from al-Ktfa to al-Meskene will be found in his The Middle Euphrates, New York, 1927, 
pp. 99—193. 

189 


190 PALMYRENA 


Fic. 69—Ar-ResAafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle, looking west. | 


of oldbuild ings. The Setbdn here were wide and shallow. At 
9.25 a stiff wind began to blow from the west. At 9.386 we 
were among the knolls of aS-Sa‘ar near the hamlet of Ras al- 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS Lor 


‘Ajn, and at 9.48 we passed the Han a8-Sa‘ar. On top of a 
hillock on the left of the se%b of aS-Sa‘ar stands a square, 
half ruined building, formerly a gendarme station. A similar 
building could be seen to the northwest. Much of the level 


Fic. 70—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle, looking east. 


land in the neighborhood is under cultivation. At 10.25 our 
way took us through the fields of ad-Drtbijje, where. the 
wheat, not of a very vigorous growth, was just ripening. At 
10.35 we saw to the north the hamlets of at-Titen and Hafsa. 
From 11.08 to 12.35 we rested near the hamlet of al-Ksés 
(temperature 25.3°C), the first human settlement with conical 
buildings that we had seen on our whole trip. Along the road 


192 PALMYRENA 


northwards stretches the big heap of ad-Drésijje ruins, below 
which squats the hamlet of of al-“Atsan. To the southwest the 
horizon was shut in by two black spurs of the range of al- 
Hass; to the north by the mighty hill Salma-z-Zor; to the 
northwest of this by the lower Salma abu Gadha; and to the 
west, in front of us, by the low but extensive dome of al- 
Mhadtim. At one o’clock we rode past the Gerrah ruins on 
our left; at 1.30 we passed to the right both of the hamlet 
of an-Nfa‘ijje and of three dome-shaped ruin mounds, Nhtd 
al-Banat, all of which have ruins on their summits. The time 
between 1.45 to 2.08 we spent at the ruins of al-Mhadtim. 

These ruins were about four hundred meters long by three 
hundred meters wide. On their southern side rain wells had 
been dug to catch the run-off from the whole neighborhood. — 
Right above them rises a knoll where there are the ruins of 
a former fortress and acropolis. At 2.15 we had on our right 
the new village of al-Mhadtim, which lies almost on the divide 
between the salina of Gabbil and the Euphrates, At 2.33 Mount 
Salma was in clear view with the high ruin mound of Abu 
Gadha to the west of it. Farther west appeared the hill of 
Abu Bakr and farther northwest the as-Slejmi crest. South of 
Salma-z-Zor cluster the conical huts of the hamlet of at-Tan- 
nuze, and a little farther off lies the village of ‘Abbace. South 
of Salma abu Gadha the settlement of al-‘ASSini is located; 
and south of the crest of as-Slejmi appears a heap of ruins 
by the hamlet of Za‘raja. The hill Tell Fuzza was sighted 
to the south and west of it the hillocks Tlélat al-Humr and 
Tell Hsejfan, North of the Tell Fuzza the hamlet of ‘Atra 
showed faintly, with the Tell Hassan and the hamlet of al- 
Manstra to the west of it and the hamlet of Kejstma north- 
east of al-Mansutra. 

At 2.40 we passed through the Tell al-Hamr ruins, with 
the hamlets of Abu Hanaja and Rasm al-Hamis lying directly 
north of them. The Fed‘an call the settlements southeast of 
Aleppo Keraja-l-Hsaf (Hsaf Settlements), after a high ruin 
mound that rises southwest of Tell al-Hamr. At four o’clock 
we were at the al-Mukbara ruins, which form approximately 
a square with an acropolis in the western part. To the north 
were seen the hamlets of Gféle, SengArijje, al-Hwés, and Lala; 
to the southwest the Gafr ruins and the hamlets of Dham and 
Kamkum. West of the last-named, at the northeast corner of 
the salina MAlhat Gabbil, we saw the settlement of as-Srejme, 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 193 


and north of it the settlements of al- Gnejje and ‘Aktle. To 
the south-southwest appeared the mesa of Sbét, west-north- 
west of which rise the gradual slopes of the lofty plateau of 
al-Hass, which was soon quite clearly in sight, with numerous 
domes projecting above its flat top. At 4.50 on our left was 
the hamlet of Umm ‘Adasa nestling under big ruins; to the 
northeast was the hamlet of al-Hwés, and to the north-north- 
west by the side of yet larger ruins appeared the hamlet of 
Lala, from which flows a brook with evil-smelling water. This 
we crossed at 5.05. Above the eastern end of the ridge of as- 
Slémi, which stretches from east to west, there rises a stunted 
cone. The mighty hill of Abu Bakr is cleft on the south. At 
5.30 we had a splendid view both to the west and southwest 
and at six o’clock we encamped by the settlement of Dejr 
Hafer near a vigorous spring the water of which flows into 
a brook that disappears after running for about two kilo- 
meters. Here we determined the latitude. (Temperature at 
dee MES AT C,) 

Thursday, May 27, 1915. Starting at 4.30 and proceeding 
nearly due south (temperature: 14°C), in half an hour we were 
at the hamlet of Umm al-Mara. Close by were the ruins of 
the same name enclosed by high square ramparts. Here we 
stayed until 5.27 and then went on west-southwest, passing 
through cultivated land all the time. On the south the whole 
country is dominated by the Tell Hsaf, which was probably 
once a border fortress between the country of the settlers 
and that of the nomads and from which the whole region took 
the name of Hsaf,”* 


53 The descendents of the famous warrior Maslama ibn ‘Abdalmalek lived in BAalis 
and an-Na‘tra. In 749 a company of the partisans of “Abdallah ibn “Ali entered Balis and 
began to harass them in their stronghold there. The descendents of Maslama then complained 
to the chief of the Kinnesrin district, who was staying at the time at his country seat of 
Zerra® Beni Zafar, or Husaf. He made up a troop of his servants, with whom he attacked 
and slew the intruders to a man, including their leader. (At-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], 
Ser. 3, p. 52.) 

Al-Istahri, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 28, and Ibn Hawkal, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 29, 
place the desolate region of Husaf between ar-Rakka and Balis south of the road leading 
to Syria through the Mesopotamian desert. There, also, on the Euphrates between ar-Rakka 
and BAalis, is located the Siffin district. 

Jakat, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 441, writes that Husaf is the name of the 
desolate region between Balis and Aleppo, known to the inhabitants of both towns. He asserts 
that it evidently once contained a great number of settlements, because their ruins still 
extend for a distance of about fifteen miles. Jakit (ibid., p. 965) relates that Zajd is a place 
not far from Husaf, which was situated near the town of Balis in Syria, and cites Nasr 
as saying that the place Zajd lies in the Merg Husaf in Mesopotamia near al-Hasa’, and 
that a battle once took place ae 

Al-Hazemi (ibid., Vol. 3, p. 716) states that Kafr ‘Amma’ is a region in the desert 
of Husaf ‘between Balis and PiGiae Jakat also asserts (ibid., Vol. 4, p. 290) that Kafr 
Ramma’ is a region between Husaf and Balis in the administrative district of Aleppo. — 
Husaf is indeed a merg (irrigated meadow), for quite a number of creeks disappear in it. 
Zajd was probably transcribed for Zabad, the name of a settlement lying twenty-two kilo- 
meters south of the Tell Hsaf. 


194 PALMYRENA 


PIG. tL 


Fre. 72 


Fic. 71—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, squinches in the north aisle.. 
Fic. 72—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, a capital. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 195 


Fia. 73 


Fic. 73—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, the apses from the east. 
Fic. 74—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south side. 


196 PALMYRENA 


Northeast of Umm al-Mara appeared the hamlet of al- 
Gnejje and beyond it to the south those of aS-Srejme and 
Kamktiim. To the north rose the ridge of as-Slémi, with the 
ruin mound of Zayraja to the south of it and north-northeast 
of the latter the hills of Abu Bakr, Abu Gadha, and Salma. To 
the south-southwest the horizon was bounded by the mesa of 
Sbét, which is separated on the northwest from the plateau 
of al-Hass by a deep depression (Fig. 86). At 6.10 we passed 
the village of Harmel, built on the slope of a low ruin mound, 
to which a small orchard close by forms a pleasant contrast. 
North of Harmel lies the hamlet of Mab‘uge, and farther 
south those of Ahmedijje and al-Hmejmi. At 6.25 we crossed 
a creek which comes from the settlement of al-Hmejmi and 
on the right bank of which is the ruin mound Ummu-z-Zleéle. 
At 6.35 we were at the hamlet of Ummu-z-Zléle as-Sarire 
where we let our camels graze from 6.57 to 7.30. At 7.30 we 
saw the village of Umm ‘Adasa on our right and that of az- 
Zbejdi on our left; at 7.50 we passed through the village of 
Tell Ajjib, southwest of the hamlet of Tell ‘Abbad; at 8.15 
we marched through the hamlet of Hazzaze; then through 
that of al-Krejn; and after that we passed south of the settle- 
ment of al-“Asmijje near the salina Malhat Gabbil, down to 
which the marshy plain gradually slopes. At 9.30 we sighted 
to the southwest the two rocky islands of al-Wasta‘*, to the 
northwest the village of al-Kutbijje with the ruins Tell Sab‘in, 
and right before us the big ruin mound Tell Mizan. At 9.40 
we rode alongside the salina, which here makes a bend towards 
the north; at 10.05 we saw on the right the Tell Sab‘in, and 
at 10.30 we halted at the foot of the Tell Mizan by the large 
creek Nahr Dahab, on the left bank of which lie the hamlets 
of al-Kutbijje, al-Bréée, and Sab‘in. West of this creek and 
almost west of Sab‘in are the villages of ad-Dekwa4ni, and al- 
Meflese; and northwest of the latter are those of an-Nasrijje 
and al-Halabijje, and the high ruin mound of Abu Denne. 
(Temperature at 11 A. M.: 36°C.) 


GABBUL TO AL-MREJRAT 


In the surrounding fields the peasants were cutting barley, 
which was then carried home by the women on the backs of 
camels, mules, and donkeys. Continuing our way at 12.45 to 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 197 


the modern settlement of Gabbil,®* we had the Tell Mizan on 
our right. This must have been the fort of an ancient town 
which was situated right above the salina. The modern settle- 
ment is made up of two parts: the smaller, on the east, is 


Fic. 75—Ar-Resafa: martyry, porphyry columns. 


built on the site of the ancient ruins; west of this stands a 
large government building, the residence of the local governor 
and the salt inspectors. The larger part of the settlement proper 
extends westward and is separated by the Dahab creek from 
gardens full of figs and poplars. 

At 1.15 we left the settlement, following the margin of 
the salina in a northwesterly direction. At 1.55 at the point 


54 See below, Appendix VII. 


198 PALMYRENA 


where the an-Na‘am creek touches ruins of the same name 
south of an-NAsrijje, we turned southwest and from 2.10 to 
2.42 rested. At 3.25 the high ruins of Ksér al-Ward and Istabel 
lay north of us, the ‘Ajn Saber and Tell ‘Aran* to the north- 
west, the gardens of the settlement of Sfira to the west- 
northwest, and the big Tell Haber ruins, which stretch from 
east to west, to the south-southwest. 


The black basaltic plateau of al-Hass falls off in a steep slope, much 
eroded by se‘ibdn, into the fertile plain to the northeast. At its foot, as 
well as on the slopes higher up, were to be seen numerous settlements. 
East of the Tell Haber are the hamlets of Zenjan and Galrim; to the 
southeast those of Harabras, al-Birke, al-Mesjede, “Anaze, Kubbtén, al- 
Gnéd, and Umm ‘Amid; to the southwest of the last in a Se%b the hamlet 
of Smad; farther southwest on the upland the hamlets of al-Berg, Fegdan, 
and al-‘Amri; and to the southwest of al-Gnéd, in a Se%b the villages of 
al-Hmére, Bakktiira, and Rasm ‘Entas. In a ravine southwest of ‘Entas 
are the hamlets of Kubbtén, Tat, and al- ‘Amri; and south of al-Mesjede in 
a long depression which stretches from north to south the hamlets of al- 
“Akraba, Sehtr, Sowjan, Rasm “‘Omejs, SowkAn, al- -Hwejjer, and Germa- 
kijje. Northwest of al-‘Akraba, at the northern edge of the upland, are 
the hamlets of Ga‘ara, Blaze, Zerra‘a, Umm Gurn, Dim4n, and as-Safi; 
southwest of the last is the hamlet of Ebnan, and farther south that of 
‘Ajan al-Rarf and as-Serge; east of as-Serge are the hamlets of Gubb 
al-A‘ma and as-Srésrat ; and south of the last-named is that of as-Smejrijje. 
To the east of as-Smejrijje gapes a deep ravine, beyond which lie the 
hamlets of al-Knétrat and Belle, and east of the latter that of Kafr 
Hid. The land northwest of Kafr Had is cultivated by fellahin from the 
villages of Abu Ratte, al- Gdejde, Abu ‘Abde, al-Amri, al-Berg, Serz Fare, 
Kufr Kar, and as-Safi, most, of which villages are situated near the 
northern edge of the upland echich rises west of the settlement of Sfira. 


We crossed the creek which comes from Sfira at 3.30 and 
then headed directly south. At 4.10 we were at the hamlet of 
Abu Grér, which is built on a high ruin mound; at 4.45 we 
arrived at the settlement of ‘Akrabtis, beyond which we turned 
almost due southeast. At 5.05 we marched through the hamlet 
of Abu Derih, also built on a high and extensive ruin mound, 
and at 5.56 we made camp and determined the latitude east 
of Kubbtén on the western edge of the ruins and hamlet of 
Galrim. (Temperature at 7 P. M.: 21.5° C.) 

On Friday, May 28, 1915, we were on the march again at 
4.38 (temperature: 16°C). At 4.53 we had ruins to the right 
and left of us. To the north rose the hills stretching from 
as-Slémi as far as Salma and on the east the hills of Hsaf 
and Sees At five o’clock we saw ruins on the right “and 


° Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl (Amedroz), p. 34, estimates the distance from Tell A‘ran to 
eee at four parasangs. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 199 


the big settlement of Hekla on the left. In a Se%b south of 
us the settlement of Smad was sighted and southeast of it, 
stretching to the salina, the black spur of al-Btz. At 5.44 we 
were in the settlement of Umm ‘Amid, where in 1912 after 
our adventure with the Sammar we had 
drunk milk begged from the natives (see 
above, p. 186). Leaving here we crossed 
the seib of Smad and at 6.10 reached 
al-Biz. To the east appeared the long 
reddish isthmus of al-Gid, which extends 
from north to south and separates the 
salina of Gabbil from the salt marsh 
Mamlahat al-Hamra. In summer and 
autumn the whole salina is guarded by 
soldiers to prevent the salt from being 
stolen. From 6.54 to 7.40 we sketched a 
map of the vicinity and at eight o’clock 
rode past the al-Bab ruin, where several 
fragments of basalt columns were lying 
on the ground. At 8.38 we arrived at the 
point where the salina proper ends in a 
ruined settlement of considerable size. 
At 8.50 the settlement of Gubbén was 
sighted on our right; at nine o’clock to 
the south the settlement Gubb ‘Eli at the 
northern foot of the Sbét mesa; and at 
9.10 on the right the hamlet of al-Uméleh, 
beyond which the se%b of al-Mu‘allak , 
reaches to the hamlets of Fe&dan and 
Germakijje. On the slopes of the upland 
‘of al-Hass, around which we had been 
circling since the day before, the traces of  ¥!¢- eae aicaags 
old gardens and vineyards could be seen, x 
especially in the nighborhood of Rasm Ae ake b 
Nafal, which was on our right at 9.20. 
At 9.45 we came to the settlement of Hidlu, situated at the 
southwestern end of the salina. At 10.05 on our right was 
the hamlet of as- -Sellalet al-Wasta; at 10.25 we saw a- -Sellalet 
al-Ziblijje with its many slender columns and broken pieces 
of porphyry. The Gubb ‘Eli settlement was still visible, north 
of which, on the north-northeastern corner of the Sbét mesa, 
lay the Rawwam ruins. To the west of Gubb ‘Eli were visible 


200 PALMYRENA 


the settlements of al-Kwés and ‘Atsane and near them in the 
low ground the hamlet of as- -Srejme; west of the last-named 
lay the settlement Rasm al-‘Askar. After continuing our way 
southwesterly over the fertile lowland separating Sbét from 
al-Hass, we rested from 10.55 to 12.34 (temperature: 39°C). 

At 12.45 the hamlet of ar-Rwéheb was on our right and 
west of it in a cove in the edge of the plateau of al-Hass that 
of ar-Raheb. Northwest of the latter, on the upland, lie the 
villages of Min‘aja south of Fegdan, and al- Gtha; west of the 
last is Germakijje and south from there Hamed and al-Hjs. 
We heard thunder from the south. At 1.48 on our left lay 
the village of al-Mizra‘a, on our right that of al-Kur‘a with 
al-‘EjS above it, and at 2.10 on our left were two huts, Rasm 
al-Huwwas. At 2.52 we encamped by the hamlet of al-Mrejrat, 
where I made inquiries about the settlements in the districts 
of al-Hass and Sbét. In the evening we determined the latitude 
as usual (temperature at 8.30: 20°C). 


THE MESA OF SBET 


On Saturday, May 29, 1915, we planned to visit the basaltic 
mesa of Sbét, called by the ‘Aneze Sbéh.°® 

We left on horseback at 4.30 (temperature: 16.5°C), going 
in a south-southeasterly direction. At five o’clock we were 
almost half way between al-Mimbatah, a square ruin mound 
about ten meters high lying southwest of us, and al-Batha 
to the northeast. To the east we saw the Umm al-Hejani 
ruins. At 5.40 east of the al-Kréket ruins we crossed the 
Setb of al-Abjaz, which rises in the Sbét mesa (Fig. 87). At 
six o’clock we arrived at the foot of the mesa, whence we 
followed a gully up to the summit, which we reached at 6.35. 
The gullies, slopes, and the whole surrounding basalt-covered 
plain were once cultivated. Numerous low walls on the hill- 
sides and innumerable heaps of basalt which served to sup- 
port vines bear witness that there were extensive vineyards 
here in former times. At 7.05 we arrived at the ruined settle-_ 
ment of Drejb al-Wawi, the buildings of which once covered 

56 Jakut, op. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 149-158, writes that the districts of al-Ahass and Subejt 
lie not far from Aleppo. Al-Ahass is a large, well-known district with numerous villages and 
much cultivated land lying “between south and north” of Aleppo. Its central point was Huna- 
sira, once a residence of the caliph ‘Omar ibn ‘Abdal‘aziz but only a small village in Jakiat’s 
time. Subejt is a black mountain in this district, in which there are the ruins of four 
villages, whence the inhabitants of Aleppo get the black stone out of which they make 
querns. Jakat also records (ibid., Vol. 8, p. 257) that Subejt is an isolated table mountain 


in the al- Ahass district, with three villages nestling on its sides. From the black stone 
brought from there to Aleppo querns known as as-Sbejtijje are manufactured. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 201 


both slopes of a small basin stretching southwest to the 
hamlet Rasm Ma‘az. On roughly hewn basalt blocks (Fig. 88) 
were short inscriptions in Greek. 

At 8.388 we left Drejb al-W4wi and at 9.28 reached the 
southwestern edge of the mesa, whence we could look out 


Fic. 77—Ar-Resafa: martyry, a capital. 


over the bare, desolate plain of al-Metajih. Our guide pointed 
out to us to the south-southwest the well of al-Hammam, sur- 
rounded on the east, south, and southeast by a salt marsh.** 

The knoll at the wells of al-Morara was seen far to the 
south-southeast and the hamlet Rasm al-Ma‘az nearer to us 
to the west-northwest at the foot of the Sbét mesa. No 
valley deep enough to mention could be observed anywhere 
on the southern plain. As this plain slopes gradually to the 
north, the run-off is impounded at the foot of the Sbét and 
al-Hass uplands, and here, on evaporating, converts the land 
into salt marshes. West of al-Ma‘az and ar-Roda in the low- 
land between Sbét and al-Hass lies the tiny hamlet of Gubb 
al-‘Azami, to the north-northwest of ar-Roda appeared the 
huts of al-Kurbatijje, to the west at the foot of al-Hass we 
saw the hamlet of ar-Ramle with good water, and finally the 

57 In 1616 Della Valle (Viaggi [Venice, 1664], Vol. 1, pp. 568f.) visited this place, called 


Hamam (hammdm: warm bath) by the Arabs because of the warm water that flows out of 
the ground. 


202 PALMYRENA 


hamlet of Rasm ar-Rabiz. At 9.88 we started to ride north- 
eastward across the surface of the mesa, past the at-Twahine 
ruins. At 10.30 the truncated cone of Drejhem, an outlying 
isolated spur of Sbét, appeared to the northeast. 

At 10.58 we started down by a narrow path between 
loose basalt boulders to the southern foot of the mountain, 
where in a pocket among the rocks we found the Gubb al- 
Hagal ruins, with several churches and many inscriptions. 
Scarcely had we begun to work there, when our mares, shying 
at something, ran away. Leaving Halaf with the baggage, the 
guide and I went after them. Stopping at times to tear off 
a mouthful of grass, they ran first northeast and then west 
across the undulating summit of the mesa, which is here cov- 
ered in places with coarse gravel and small basalt boulders. 
Fearing to leave Halaf alone too long, I returned after twelve 
o’clock to Gubb al-Hagal. There a peasant was reaping barley 
inside the ruins on a piece of land which he had laboriously 
turned into a field. All at once he threw the barley down 
from his camel and rode away, calling out to us to flee before 
raiders whom he had just sighted coming from the south. 
Quickly loading our things on his camel, we ran after him 
northwestwards through a gully. From the summit, which 
we soon reached, we saw a large troop of camel riders at a 
distance of about four kilometers. They were Bedouins who 
were coming to get the grain sown, cut, and threshed by the 
fellahin. All over the mesa of Sbét shots and alarm cries were 
now heard; the reapers dropped their sickles to seize their 
rifles. Hearing the shooting, the Bedouins suddenly turned 
west. 

In the meantime our guide brought back the mares he 
had caught with much difficulty, so that at 2.05 we were 
able to leave the gully where the ‘Allis ruins are located and 
to go to the al-Rarawi and at-Tiba ruins to the northeast, 
where we arrived at 3.12. 

At-Tuba is situated above the right-hand side of the Se%b 
of Zebed. There are several well-preserved buildings in the 
place. No sooner had we begun to copy the numerous Greek 
inscriptions than a small troop of fellaéhin, suddenly emerging 
from the Sse%b, clambered up its left side and began to shoot 
at us. It was in vain that our guide, a peasant from al-Mrej- 
rat, shouted to them that we were friends. They fired about 
thirty shots. Luckily we were protected by a square fortress 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 203 


with walls about four meters high between the gully and the 
ruins in which we had been working. The felladhin took us 
for the enemy’s spies and stopped shooting only when they 
had no more ammunition. From at-Tiba there is a fine view 
of the southern bay of the salina called Mamlahat al-Hamra 
and of the peninsula of al-Gid. 

Leaving the ruins at 4.48 we set forth in a westerly 
direction, halting at 5.12 south of the village of ‘Akél in the 
settlement of Klej‘a, above which rise the supporting walls 
of a mound such as is found beside every ruin in this region. 
Almost all these mounds are artificial: a space enclosed by 
four thick walls of rough boulders is filled with smaller stones 
and loose earth. At Klej‘a the four side walls were about 
five meters high, but the enclosure had been left empty. On 
a man-made foundation like this it was possible to build a 
fortress and a church. The rough walls could be lined with 
hewn blocks. Whenever a fortress was demolished or went 
from a state of partial dilapidation to complete ruin, the fall- 
ing brickwork covered the walls, giving the whole the appear- 
ance of a natural hillock. The fortresses on many of these 
mounds were built and destroyed over and over again, which 
accounts for their height as well as their extent. At 5.29 we 
rode away and at 6.05 had the ruins and hamlet of Sirdah 
on our left and the huts of ‘Atsane on our right. Finally we 
reached our camp. 


AL-MREJRAT TO ‘ANADAN 


On Sunday, May 30, 1915, at 4.38 (temperature: 14°C), we 
left the hamlet of al-Mrejrat, going in a west-northwesterly 
direction. We rode among the Hamed hillocks, which stretch 
westward from ar-Raheb, ending southwest of al-Mrejrat and 
separating the southern lowland from the basin of al-WaSSsas. 
In this basin at 5.18 we arrived at the hamlet of al-Harba- 
kijje. The basin is over one kilometer wide; its channel dis- 
appears above the settlement of Hanaser which lies to the 
southwest. 

Hanaser, situated at the northeastern foot of a spur 
running out from al-Hass (Fig. 89), dominates not only the 
plain of al-Batha but the basin of al-Wassas as well. It is in- 
habited by Circassians who immigrated there from Membig: 
(or “Bembeg,” as our guide pronounced it). The fellahin from 


204 PALMYRENA 


the neighboring villages highly praise the drinking water of 

the Handser settlement.” . 
Passing the settlements of Habes and Ranime, which are 

situated on the road, we came; at six o’clock to the well of 


Fic. 73—Ar-Resafa: the mosque from the southwest. 


al-Mudarrag, the water from which runs underground as far 
as the village of Habes. At 6.10 we saw in a deep gully to the 
left the hamlet of Gubb al-A‘ma and beyond it the hamlets 
of Gubb Gasem, Sijar al-Biz, as-Sijale, and ar-Ramle. We were 
traveling along the road which leads to Sfira and Aleppo and 


58 The resolutions of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 were signed among others by 
Maras, bishop of Anasartha, who represented Romulus, bishop of Chalcis (Harduin, Conci- 
liorum collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 2, col. 373; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot], Vol. 4, 
p. 197. In Michael the Syrian’s Chronicle the name given is not Maras but Marinus of 
Hanasarta). 

A letter sent in 458 by the bishops of the province of Syria Prima to Emperor Leo 
was signed by Flavianus, bishop of Gabala; Domnus, bishop of Chalecis; and Cyrus, bishop 
of Onosartha (Harduin, op. cit., col. 7138). 

At the synod of Antioch summoned by Justinian there participated Bishop Leontius 
of Hanasarta (not ‘‘Haisarta”’ as printed in the text) and Abraham of Rusafa (Michael the 
Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 325; Evagrius, Historia ecclesiastica, 1V, 40). 

The Notitia Antiochiae (Itin. hier.), p. 338, of the middle of the sixth century likewise 
records an archbishopric of Anasarphon (instead of Anasarthon, which would be more correct). 

There was a monastery at Hanasarta, the abbot of which in 585 was named Sergius 
(Wright, Catalogue [1870—72], p. 756, col. 2). 

Nilus Doxopatrius (Taxis [Finck], p. 7; Hierocles, Synecdemus [Parthey], p. 278) 
mentions an independent archbishopric of Anasartha, otherwise known as Theodoropolis, 
in the patriarchate of Antioch. 

Al-Beladori, Futtéih (De Goeje), p. 149, writes that the Christians of the town of 
Hunasira asked Abu ‘Obejda for peace, which he granted. 

Jakut, op. cit., Vol.2, p.657 (Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid [Juynboll], Vol. 1, p. 428) records 
a poem composed during the reign of Caliph ‘Abdalmalek (685—705) which calls the settle- 
ment also Dejr (Monastery) Hunasira. It is therefore probable that the Christian monastery 
was still inhabited there at that time. ; 

In 709 the Jacobite patriarch Elijah came to Hundasira, then the residence of the 
caliph al-Walid ibn ‘Abdalmalek (Michael the Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 450, where Hana- 
sarta should be read instead of ‘“Hasarta’’). 


Al-Ja‘ktbi, Ta’rth (Houtsma), Vol. 2, p. 368, relates that the caliph ‘Omar selected 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 205 


which had been improved by the Circassians so thoroughly 
that it might have been used as a wagon road. 

By 6.24 we had reached the plateau surface of al-Hass 
and turned west-northwest. At 6.45 we saw to the south the 


Fic. 79—Ar-Resafa: looking southwest from the southern church. 


villages of al-Istablat and ‘Abde, to the northwest the village 
of Hageb, to the west that of Rasm al-Karktir, and to the 
southwest that of at-Tine. At 7.10 at the hamlet of ‘Abdet 
al-BiSe we crossed a Se%b which extends to Sijar al-Biz. From 
8.10 to 9.15 we stayed near Hageb, sketching a map of the 


for his residence Hunasira, in the desert on the southern border of the district of Kinnesrin, 
since he would not live in the manors built by his relatives out of funds belonging to Allah 
and taxes paid by the Moslems. When reproached that because of his living in the distant 
desert the Moslems would suffer, he went to Damascus, where he took quarters in the house 
of his father by the mosque. But in twenty days, annoyed by the countless visitors, he left 
again for Dejr Sam‘an. 

By the middle of February, 720, ‘Omar had died in Hunasira and was buried at Dejr 
Sam‘an (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 2, pp. 1361f.). 

Al-Istahri, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 61, considers the fort of Hundsira on the border 
of the desert as belonging to the district of Kinnesrin. 

Ibn Hawkal, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 119, writes that in his time the once flourishing 
and charitable town of Hunasira was deserted, after having been pillaged by the Greeks. 
Its inhabitants were scattered all over the desert, and the road from Syria to Hunasira had 
become desolate. 

Al-Mukaddasi, Ahsan (De Goeje), p. 154, knew among the towns belonging to Homs 
of Salamijja, Tadmur, and al-Hunasira. 

Keméaladdin, Ta’rih (Barbier de Meynard), p. 629, relates that at the end of the summer 
of 1121 King Baldwin II, the ruler of Antioch, laid siege to the town of Hunasira and, 
taking it, had the gate of the castle brought to Antioch. He also pillaged the Burg as-Sibna, 
Nakira, al-Ahass, and other places. 

According to Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 478, the town of Hunasira, 
lying on the borders of the desert, belonged to the administrative district of Aleppo and 
was the seat of government of the district of al-Ahass. 

Abu-l-Feda’, Takwim (Reinaud and De Slane), pp. 232f., states that HunAsira is situated 
on the border of the desert two days southeast of Aleppo at the eastern foot of the mountain 
of al-Ahass, which extends to the east of Aleppo. East of al-Ahass stretches the smaller 
mountain of Subejt, between which and al-Ahass is a lowland ‘‘the time of a horse’s gallop” 
(about three kilometers) wide, where the settlement of Hundsira was built. 


206 PALMYRENA 


neighborhood. We could see almost the whole southern half 
of al-Hass, which forms an undulating plateau strewn over 
with basalt stones and dissected by deep narrow gullies. Most 
of the hamlets are situated on the heights and were thus 
easily and accurately marked on the plan. In spite of the ba- 
salt stones, the upland is cultivated and fertile. 

Our work over, we went west to the deep black gully of 
Gehennam, which gapes precipitously in the plateau. At 9.40 
we came to the edge of the plateau and started to descend 
into this gully, reaching the bottom at 10.11. In the small 
channel, water can be found anywhere with ease. 

At 10.30 we left Gehennam and entered a basin which 
rises gradually northwards, where our guide pointed out to 
us to the west-northwest the hamlet of al-Medajen, on a hill- 
side to the northwest that of al-Bakat, and to the southwest 
that of ar-Rbej‘a. At 10.48 we crossed the road from ar-Ramle 
to Aleppo and at 10.50 were in the village and ruins of ar- 
Rbej‘a. To the northeast appeared on the plateau the village 
of Rasm al-Bsas. At 11.85 (temperature: 28° C) we were at the 
village of ‘Alés (Fig.90) and from 12.00 to 1.40 P.M. we rested 
by a brook which comes from the walled spring of Hanitte 
and irrigates a small garden, to the east of which stand a 
a few huts and to the south the Umm Rarafa ruins. At 2.10 
the glistening salt marsh of al-“Ajta appeared to the south, 
forming a broad white belt extending from east to west, with 
the ruin-hill of as-Sabha just north of it. To the northwest 
of this marsh are the village of Umm al-W4adi and the ruin 
mound of Rétal. Near the marsh there bubbles up the spring 
of al--Ajta which irrigates the neighboring fields.*® 

We now took a west-northwesterly course along the western 
foot of the al-Hass plateau. At 2.35 we had the hamlet of Ummu 
Rbar to the south of us; at 2.45 we passed Umm al-‘Amid on 
our right; then we turned west and began the ascent of a 
broad height which stretches to the southwest. At 2.50 there 
rose far to the north-northwest the high Tell al-Arba‘in and 
nearer to us on the northwest the Tell az-Zaman. Reaching 
the top of the rocky height, we made a sketch of the sur- 
rounding country, this work lasting from 3.22 to 4.20. In front 


59 Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 750, knew of the district of °“Ajta in Syria. 

Della Valle, Viaggi (Venice, 1664), Vol. 4, p. 617, relates that on returning to Aleppo 
from Mesopotamia in 1625 he had on his right the road leading to Aleppo past Achila, and 
that he turned to the left. At noon he reached a settlement called Haita with four deserted 


huts and some kind of shrine. — Achila may be identified with the station of Hekla and 
Haita with ‘Ajta. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 207 


of us extended a large, fertile lowland strewn over with ham- 
lets and bounded on the east and northeast by the al-Hass 
plateau, on the south by the plateau of al-‘Ala’, and on the 
west and northwest by the spurs of the range of Sra‘. This 
lowland is the old Chalcidena, praised by Pliny (Naturalis his- 
toria, V, 81) for its fertility. The Arabs called it Kinnesrin. 


At the western foot of al-Hass and southeast of it lie the settle- 
ments of Umm al-‘Amtd, Umm Rarafa, Hanfte, and Dibs; northeast of it 
in‘a gully lies Bise; and on a rise the settlements of Umm Raba‘a and 
Birg as-Shene. South of Dibs appeared the settlements of Dbejsan, Klej‘at 
as-Sih, al-Hamar, ar-Ramle, and Rasm ar-Rabiz. Northwest of Umm al- 
“Amtid were seen the hamlets of Gubb al- Hafi, as- Swéha, al-Istablat, 
Ergel, Kufr ‘Abid, Gufr Mansfr, and Eblas; east of the last named Dejr as- 
Salibe, and northwest the hills of al- Agha in and a$-Sehid. North of these 
hills are the settlements of al-“Wénat, Batlane, and Hobar; southwest of 
the last those of Dlame, Abu Rweél, and al-MeSrefe. South of al-MeSrefe 
stretches the marshy lowland of al-Math, from which there projects an 
isolated, flattened ‘elevation along the western side ef which runs the 
railroad connecting Aleppo and Hama’. The station of Tlejgine stands 
about opposite the center of this elevation. North of this rise and east 
of the railroad are the settlements of ad-Drejzile and as-Sa‘bijje; to the 
east of it is al-‘AtSane, and to the southeast at-Trejfawi, Tell ad-Dubban, 
and Wezz. On the southeastern edge of the marshy lowland of al-Math 
emerged the hamlet of al-Mimbatah, and south of this hamlet (but north 
of us) the gendarme station of az-Zaman beside a large ruin mound. West 
of al-Mimbatah the marsh stretches as far as the settlements of al-Batha, 
al-Gafra, al-Msérfat, at-Trejfawi, al-Hmejmat, and the hill Tell Fahhar, 
which rises north of a ruin mound with which the red roof of the railroad 
station of Abu-d-Dhtr formed a pleasant contrast. We rode directly toward 
this station through the lowland, which was entirely cultivated. 


At 4.55 we saw to the north of us the hamlet of al-Mim- 
batah, to the north of which lay that of Ergel with Gufr Man- 
sir farther to the left. At 5.05 we rode past the village of al- 
Helwa. On the south appeared the huts of Umm al-Huta and 
in front of us those of Barhamijje; at 5.30 we were in al- 
Hajjanijje. To the north we saw the settlement of Tell al-Razal, 
to the south al-Abjaz, to the southwest Dwér al-Hawa, north 
of this Rabje, farther north ‘Anadan, and still farther north 
al-Maseh and al-Megaher. At 5.55 we encamped at ‘Anadan. 


‘“ANADAN TO HELBAN 


On Monday, May 31, 1915,-at 4.34 (temperature: 14°C) 
we left ‘Anad&an, where the water was plentiful but bitter. To 
the south appeared the hamlets of as- Swéha and al-Kur‘a. At 


208 PALMYRENA 


Fig. 81 


Fic. 80—Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, interior of the main apse. 
Fic. 81—Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, a capital. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 209 


5.15, with the village of Abu-l-Mrér behind us, we headed south- 
west and at six o’clock passed al-Megas and sighted the village 
of at-Twém. At 6.25 we saw the railroad station of Abu-d-Dhir 
to the west. From 6.30 to 7.30, being then east of the village 
of Umm al-Bararit and north of Smejja, we sketched a map 
of the vicinity; after which we turned 
south. To the southwest we observed 
the villages of Tell Selma, Bétje, and 
al-Mazlak; to the southeast those of 
al-Hamidijje, al-“Alijje, al-Hasir, Umm 
Gura, and Réetal. To the southwest the 
horizon was shut in by the plateau of 
al-“Ala’, from which the high Rigm 
Sra‘®? projects northward. 

At 8.30 our way led past the 
Ummu Grejn ruins and the hamlet Pah oe 3 
of al-Bejja‘ijje, both on our left. At stamundarne’ chanch, 
8.00 we were passing through the a capital. 
latter in a rocky hollow. Both right 
and left were seen the gentle slopes of stony hillocks with 
numerous flocks of goats and sheep grazing upon them. At 
9.15 the cone of al-‘Oge rose almost directly west of us, below 
which lie the hamlet and railroad station of the same name; 
to the east appeared the hamlets of al-Bwéder and Maradig. 
At 9.50 we were at the al-Mab‘asa ruins east of Rasm al- 
Abjaz, and at 10.20 at Umm ‘Adasa, whence we rode through 
a broad, shallow valley to the settlement of al-“Okla, where 
from 10.53 to 12.20 (temperature: 28°C) we sketched a map 
of the neighborhood. At al-“Okla is a steam flour mill. 


South of the railroad station of al-“Oge lie the settlements of al- 
Wréde, al-Harmala, Merderane, Singar, and Ummu-l-Mélat; and at the 
southeastern foot of the cone of Sra‘ nestles the village of Srejje*. East 
of al-“Okla salt marshes stretch along the foot of the al-‘Ala’ plateau. 
To the southeast, where al-‘Ala’ broadens out, there rises the high ruin 
mound Tell as-S6r, which dominates the whole plain to the east. At its 


60 The basaltic plateau of al-‘Ala’ forms a district of its own, which I take to be the 
classical Parapotamia. 

Strabo, Geography, XVI, 2:11, writes that the districts bordering the region of Apamea 
are: on the east Chalcidica and Parapotamia, the country of the Arab phylarchs; on the 
south the plain of the Scenitae. All these people resemble the nomads of Mesopotamia, 
except that those living nearer Syria are more tractable than the Arabs and Scenitae, be- 
cause they live under a better rule. They obey the lords Sampsiceramus of Arethusa, Gambarus 
of Themella, and others. — In my opinion this Themella was transcribed from Theledda, an 
easy error when Greek capital letters are used. 

Pliny, Naturalis historia, XII, 132f., mentions the oennathe (i. e. the grapes of the 
vitis labrusca) as the best in Parapotamia. — 

The western half of this Parapotamia of Strabo and Pliny is still full of the remains 
of ancient vineyards, and its wine, especially that from the vicinity of the town of Chalybon, 
the modern Helban, was famous in antiquity. 


210 PALMYRENA 


northeastern base are the villages of al-Koéla and al- Gaha§, and south- 
east of aS-Sor lie those of al-Rzejle, al- Mfakkar, al- Hanader, al-Lweze, 


and al-Harajez. 


At one o’clock we saw on the east the hamlet of Ummu 
Tmar and on the south that of Gehaman, near a high ruin 
mound. At 1.10 we again sighted on the southeast the Tell 
as-Sér, a huge heap of ruins on acrest stretching from south- 
west to northeast. At 1.15 we crossed the creek of al-‘Okla 
which flows from the east-southeast, and at 1.48 had the settle- 
ment of Geham4an on our right and large ruins on our left. 
Our camels grazed from 1.438 to 2.10, while we sketched a map 
of the surrounding country. On the right in a valley winding 
in a south-southeasterly direction we saw the hamlets of Srejje“ 
and Sra‘*. At 2.50 we stopped at Dawadijje, where we stayed 
until 3.30, sketching another map. To the east-northeast, east 
of the Tell a8-Sér, the broad, glistening surfaces of salt marshes 
began to appear. Going southwest we.came at 4.02 to the gap 
Ri‘ al-Hawa, from which we had a fine view both to the north 
and to the southwest. 

In the latter direction the high ruin mound Rasm al-Abjaz, with 
the settlement of Estéb, was sighted. To the northeast from Rasm al- 
Abjaz stretches a valley with the following villages lying along its sides: 
on the left, at-Twejbe, Shérig, al--Amara, al-Hejrijje, al-Mrejzeb, al-Rzejle, 
Abu Deriha, and al-Mfakkar; and on the right, al-Gerise, Labde, Abu ‘Aléz, 
and Sellége. This valley ends northeast of the Tell asS-S6r in the salt 
marsh east of the settlement of al-Kola. Along the railroad track south 
of Sra‘ are the settlements of Rasm al-‘Abed, al-Hakkijje, the railroad 
station of Ummu-r-Rgejm, the settlements of al-Hawa’, al-Mrejzeb, ar- 
Rbej‘a, ad-Dugag, Abu Dali, the station of al-Hamdanijje, the settlements 
of Umm Hartén, at-Tamme, at-Tlésijje, al-Kbébat, Hafsin, al-Krah, at- 
Tajjibe, and the station of Kowkab. Southwest of Estéb are the settle- 
ments of Bir az-Zurba, al-Hardane, ‘Ezzeddin, as- -Se* ate, al- Gnéne, Abu 


Samra, al- -Muharram, Dima, al- Fan, and Abu Mensaf. The ruin of Rigm 
Sra° rises above a dark spur extending into a deep basin by the railroad. 


From 4.10 to 4.41 we made a sketch map of the surround- 
ing country. At 5.15 we approached a village and ruins both 
named Abu ‘Aléz. Here, east of an artificial mound which is 
over ten meters high, lie great heaps of old building material; 
to the northeast flows a vigorous spring. Near the spring there 
appears the large ruin of Sellége. At 6.45 we encamped between 
the hamlet and the mound of al-Maksar in a broad basin which 
stretches towards Sellége. To the northeast rose the Tell as- 
Sor. (Temperature at 7.20: 16.3° C. ) 


“a. a ee 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS rll 


Tuesday, June 1, 1915. We started at 4.25 (temperature: 
12° C) going southwesterly; at five o’clock we were at the al- 
Hmar ruins, which lie at the junction of two valleys; on the 
west we sighted the Tell al-Hanzir, rising above on a high 


AR-RESAFA 


l ed | 2 3 METERS 


Fic. 88—Ar-Resafa: a mausoleum. 


ridge. Through a gap in this ridge showed the range of al- 
Ma‘arra. At 5.35 we reached the village of ar-Rwéza, lying 
at the southeastern end of a fertile basin. In the large ruins 
here were seen pieces of broken columns and sarcophagi. At 
the western end of the basin appeared the huts of the ham- 
lets of al-Hardane and Bir az-Zurba, with az-Zebade to the 
north of them and north of this again al-GeriSe. Northwest 
of az-Zebade is the settlement of Estéb. To the west of Bir 
az-Zurba extend huge ruins, among which are located the huts 
constituting the hamlets of at-Tamme. Southwest of ar-Rwéza 
was seen the Kasr ‘Eli. 


212 PALMYRENA 


From 6.42 to 7.40 we stayed at the village of ar-Rabda, 
sketching a map of the vicinity. 


We sighted here for the first time to the southwest of us Mount 
7én al-‘Abedin near Hama’. To the west of us were the tall ‘Arfa’ ruins 
with, to the south of them, the villages of al-Hazm, Semakat, and Dima, 
and to the east of ‘Arfa’ the elevation of al-Mdawwara extending from 
east to west. On the southern slope of this elevation lie the settlements 
of al-Hamar, al-Zena, and Abu “Agwa; on the eastern slope the Kasr Eben 
Ward4n; and on the northern the settlements of al-Fwéde, Abu Hanadez, 
al-Kohle, al-Mhammadijje, and “‘Ombos. On a plain east of the elevation 
of al-Mdawwara is the settlement of al-Hellébat, and north of the elevation 
those of Umm Gurn and Gubb as- -Sukkar. West of Umm Gurn is situated 
the hamlet of Kur’ Rubfi‘a, with the hamlets of Abu “Agwa’, al- -Gnéne, and 
Anderin lying to the north.®! 

West of Abu ‘Agwa are the al-Haw4jes ruins, and southwest those 
of al-Hazne. Southeast of the Kasr Eben Wardan the hillocks of al-‘Abel 
stretch from south to north. In these hillocks heads a Seib of the same 
name, which runs thence in a north-northeasterly direction. On its left side, 
east of Anderin, lies the settlement of Umm al-Kids and northeast of the 
latter the well of Abu Darak, beyond which the valley disappears. South 
of Umm al-KidS are the ruins of al-Matran, east of them the well of 
az-Zerka,®? northwest of this well the spring ‘Wént al-Razal, and east 
of this spring the al-Morara ruins. 


At 8.20 we rode among the ruins of Kasr SAwi, which lie 
to the northeast of al-Fan and Dima. At 8.30 we had a splen- 
did view of three waves of land stretching to the southeast. 


61 The Antonine Itinerary (Parthey and Pinder), 195:1—3, mentions a road from 
Calcida (Chalcis, Kinnesrin) via Androna (Anderin) to Seriane (Esrija). 

An-NA&bira, Diwdn (Derenbourg), p. 92, and al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 62, mention 
plaited leather reins made at Andarin. 

Jakat (Mu'gam [Wiistenfeld], Vol. 1, p. 373) knew of a ruined town of Andarin, one 
day south of Aleppo on the borders of the settled territory. To the south of it there was 
scarcely an inhabited place. Andarin was famous for the wine and the plaited leather reins 
made there. — Andarin lies on the borders of the district of al-“Ala’, the center of which 
was formerly the town of Helban, from which wine was exported even to Tyre and Babylon. 


6 The spring well of az-Zerka’? was known to the Arabic writers. 

Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 437, knew of az-Zerka’ as a watering place in 
Syria between the towns of Hun@sira and Sdrija. It was there that a lion attacked ‘Otejba 
ibn Abi Lahab and bit his head in two because he incited the people against the Prophet. 
The Beni ‘Amer, when rebelling against Sejfaddowle, the lord of Aleppo, encamped at az- 
Zerka’. Abu-l-Farag, however, records (Ardéni [Bil&k, 1285 A.H.], Vol. 15, pp. 2f.) that 
‘Otejba’s adventure with the lion took place in the valley of al-Kasera, while he was escorting 
a caravan to Syria. Jaktt (op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 924) did not know the precise situation of 
this valley. — These reports would seem to show that there were two places called az-Zerka’, 
one in the vicinity of Hundsira, the other on the trade road from the Heg&z to Syria. This 
road passed east of the Dead Sea, running by the well-known station of az-Zerka’. This 
station is at a spring of the same name, which forms a fairly large creek, and east of it 
in the neigborhood of the fort of al-Azrak there are large marshes and bushes, which were 
a favorite haunt of lions as late as the early years of the eighteenth century. It was at the 
other az-Zerka’, however, the one in the district of Hundsira, that the Beni ‘Amer camped. 

Jakut, loc. cit., states that az-Zerka’ is a spring well never without water, and that 
it lies between Hunasira and Sdrija near the hot spring of al-Hammam. — “‘Strija” should 
be read ‘‘Surja” or, as it is pronounced now, “Esrija.” From Esrija there formerly led and 
still leads a transport route via az-Zerka’? to Hundasira. The well-known Roman camp of 
Sura (Strija) lay far to the east on the Euphrates and should not be confused with Esrija. 

Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar (Adler), Vol. 5. pp. 102f., relates that in 1292 Sultan al-Malek 
al-ASraf, while marching from Hama’ to Aleppo, visited al-Hammam and az-Zerka’, lying 
in the desert, and caught many gazelles and wild asses. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 213 


To the north of these lies the village of Abu Mensaf, west of which 
are the village of al-Mbattel and the station of Kowkab. Southwest of 
Kowkab by the railroad track appearcd the hamlet of Soran, with al- 
Mréwid to the east-southeast and, south of al-Mréwid, Kafr Ra‘ and al- 
Mazba‘a. South of the last two are the high hills of Kran Hama’ with the 


Fig. 84—The Euphrates north of ar-Resafa, with our camp (p. 168). 


little shrine Zén al-‘Abedin. To the northeast of us the gap was visible 
through which the se%b of as-Selile enters the plain to the east. At nine 
o’clock, to the east-northeast between the hillocks of al-Mdawwara and 
the hamlet Rasm al-Hamar, the settlement of al-Zena’ was sighted with 
its ruins, and the hamlet of al-Uméleh to the south of them. 


To the east we saw the two ruin mounds of Debbarin, 
which rise from a common foundation of huge dimensions, at 
the southeastern foot of which stands a village of the same 
name. To the south-southeast, on a fine plain into which a 
spur of the ar-Rhajje hillocks runs from the west, emerged 
the settlement of Lale. At the northeastern base of this spur 
is a military post, where thoroughbred mares were kept. 
North of the post flows the creek of as-Selile, on the banks 
of which we rested from 9.45 to 11.24 (temperature: 25°C). 
At 11.54 on our left was the breeding station of al-Hamra, 
a building in the form of a square, with a gate on its west- 
ern and a well on its southern side. From 12.15 to 1.24, dur- 
ing a stop at the hamlet of Ras al-‘Ajn, near which the creek 
of as-Selile rises, we made a map of the neighborhood. The 
Seib of as-Selile heads far to the southeast, almost due east 
of Homs. A creek of considerable size and bearing the same 
name enters the valley at Ras al-‘Ajn and runs through it 
in a northerly and northeasterly direction. 


On the left side of the Se%b of as-Selile, going north from Ras al- 
“Ajn, are the settlements of al-Hamra, al-Hawijje, al-Haz‘ali, al-Mhasar, 


214 PALMYRENA 


Umm Hasan, Kasr Sawi az-Zba‘ijje, al-Eftéh, al-Kla‘a, - -Gubb ‘Otm4n, 
al-Halawa, al-Gedt‘ijje, and: al- Harajez; on the right side areythose of 
Abu Hajje, Gehennam, ‘Obb al-Hazne, “Obb al-Genne, az-Zhtr, al-Haime 
west of Anderin, and al-‘Azizijje. East of the hillocks of -ar-Rhajje are 
the villages of Tléhan and Totah; north of these the villages of Abu 
Harik and al-Msétbe; and sguth of Tléhan those of Rezézi and al-Hrézi, 
both on the side of rather high hills. Much farther to the south, on the 
left side of the Se%b of as-Selile lies the settlement of al-“Arsfine, while 
farther north on the same side are the villages of Abu Hubélat, al-Mas- 
‘adijje, al-Helfi, Malta, ar-Rawi, al-Mfakkar, Dil al-“Agel, Esnan, Umm 
at-Twane, al-Harida, and ar-Rhajje. On the right side of as-Selile north- 
east of al-“ArSfine is the settlement of Tell al-‘Azam, followed as one goes 
northward by Abu-l-Belaje, Abu-l-Hanaja, Kasr al-Homr, Gaddti‘a, Sab- 
bara, Abu-l-Hanadek, Rezézi, and Lale. To the south of us was seen the 
Kasr Tamak, on top of a-height to the northeast of it the Kasr Nawa’, 
and farther east four stunted buttes in the low range of hills known as 
Rgim al-‘Abel. From south to north on the west side of this range lie 
the settlements of as-Sejjade, Salba, Ab-al-Rorr, and al-Mu‘akkar. On the 
east side of the range almost due southeast of Ab-al-Rorr lies the little 
hamlet of al-Kenafed, southeast of which on a long ridge are the settlements 
of al-Hort, Zénab, as- -Sejh Helal, as-Se‘en, and as-Su‘én, near all of which 
bubble out vigorous springs. Northeast of these settlements lie the al- 
Mébiga and al-Hinna ruins. The country south of al-‘Abel is also cultivated, 
comprising the settlements of Tell Kata’, Frétan, Tell al-Gedid, al-Mes‘ade, 
and al-Msé‘id. East of the last-named lie the Rigm al-Hanzir ruins. 


The small flats, undulations, and gullies through which 
we were passing are strewn with broken fragments of basalt. 
Low walls and little heaps of stones abound, and the remains 
of small buildings containing olive and wine presses are un- 
mistakable signs that the whole region must formerly have 
been one large vineyard. In the volcanic soil the vine undoubt- 
edly thrived. 

Geographically the al-‘Ala’ plateau district, wie we were 
now passing through, is separated not only from the territory 
of Aleppo but from Palmyrena proper as well. It is separated 
from the former by the al-Math lowland and from the latter 
by the barren plain of al-Morara. On the south it extends as 
far as the creek of as-Se‘en, near Salamja; on the west it 
sinks away into the plain where Hama?’ is situated. 

At 2.15 the ruins and hamlet of Ab-al- Kdtr were on our 
right, and on our left lay the settlement of al- “Anz, with a 
spring. At 2.28 we came to the Helban ruins, which lie on a 
wide slope which faces the east and is bounded on three sides 
by lower ground. To the west, at the highest part of the 
slope, there rises a ruined fortress, east of which in times 
past there stood a walled town six hundred meters long by 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 215 


five hundred meters wide. At the southeastern side of the 
town there is a dilapidated tower with a Greek inscription, 
in a house north of which we found a second inscription. To 
the north of the town are many graves with large stone cof- 


Fig. 85—Ad-Dahal from the east (p. 169). 


fins. A number of felldhin had built huts among the ruins, 
in which they were now busy making excavations.™ 


83 The Helban ruins I consider to be those of the Biblical Helb6n, the Assyrian Hilbunu, 
and the classical Chalybon. The whole basaltic plateau of al-“Ala’ in times past was planted 
with the vine, the yield of which was undoubtedly plentiful as well as of excellent quality. 

Ezekiel, 27:18, states that Damascus traded with Tyre, bringing wine from Helb6én 
and wool from Sahar. : 

Nebuchadnezzar (605—562 B.C.) mentions wine from Hilbunu (Inscription from Wadi 
Brisa A, col. 4,1. 51; Grotefend inscription [Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 1, pll.65f.] col.1, 1. 238; 
Langdon, Building Inscriptions [1905], pp. 82, 158; idem, Neubabylonische Konigsinschriften 
[1912], pp. 90, 154). 


216 PALMYRENA 


HELBAN TO TELL AD-DRA’ 


We left the former town of Helban at 4.50, going south. 
On the east were seen the al-MSsérfe ruins and to the north- 
west the ruins and hamlets of al-Bardtni, at-Tiba, and ad-Dibe. 
Our way led through extensive old vineyards and cultivated 
fields. We encamped at 5.50 by the hamlet and large ruins of 
the Kasr ad-Dahab. The ruin mound here, nearly ten meters 
in height, affords a fine view of the ridge of al-“Abel lying to 
the east, and of the settlements between this and the plateau 
proper of al-‘Ala’, which, beginning at ar-Rhajje, falls off quite 
steeply near Tell ‘Ada’ into the plain. Southeast of the Kasr 
ad-Dahab winds a deep Se%b, adjoining which on the north lie 
the villages of al-Obejjez, al-Kbebat, and al-Hnéfes, and on 
the south those of Zabbtde, Nawa’, and Suhba. On a height 
south of Nawa’ and Kasr Tamak are situated the villages of 
Sabba‘, Daise, Semni, and Tell ‘Ada’ with a tall ruin.** We 
completed our work by determining the latitude (temperature 
at. 145: ob ae 

On Wednesday, June 2, 1915, at 4.10 (temperature 8.5°C) 
we set forth on our journey. On a huge height to the south- 
east we saw the Zabbide ruins; to the north of us emerged 
the mound and settlement of al-Barduni; and before us a 
high ruin mound with a hamlet next to it named “Ali Castn, 
both situated on a fertile swell. From here many settlements 
to the southeast, south, and west could be seen. 

To the northwest was the village of Da‘in, southwest of which, on 
the right-hand side of a se%b which stretched to the southwest, lay al- 
Hulla, and, still farther on, al-‘Ewer, as-Sféne, al-Barl, and al-‘Oga. The 
last two are in the plain east of Hama’. North of them, on the western 
edge of the plateau of al-‘Ala’, are situated the villages of Castn al- 
Gebel, Kennos, ad-Dwejbe, and Taj jebt at-Turki. By the twin mountains of 


Kran Hama’ are the hamlets of al-Gwéze, al-Hasmijje, Gebrin, and ‘Ajn 
al-BAd. 


We stayed at ‘Ali CAsin from 5.30 to 5.41; then, continu- 
ing our way southwestward, we came at 6.10 to the hamlet 
of Tarrad, south of which stand the Rabba ruins, resembling 


64 Pliny, Naturalis historia, V, 89, states that the Palmyrene desert comprises the 
districts of Telendena, Hierapolis, Beroea, and Chalcis. A part of the desert land belongs 
to Hemesa as well as to Elatium, which is nearer by half to the town of Petra than to 
Damascus. — Detlefsen in his edition of the Natural History, loc. cit., had printed ‘“‘Stelendena 
regio,” which is a mistake. Telendena is the plateau of al-‘Ala’? in which Tell “Ada? is located. 

It is interesting to note here that Pliny knew of a distinct ‘regio Telendena,” by 
which he undoubtedly meant the surroundings of Tell ‘Ada’, which lies not far from the 
ruins of Helban, the old Chalybon. Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14: 13, calls the same district 
Chalybonitis. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 217 


a fortification. Southwest of these ruins gapes the black Se%b 
of Gehennam, and south-southeast of us appeared the settle- 
ment of al--Ezejjem. South of this Se%b, which ends at the 
village of al-Béza south of Tell “Ada, lie the villages of al- 
Maflah and GAtelin. From 7.02 to 7.43 we stopped at the 
little hamlet of al-Lahtine, situated in a broad valley sloping 
to the southwest, which we crossed, coming just beyond to 
a big basin with numerous settlements. At 8.15 we reached 
at-Twejzijje, a village on the southern foot of a spur of the 
al-“Ala°’ plateau. To the southwest we sighted the white huts 
of the villages of Umm Gurn, Sm4h, al-Mbarakat, and Cafat, 
beyond which on the west appeared the deep, black river bed 
of al-‘Asi (the Orontes), winding along the eastern foot of 
the hillocks of Abu Derde, which end on the north in the 
truncated cone of Ma‘arrin. On the slope of the latter emerged 
the white hamlet of Brak; at the northeastern foot of Abu 
Derde lie the huts of the hamlet of Tahsis. On the left, east 
of us, rose the steep sides of the al-‘Ala’ plateau. At 9.18 
we rode through the village of aS-Shale. To the north-north- 
west, on the western slope of the al-‘Ala’ plateau, appeared 
the settlement as-Sféne, and northwest from there the trun- 
cated cone of al-Gurn with a settlement of the same name; 
but higher than them all towered to the northwest of us the 
mountains of Krun Hama’, where there is the little shrine 


 Zén al-‘Abedin.* 


At 9.45 we were in the broad Se%b of as-Se‘en. This is 
bounded on the northeast by the black wall of the plateau of 
al-‘Ala’, the southern end of which curves toward the south- 
east. Though the view to the west was obstructed by the white 
hillocks of Abu Derde, on the south there appeared the exten- 
sive orchards of the settlement of Tell ad-Dra’, which are irri- 
gated by the creek of as-Se‘en. 

At 10.18 we reached the road leading from Hama’ to 
Salamja. To our left rose an isolated white butte on which 
stands the Kasr Sumejmis.*° 


6 Jakat, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 332, writes that the Kurtin Hama’ are two 
mountains rising opposite each other. 

On April 18, 1175, Saladin was victorious in an encounter with the lord of Aleppo 
at the Kurtin Hama’ (Ibn Saddad, Nawddir [De Slane], pp. 61f.; Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Torn- 
berg], Vol. 11, p. 279). 


66 The Arabic writers mention Sumejmis. In August, 1157, Syria was visited by an 
earthquake. Beside many other places, the towns of Hama’ and Homs and also the fort of 
Sumejmis near Salamja were destroyed (Kemaladdin, Ta’rih [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or. 
lates Vol. 35) p: 1529). 

In 1231 Asadaddin Sirkéh, the lord of Homs and ar-Rahba, built the fort of Sumejmis 
on a high isolated hill near Salamja (Ibn al- Atir, op. cit., Vol. 12, p. 329). 


218 PALMYRENA 


The &e%b of as-Se‘en, beginning to the southeast of where we crossed 
it and almost due east of Homs, winds across an undulating plain covered 
with settlements. On its right side west of al-‘ArStne lies Maksad al- 
Hsan, then come Sellam, Umm Hartén, al- Barri, Tell at-Tat, as-Safawi, 
ar-RAwi, and the town of Salamja, southeast of the Kasr Sumejmis. On 


Fic. 86—AS-Sbét and al-Hass from the northeast (p. 196). 


its left are the settlements of al-Heble, Tell al- Ward, ad-Dwé'‘er, Muntar 
al-‘Abd, as-Senkere, al-Ubéza, Umm Gurn, Skara, Umm al-‘Amad, al- 
Mzére‘, al-Merg, and Tell ad-Dra’ where the creek runs into the river 
al-‘Asi (Orontes). 


TELL AD-DRA’ TO AL-KARA 


From 10.30 to 11.52 (temperature: 26° C) we setae x the 
ereek of as-Se‘en by the Tell ad-Dra’ ruins, after which we 
rode through the village of ad-Dra’ southwards and at 1.05 
were at the hamlet of Kubbt al-Kurdi, lying southeast of al- 
‘Ader and Tahsis. At 1. 50 the village of Gemm§ari was on our 
left and east of it that of Skara; at 2.10 al-Mrejsi lay to the 
west, and to the west-southwest east of the ridge of al-Arba‘in 
appeared the settlements of al-‘Eséle and Abu-l-Hamame. Stop- 
ping from 2.55 to 3.25 in ‘Ezzeddin, a large settlement on a 
creek of the same name, we drew a map of the neighborhood. 
This ‘Ezzeddin is situated at the western base of the low hil- 
locks Tltl al-Homr, which stretch from south to north. On 
their eastern slopes lie the villages of Tell al-Hazne, ‘Ejdin, 
Slém, and al-Midan. South of Tell al-Hazne is the village of 
Tell ‘Amri. 

Beginning at Tell ad-Dra’ the country assumed an entirely 
different appearance; the slopes were gentle, the valleys wider 
and longer, there was an abundance of spring water and even 
several brooks. At 3.45 we saw on our right, in a broad valley 
which slopes northwestward, the large settlement of Dérfiir with 


In about the year 1261 Bibars ordered the fort of Sumejmis, which the Tartars had 
demolished, to be rebuilt (al-Makrizi, Sultik [Quatremére’s. transl,], Vol. 1, Part 1,143), 

Ad-Dimiski, Nuhba (Mehren), p. 202, considers Samsin, Samajmis, and Salamja as 
belonging to the administrative district of Homs, 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 219 


its extensive gardens. This settlement is inhabited by Circas- 
sians. Northwest of Dérfir is the village of Timin, and west 
of it lie the settlements of Gergise and ar-Rastan. At Dérfir 
the creek of ‘Ajn al-Hsén joins the creek Se‘en al-Migma‘, 


Fic. 87—A8-Sbét from al- Mrejrat (p. 200). 


which rises near the hamlet of ‘Ujtin Zat and which we crossed 
at 4.15, reaching at 4.40 the creek ‘Ajn al-Hsén; by the latter 
are large irrigated gardens of the settlement of the same 
name, where we encamped at 5.38 (temperature at 6.50: 20° C). 


The valley of “Ajn al-Hsén begins southeast of the settlement of al- 
Forklos, which lies on its left side as do also the villages of as-Sajjid, 
Garba‘ ijje, Tell “Ejfir, Abu Dalje, al- Bwér, Tell Bel’an, al- Gabrijje, al- 
Misrefe, and al-Wurédi. On its right are as- Setlaja, Tell as-Snan, “Abbas, 
al-Harraki, al-Rarr, as- -Stikatlijje, as- Séh Hméd, Tell Gnénat, and Ummu 
Gbab. 


Thursday, June 3, 1915. We started at 4.21 (temperature: 
6°C) and at 4.40 sighted on our left the great pre-Roman camp 
of al-MiSrefe, fortified by a high rampart and to the west of 
which lay a settlement of considerable size. To the southwest 
before us in the rays of the rising sun glistened the snow on 
the summits of Mount Lebanon. At 5.15 we saw to the soutb- 
east the hamlets of a8-Séh Hméd and al-Gabrijje and at 5.35 
on the right of the road the Se‘en al-Asmar ruins, with, to 
the west of them, a white hill on which were scattered the 
white huts of Tell Bise. To the north-northwest in the plain 
emerged the houses of the town of ar-Rastan. At 6.18 we 
passed the spring of Se‘en al-Asmar, at 6.34 the ruins Tell 
al-Kaddah, and at 6.55 the vineyards and fields of the settle- 
ment of Zejdal. At 9.15 al-Féraizi was on our left, and to the 
southeast appeared the huge Tell Zbejde with the little hamlet 
al-Gdejde to the west of it; north of al-Férizi rose the high, 
red Tell Hantn. 

From 9.56 to 11.24 we rested. At 11.836 (temperature: 
21°C) we reached the village of al-Meskene, where quite a 


220 PALMYRENA 


number of houses were deserted and in ruins. At 3.08 we were 
south of the settlement of SinSar on the road from Homs to 
Damascus, which we now took. A strong, cold northwest wind 
was blowing all the time. At 3.16 on our right were the ruined 
houses of the hamlet of Samsin. 
To the northeast lay Umm Ddlab 
and Kaff al-Kalb, and to the east 
al-Manztl, southeast of which is 
ar-Rkama; still farther east are 
al-‘Azizijje and al-Balha. Al-Balha 
is situated on the western foot of 
the elevation Tarak Holaje. At 
four o’clock to the east-southeast 
the hamlet of Gandar could be 
seen and southeast of it the large 
Umm al-Afawe‘ ruins; the ham- 
lets of ‘Alijjat and aS-Sa‘érat 
were a little farther along in the 
same direction. At 5.15 we rode 
across the wide se%b of ar-Rbej‘a, 
at 5.45 across the Se%b of al-Hasja, 
and at 5.52 we made camp near the settlement of al-Hasja,™ 
which is located in a barren basin shut in on the north, east, 
and south by the white, rocky hillocks of at-Tafri. Northeast 
of al-Hasja les the village of al-Harbijje, south of which — 
southeast of al-Hasja— appeared the village of Denderan, and 
still farther to the southeast the village of al-Hamra (temper-. 
ature ati Gy: 

On Friday, June 4, 1915, we left at 4.08 (temperature: 
12.6°C). At 4.20 on the left of the road was a demolished 
military post. At 4.85 we observed to the northeast the long, 
low rise of the Tarak H6élaje and west of it the white heights 
of Hazm at-Tafri* bordering al-Hasja on the east. At six 


Fic. 88—Drejb al-Wawi (p.201). 


87 Thevenot, Voyages (Amsterdam, 1727), Vol. 2, p. 90, relates that he camped near the 
station of Assia. There was a small fort and a large khan built of hewn stones in the place. 
Below the gate of the khan markets were held, as in Cteifa. On the western and on half 
of the eastern side of the khan there were vaulted chambers for travelers; on all other sides 
were the selling booths. A gate in the center of the eastern side led into the second court- 
yard, where rooms were built for the travelers a little above the ground, with two or three 
steps up to each to separate them from the space allotted to the animals. In the middle of 
the yard was a small square mosque with a whitewashed dome and an adjoining fountain 
with good drinking water spouting from it on three different sides. From the second court 
yard there was an entrance into a place called The Manor, although it was nothing but an 
enclosure with low walls where, at the time, a number of families, mostly Greek, were 
living. About fifty paces from this so-called manor was a hamlet, of which only a passing 
glimpse could be caught, since it consisted merely of twenty low mud huts built in-a large 
moat so deep that not even the roofs rose above its sides. Anyone standing on the edge of 
the moat might easily mistake the huts for boulders in a quarry. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 221 


o'clock we passed on our right the ruined pigeon tower al- 
Brej&.®* 

Our camels grazed from 6.20 to 6.54. At 7.14 near the 
dome of al-Mdawwara we crossed the deep se%b of Sekif al- 
Cebir. At 7.385 there rose on the southeast the high crest of 
the Se‘eb al-Léz, which extends under various names from 
the southwest as far as the hillocks of Maskikt Mhin. The 
last named lay to the east-southeast of us. The eastern part 
of the Se‘eb al-Loéz is called al- Kawdan and is separated by 
the pass Tenijjet al-Habra from the Se‘eb al-Léz proper, in 
which there is the pass Tenijjet as- -Se‘eb. Through the latter 
a road leads southeast to the Han al-Abjaz. North of this 
high ridge extends the depression of Hmért al-Habbaz, which 
is covered with low hillocks and across which Wadi Zabtr 
winds in a northeasterly direction. Adjoining this wadi, almost 
due north of the Tenijjet aS-Se‘eb, lies the village of al- 
Hméra; and farther to the north-northeast are Gubb Sacer, 
al-Hafar, ar-Rhejbe, and Sadad. Beyond the last named the 
wadi disappears; after good rains, however, the water runs 
down as far as ar-Rbej‘a, near the settlement of al-Hasja. 

At 7.42 we saw at about six kilometers to the northeast 
the Burg Janes ruins. The barley in the fields about us was 
scarcely ten centimeters high and badly scorched. At 8.15 we 
were at the hamlet of al-Brej&, where there are remains of a 
demolished khan built in the Middle Ages of hewn blocks left 
over from the time of the Roman domination. Near the en- 
trance to the khan stands a sarcophagus. Beyond here the 
road leads across ravines and steep slopes. At 9.15 we passed 
on our left in a deep ravine the spring of at-Tahta with a 
hut close by. 

The region was becoming drearier and more desolate at 
every step. Bare limestone domes and cones rose to the east 
and south, with the high crest of the Se‘eb al-Léz range 
projecting from behind them. The smaller plains and fields 
were all sown with grain, but to no purpose; everything was 
dried up. At 9.52 two springs, ‘“Ujiin al-‘Alak, lay to our left 
in a gully, with a garden and a hut beside them; south of 
them rose a conical hillock with a shrine on top. At 10.10 
we passed a third spring of al-‘Alak. To the southeast we 
sighted the broad depression of Hmért al-Habbaz, which winds 

68 Thevenot, loc. cit., writes that he and his companions passed a rather small fortress 


called El Bouraidgé (al-Burejge), the gates of which were studded with iron and with 
loopholes in the walls. 


222 PALMYRENA 


along the foot of the Se‘eb al-Léz and was cultivated in some 
places. On the east was seen the plain between Mhin and Sadad 
and to the south-southeast the orchards of the big settlement 
of al-Kara. At 10.20 (temperature: 22°C) we had on our right 


Fic. 89—Hanaser from al-Mrejrat (p. 203). 


the spring ‘Ajn al-Kotne. From 10.30 to 11.49 we stayed in the 
valley of al-Kotne and sketched the neighborhood. 


AL-KARA TO AL-KTEJFE 


The settlement of al-Kara, which we next passed through, 
takes its name from a large, white tabular hill, on the western 
side of which it was erected. Its church is an old building in 
the Syrian architectural style, with a gabled roof. On the left 
of the road is the finely ornamented gate of an old khan 
and a house with two niches, and an artistic lintel. On the out- 
side all the huts were very clean, and the gardens were kept 
in excellent condition.® 

The easiest road from the Han al-Abjaz to al-Kara is 
through the pass Tenijjet as-Se‘eb. 


69 Jakit, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 4, pp.12f., writes that Kara is a large settlement 
and the first station on the road from Homs to Damascus. It marked the boundary line 
between the administrative districts Homs and Damascus, being built on the top of a tabular 
hill called Kara. Its inhabitants were all Christians, who cultivated fields irrigated by the 
neighboring springs. 

In 1266 Sultan Bibars was hunting in the vicinity of Gerfid. Later he returned to 
Damascus, whence at the end of September of the same year he marched on Hama’, 
While in camp at Kara, he heard that the Christians of that place held intercourse with 
their brethren of the town of Acre. He ordered the settlement to be pillaged and the women 
and children led into slavery. The local churches were then converted into mosques and 
Turkomans were brought in as settlers (al-Makrizi, Sulik [Quatremére’s transl.], Vol. 1, 
Part 25)p. 34i\- 

Thevenot (op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 705; Vol. 2, p. 89) visited the settlement of Kara twice. 
He states that there were two khans in the settlement and a Greek church consecrated to St. 
George. A creek ran by. Various ruins proved that formerly buildings of much larger 
dimensions must have existed in the place. The Greeks, who then formed a considerable 
part of the population, owned a church adorned with fine paintings. According to them 
Kara was once a famous town... About two miles from Kara was a stronghold called 
Cosseitel, with a spring inside its walls that filled a pond twenty paces long. For night 
quarters it was necessary to go from there to Assia. — 

“Cosseitel,” the diminutive of al-Kastal, is to be sought at ‘Ujiin al-‘Alak, five kilo- 
meters north. ‘‘Assia”’ is Hasja. 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 223 


At 12.45 the spring ‘Ajn al-Mazra‘ was on our right and at 
1.20 we crossed the Seb of al-Grejgir, which rises west of the 
settlement of the same name on the right of our route and 
extends to the village of Dejr ‘Atijje, lying on the road from 
the pass of a&-Se‘eb. From this pass the Se‘eb al-Loz range 
rises gradually to the northeast, but to the southwest it falls 
away gently as far as the settlement of Nebk. At 2.15 we saw 
to the southeast the pass of al-“Arkub, separating the Se‘eb 
al-Loz from al-Hakla. A road leads from the Han Gnejgel, lying 
to the south, by way of the monastery Dejr Mar Misa to the 
settlement of Nebk, lying to the north. From 2.35 to 3.00 we 
let our camels graze. 

We had now before us the settlement of Nebk and south- 
west of it that of Jabrid. The town of Nebk is located on the 
northern foot of a spur of the range to the south and is en- 
circled both on the north and northeast with fine orchards. 
At 3.40 we came to the abundant spring at Nebk. In this 
settlement, as in al-K4ra, cleanliness is strictly observed, and 
each hut boasts a well- kept little garden in front of it.*° 

At 3.50 we sighted Jabrad to the southwest. From there 
a road leads through the pass of al-Hagitle across the Se‘eb 
al-Loz range southward to an-Nasrijje. Because of its low 
grade, the al-Hagile road is the easiest one to travel. Camels 
carrying heavy loads can go through the pass of al-Hagile 
only."! 

We now rode across the white plain of Mléta. This plain, 
as well as the slopes thereabouts, was plowed and sown, 
but the grain was very sparse and short. There had been 
no rain since February, it was said, and the peasants were 
threatened with famine. At 5.18 we crossed the road run- 
ning from the north to Jabrid and thence through the pass 


7 Wright, Catalogue (1870—1872), p. 468, col. 1, mentions the monastery of Natfa’ 
at Zakl near Tudmor, which possessed a manuscript from Abu Karib’s time (sixth century 
after Christ). He adds that later this manuscript became the property of the monastery 
of Mar Misa, situated on a hill east of Nefata, a hamlet in the province of Damascus. — 
The name of Nefata, or Nefaka as it is sometimes spelled, is undoubtedly an erroneous 
transcription of Nebaka, the modern Nebk. The monastery of Mar Misa lies by the pass of 
al-‘Arkaib, on a road leading to Nebk. 

Jakait, op. cit., Vol. 4, pp. 739f., states that an-Nebk is a fine, wealthy settlement 
between Homs and Damascus and has a famous spring, the water of which is said to be 
deliciously pure and cool even in the height of summer. The water is supposed to come 
from Jabrid. 

The settlement of Nebk visited by Thevenot (op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 89) was built on 
the top of an elevation, below which ran a creek with a three-arched bridge. Not far 
from it a khan had been built of hewn stone from the quarry near by. The settlement 
was inhabited by Greeks, and the creek was bordered by several gardens planted chiefly 
with vines. 

71 T am of the opinion that Assurbanipal defeated the rebellious nomads in 648—647 
B.C. in this gap, which leads to Jabrid (Annals [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5 
pl. 7], col. 7, 1.110; Streck, Assurbanipal [1916], Vol. 2, p. 64). 


224 PALMYRENA 


of al-Hagtle farther south, a wide and well trodden track, 
evidently much used. At 5.55 we had on our left the old for- 
tress and khan of al-Kastal on a white hillock, right behind 
which was a small settlement with a church. On the slope of 
the Se‘eb al-L6z range to the east 
of us were seen several groves 
and two springs, and in a valley 
on the right gardens of large di- 
mensions. At 6.08 we made camp 
in a field southwest of the settle- 
ment. Our hungry camels scat- 
tered in all directions. The gend- 
arme escorting us complained like 
a child and shook with fever; his 
stallion got loose and ran away 
Fig. 90—‘Alés (p. 206). to the settlement (temperature 
ate 7.302517 

On Saturday, June 5, 1915, we started out at 4.12 (temper- 
ature: 14.5°C). The part of the Se‘eb al-L0oz range rising east 
of al-Kastal is called al-Kabbas. After 4.40 we rode down the 
basin Hrejg al-Mal to the se%b of ‘Ajn at-Tine, which has 
eroded its valley southwards through the Se‘eb al-Léz range. 
From 5.36 to 6.10 our camels grazed. At 6.50 on our left were 
the Umm as-Sahin ruins, where ancient gateposts are still 
standing. At eight o’clock we entered the gorge of ‘Ajn at- 
Tine. At 8.25 we had the mill of al-‘Arfs on our right and 
about one hundred meters farther, on the left, the demol- 
ished Han al-‘Ariis. Beyond this point the channel sinks into 
a narrow, deep ravine, while the road high above has had to 
be laboriously carved from the rocky cliffs by the hand of 
man. At 8.40 we had on our right in a short gully the spring 
‘Ajn at-Tine, and at 9.15 we passed out of the gorge near the 
Han al-Ma‘eze (temperature: 24.3°C). 

Right at our feet a basin spread out to the northeast, 
in the southwestern part of which lay the settlements of al- 
Ktejfe,‘* with ar-Rhejbe in the southeastern part and al-Mu- 
‘azzamijje nearly in the center. 


7 In February, 1304, the Emir Nu‘ejr gathered together great numbers of Arabs with 
whom he encamped near Tadmur, while Tamerlane marched with his army from Damascus 
to al-Kutejfe (Ibn Tarri Birdi, Nugam [Popper], Vol. 6, p. 72). 

Thevenot, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 85f., writes that Cteifa is a large settlement having 
an extensive khan with fairly high walls of hewn stone. Two large gates with: small side 
doors lead into it from the north and south. Through the south gate one entered a long 
vaulted corridor, and on either side were stalls where the traveler could buy anything he 
needed; this gate was also the entrance to the cellar and the bath. From the arched corridor 


AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 225 


Southeast of al-Mu‘azzamijje the white shrine of Abu 
Sa‘id came into view. The hillocks of ad-Dahab shut in the 
basin on the south. From 9.30 to 10.58 we stayed in the fields, 
here covered with coarse gravel, and sketched a map. 


AL-KTEJFE TO DAMASCUS 


At 11.40 we left the settlement of al-Ktejfe and went 
slowly up toward the pass of al-Hwa’ over the Kalamin or 
ar-Rawak mountain chain, which reaches from Damascus to 
the Euphrates. Arriving at the pass at 12.20 and casting a 
last look at the basin to the north, we sighted on the north- 
east the glistening surface of the salina Mellaha Gerfid, which 
was shut in on the northwest by black gardens. As early as 
12.32 we had below us the boundless lowland of al-Raita with 
the gardens of Damascus and numerous settlements; at 12.40 
we went by a half-demolished khan and a capacious cistern. 
Near the khan lay a few fragments of broken pillars. At 
2.15 on our left we passed the little shrine Kubbt al-‘Asafir, 
built in its lower part in the form of a square and higher 
up like an octagon with a dome on top. At 2.26 we had on 
our left the Han ‘Ajjas, built from old Roman stonework, with 
a reservoir behind it and to the east of the khan a dilapi- 
dated shrine.“ 

Our camels grazed from 2.28 to 2.58. At 3.87 on the left 
lay a heap of ruins; at 3.52 the road to ‘Adra’ turned off, 
and at 4.32 we reached the Han al-Ksejr. At five o’clock 
we made camp. The camels were to remain in the pasture 
and then to follow me to Damascus, where they were to meet 


a door led into a large square yard, about which were spaces reserved for caravans. On 
each side of this yard was a gate, the eastern and western ones being studded with iron. 
Through the northern gate the way led to a mosque with a handsome dome and a minaret. 
The eastern gate led into another vaulted corridor, with rooms for travelers on both sides, 
and then into another paved courtyard, in the center of which was a square pond, faced 
with hewn stone, where the beasts brought to the khan were watered. The pond was filled 
through a little aqueduct from a creek east of the khan. The paved yard was surrounded 
by a colonnade supported by eleven columns on each of its long sides and nine on its shorter 
ones. Outside the colonnade were vaulted stables and chambers with stores, and on each side 
of the yard there was a single gate. Above the settlement there also rose a huge round tower. 


733 The Han ‘AjjaS I regard as the station of Thelsea of the Antonine Itinerary, 
196 : 2 (Parthey and Pinder’s edit., p. 88). 

Thelsee was garrisoned by the equites Saraceni, under the command of the dua Foenicis 
(Notitia dignitatum, Oriens, 32, Nos. 13 and 28). 

The plain south of the Han ‘AjjaS is the famous camping ground of the Merg Rahet. 
Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl (Amedroz), p. 278, writes that “Imadaddin Atabeg, returning from 
Damascus with rich spoils in the second half of March, 1149, encamped at the Merg Rahet, 
after which he took the road to the north. — This road is identical with the road running 
past the Han ‘AjjaS to Homs. It is evident from this that the Merg Rahet is to be sought 
below the entrance of the pass of al-“Okab — that is, in the eastern vicinity of the modern 
Han al-Ksejr. 


226 PALMYRENA 


me at the shrine of as-Sejh Ruslan. My companions, Halaf, 
Naser, and the gendarme, stayed with them, while I left for 
Damascus to make the necessary, arrangements. The ride 
through. the garden district was delightful. The wild rambler 
roses clinging to the low walls were a mass of white blossoms; 
among the green leaves of the apricot trees the ripening fruit 
shone like gold, while the air was filled with the fragrance 
of drying grain. Away from the wilderness, back to seclusion 
and safety, with the consciousness of work well done. 


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APPGND TEX I 


PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA 


Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14: 5, places the southeastern end of Syria 
at long. 738° 20’ E., lat. 35° 5’ N., or, in topographical terms, right at 
the point where the Euphrates runs past Thapsacus. His Greek sources, 
dating from the time either of Alexander or of the first Seleucids, without 
doubt mentioned the important point of Thapsacus both as a junction and 
as the starting point of several commercial roads. But we do not know 
whether the old Thapsacus lay on the boundary between Syria and Arabia 
in Ptolemy’s time; nor may we concede this as probable, as it would be 
in direct contradiction to other statements of Ptolemy. He mentions 
(tbid., V, 18) Thapsacus as a town lying in Arabia Deserta. This is im- 
possible, because the old ford of Thapsacus cannot be looked for so far 
south. The astronomical position of Ptolemy’s demarcation point between 
Syria and Arabia on the Euphrates brings us very close to the mouth of 
the river Chaboras (al-Habitr), lat. 35° 10’ N., or even to the south or 
southeast of there, perhaps to where the modern town of al-Mijadin is 
situated. According to other sources, however, the old Thapsacus was 
west or northwest of Nicephorium (ar-Rakka) and therefore over 950 
stades northwest of the demarcation point fixed by Ptolemy, showing that 
the latter does not agree with the true location of Thapsacus. On the 
other hand the boundary line between Syria and Arabia Deserta estab- 
lished by Ptolemy on the Euphrates at lat. 35° 5’ N. agrees perfectly 
with the nature of the ground, because a straight line drawn from this 
point southwestward marks the boundary between the fertile and once 
cultivated lands on one side and the sterile regions on the other. As 
numerous ruins show, this natural frontier lies more than 130 kilometers 
southeast of Nicephorium and consequently far from the old Thapsacus 
ford. But since classical authorities before Ptolemy’s time referred to the 
Arabs and Arabia as if they were in the immediate neighborhood of the 
old Thapsacus — for they stated that the territory on both the right and 
left banks of the Euphrates south and east of Thapsacus belonged to 
the Arabs, and hence this territory might well have been considered part 
of Arabia —, it is possible that the actual sources used by Ptolemy may 
have referred to the old Thapsacus as a boundary station between Syria 
and Arabia in the larger sense of the word, and this may well explain 
why Ptolemy himself placed his Thapsacus on the line between Syria and 
Arabia Deserta. According to the Arabic writers Arabia in the larger 
sense reached as far as the settlement of Balis: that is, to the vicinity 
of the old Thapsacus; but the desert of as-Samawa, identical with Ptolemy’s 
Arabia Deserta, ended at the modern town of al-Mijadin. (On the Thap- 
sacus of Ptolemy and of earlier writers see also the author’s The Middle 
Euphrates [New York, 1927], pp. 219, 340f.) 

Syria, as far as we are concerned, is divided by Ptolemy (op. cit., 
V, 14: 18, 15, 16, 18, 19) into the following districts: Chalybonitis, Apa- 
mene, Laodicene, Coele-Syria, and Palmyrena. 


229 


230 PALMYRENA 


CHALYBONITIS 


In Chalybonitis Ptolemy mentions the following towns: Thema, Aco- 
raba, Derrhima, Chalybon, Spelunca, and, on the Euphrates, Barbalissus 
and Athis. 

Miiller, in his edition of Ptolemy’s Geography, p. 974, expresses 
the opinion that Thema was a misrendering of Thelda, which is not 
unlikely. The Roman post of Thelda, or Theleda of the Peutinger Table 
(Vienna, 1884), Segm. 10, the Tell ‘Ada’ of today, lies 32 kilometers east- 
southeast of Hama’; 35 kilometers north-northeast of Hama’, however, 
stand the ruins of the large settlement of at-Tamme, which might be 
identified with an ancient Thema. 

Acoraba, erroneously given as Akoraka in the editio princeps of 
the Greek text (Basel, 1533), is identical with Occaraba of the Peutinger 
Table, loc. cit., the modern “Uzéribat, 76 kilometers southeast of Hama’. 

To other classical writers Derrhima was unknown. Ptolemy puts it 
about 450 stades (or 71 kilometers) north of Palmyra. Not only were 
data given in his sources as a rule very.superficial, but his figures were 
themselves confused by the copyists; hence it would be a wonder, indeed, 
if the latter agreed with the reality. For this reason the location of places 
mentioned by Ptolemy cannot be determined by reference to his manu- 
scripts alone. It happens, however, that 80 kilometers north-northwest of 
Palmyra and 47 kilometers northeast of the site of Acoraba are the ruins 
of a once important town of Seriana, indicated both in the Antonine 
Itinerary and Peutinger Table, and it would be remarkable if Ptolemy 
had failed to refer to it. Now, as Seriana written in Greek capitals 
might easily be wrongly transcribed as Derrhima, I would suggest read- 
ing Seriana instead of Derrhima in Ptolemy. Seriana is identical with 
the great Serija (or Esrija) ruins, at the northern foot of the Palmyrene 
mountains and at the junction of roads running from north to south and 
from northeast to west. 

Miller’s statement (zbid.) that it is necessary to differentiate between 
Seryie or Seridchi (Esrija) and the Seriana of the Antonine Itinerary, 
now called Serin and lying about thirty-five Roman miles southwest of 
Serie, is entirely erroneous, since Miller substitutes Serin for the correct 
as-Se‘en. 

Spelunca (var., Spelueca, Speluema), meaning cave, is the Latin 
translation of the native place name Morara, now applied to a large ruin 
and a hamlet called al-Mrejrat, 65 kilometers’ north-northeast of Helban 
on the road from there, or from Serija, to BaAlis. 

Barbalissus is the present settlement of B&alis, 65 kilometers east- 
northeast of al-Mrejrat. 

Athis may be indentified with the ad-Dibsi ruins, twelve kilometers 
southeast of BAlis. : 

Commentators on Ptolemy’s Geography, notably Benzinger (Pauly- 
Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie, Vol. 3, cols. 2100—2101), have expressed the 
opinion that the name Chalybon is derived from Helbtin or Halbtin (about 
16 kilometers north-northwest of Damascus), and that the name Chaly- 
bonitis was in turn derived from Chalybon. Streck and Néldeke, however, 
argue that the district of Chalybonitis centered, not about the site of. the 
modern Helbiin, but around Beroea (in Cyrrhestica), the modern Aleppo. 


PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA 2351 


Streck (ibid., Supplement 1, cols. 248, 282) holds that Ptolemy con- 
fused Halman or Halab-an, the old native name of Beroea, with the name 
Chalybon. Noldeke, Topographie (1875}, p. 486, note 1, on the other hand, 
believes that, as the native name of Beroea was not Halbtfin but Halab, 
the name Chalybonitis for the vicinity of this town must have been 
erroneously transferred from the actual Chalybon (Helbfin) in southern 
Syria. Noldeke furthermore asserts that Ptolemy in listing both Chalybon 
(in Chalybonitis) and Beroea (in Cyrrhestica) and thereby, presumably, 
mentioning the same place under two different names does nothing that 
need be wondered at, considering the manner in which his work was 
compiled. 

Streck and Noldeke have no valid grounds for their assertions. 
Ptolemy for his geography of Syria surely must have used almost ex- 
clusively Greek and Roman sources, in which no name other than Beroea 
was employed for Haleb (Aleppo). The latter lay in the Seleucid province 
of Cyrrhestica, where Ptolemy correctly places Beroea. During the disruption 
of the Seleucid power, a semi-independent state was formed by Heracleon 
in 96 B.C. out of territories belonging to the towns of Bambyce (Hierap- 
olis), Heracleia, and Beroea (Strabo, Geography, XVI, 2:7); after 88 B. C. 
this state was ruled by Strato, but it appears to have perished before 
64 B.C. If Ptolemy had been thinking of this former state in referring 
to Chalybonitis, he surely would not have named it after Beroea (Chalab) 
but after the far more important Bambyce (Hierapolis). Moreover, in 
Ptolemy’s Chalybonitis there is neither a Bambyce (Hierapolis) nor a 
Heracleia. How far south the former state reached we do not know, but 
its southern boundary was undoubtedly far north of the straight line 
running eastwards from Apamea or Chalcis (Kinnesrin) that marks the 
northern frontier of the region which I identify with Ptolemy’s Chaly- 
bonitis, as will be explained below. Had Ptolemy, through false information, 
confused Chalybonitis and the territory of Beroea, he surely would have 
mentioned some of the same towns in both regions; but, as a matter of 
fact, not a single town that he places with Beroea in Cyrrhestica appears 
in his Chalybonitis. 

The native name of Beroea was Chalab. The form Halman, whic 
Streck (loc. cit.) sees as the origin of Ptolemy’s Chalybon and Chaly- 
bonitis, is found only in Egyptian and Assyrian sources. It would indeed 
be remarkable if this foreign form had persisted for six hundred years 
after the downfall of the Assyro-Babylonian rule, especially when the town 
itself had had for more than three hundred years a new and different 
name (Beroea). It would also be unusual if the foreign form Halman 
had been given to the district lying to the south which I identify with 
Chalybonitis and which never belonged to Beroea. Furthermore, across 
this district a much-frequented commercial road led from Chalcis (Kin- 
nesrin) to Barbalissus; and the town of Chalab (Beroea), located as it 
was at some distance from this commercial road, before and even during 
Ptolemy’s time was less important than Chalcis. Therefore it would have 
been more reasonable for Ptolemy to join this district to Chalcis and call 
it Chalcidice than to Beroea and give it the foreign name of Chalybonitis. 

Whereas Streck (loc. cit.) argues that Ptolemy confused Chalab 
(Beroea) with Chalybon, Miller (op. cit., p. 970) asserts that Chalybon 
differs from Chalab (Beroea) and identifies it (ibid., p. 975), as does 


232 PALMYRENA 


Noldeke (who separates the town of Chalybon from the district Chaly- 
bonitis), with the settlement of Helbtin, north-northwest of Damascus. 
We cannot be sure, however, that any district was ever named after this 
settlement, and Miller submits no valid[proof to this effect. He merely 
cites certain ancient texts in which it is stated that the vine flourished 
in Chalybonitis, the most fertile district of Syria. These texts, he believes, 
make it impossible to associate Chalybonitis with the vicinity of Beroea 
— where, he asserts, the vine was not cultivated — but justify him in 
identifying the former with the region south of Chalcis adjoining Chalybon 
and Damascus, a region which Miller claims to be “the most fertile 
district of Syria.” 

As a matter of fact, in this latter district — that is, in the mountains 
northwest of Damascus and northeast of Helbtin — agriculture is restricted 
to a few valleys, whereas the hilly voleanic country east and northeast 
of Hama’, south of Beroea, and south and east of Chalcis ad Belum is 
excellently adapted to viticulture (Pliny, Naturalis historia, V,81; XII, 132f.). 
Nowhere in Syria have I found more extensive remains of old vineyards 
than where the wide, shallow valleys and numerous plains are very fertile 
and strewn with hundreds of ruins. In this region, at 28 kilometers north- 
east of Hama’, are the huge, partly re-peopled ruins of Helban, which 
I assume to be Ptolemy’s Chalybon. The Arabic form Helban exactly 
tallies with the Aramaic Chalybon. . 

Taking this into consideration and judging from the other place 
names given by Ptolemy, we may conclude that the Chalybonitis of Ptol- 
emy probably extended north as far as the fertile lowland of Chalcis 
(Kinnesrin), the range al-Hass, the salina of Gabbil, and the Euphrates 
at the Balis ruins; that on the east it extended along the Euphrates as 
far as the bend where the river turns due east near Abu Hréra; and on 
the south that it reached to the head of the Se%b of Selmas, to the northern 
foot of the range of Abu Rigmén, and to the southern end of the volcanic 
region of al-‘Ala’, the western flanks of which formed its western boundary. 
The western and northeastern parts of Chalybonitis might be cultivated 
and were once inhabited, as countless ruins witness. Its southeastern part 
formed and still forms a grassy plain with good pasture. 

The Chalybonitis of Ptolemy, therefore, probably corresponds to the 
region of al-‘Ala’ and its eastern vicinity. Syria is characterized by well- 
defined topographical regions of this sort, which have always formed 
independent political, or at least administrative, units. This is as true 
now as it was in Ptolemy’s time and before. Strabo (op. cit., XVI, 2: 11) 
knew, to the east of Apamea and south of Chalcidice, of the territory 
of Parapotamia, with the town of Themella. Themella must be a mis- 
spelling of Theledda, the modern Tell ‘Ada’ in the region of al-‘Ala’. 
Evidently the Parapotamia of Strabo should be identified with the region 
al-‘Ala’ and with the districts into which it merges on the east. Pliny, 
op. cit., V, 89, in writing about Palmyrena, mentions a territory of Te- 
lendena, which also constituted the wider environs of Tell ‘Ada’ in the 
modern region of al-‘Ala’. No wonder, then, that Ptolemy also placed an 
independent region which he called Chalybonitis south of Chalcidice and 
west of Apamea, this region representing the entire Parapotamia of 
Strabo and possibly the entire Telendena of Pliny. It was named Chaly- 


PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA 233 


bonitis after the town of Chalybon (HelbAan) and was as famous for its 
wine as was Pliny’s Parapotamia (ibid., XII, 132f.). 


APAMENE, LAODICENE, AND COELE-SYRIA 


According to Ptolemy (op. cit., V, 14: 15) the vicinity of Emisa 
(Homs) formed a part of Apamene and the vicinity of Iabruda (Jabriid) 
(ibid., 16) a part of Laodicene; the inhabited district east and northeast 
of Damascus belonged to Coele-Syria. 


PALMYRENA 


In Palmyrena, Ptolemy included (ibid., V,14: 19) Resapha, Cholle, Oriza, 
Putea, Adada, Palmyra, Adacha, Danaba, Goaria, Aueria, Casama, Ad- 
mana, Atera, and, on the Euphrates, Alalis, Sura, and Alamatha. 

The first three lay on the Roman road from the Euphrates to Pal- 
myra and are identical with the present ar-Res&afa, al-Hulle, and at-Taj- 
jibe ruins. At-Tajjibe in the Middle Ages bore the name “Ord (or ‘Orz). 


Putea, Adada, Adacha, Danaba, and Goaria. 


Putea is unmistakably the Roman post Centum Putea of the Peutinger 
Table (Segm. 10), which was in all likelihood called Beriarac by the na- 
tives; it is probably the Bijar Ghar of today, situated on the Roman 
road from Palmyra to Occaraba (‘Uzéribat). Miller, in his edition of 
Ptolemy’s Geography, p. 988, and Moritz, Palmyrene (1889), p. 8, iden- 
tify Putea with Abu-l-Fawares, seven kilometers west-southwest of 
Palmyra, but this seems impossible, as there is only a single well at 
Abu-l-Fawares, the water of which formerly ran to Palmyra through an 
aqueduct, and no ruins of any considerable extent remain. Besides, it would 
be hard to understand why the Romans should have built a station in 
a perfectly safe place not more than four miles (7 km.) from Palmyra. 
In the face of these difficulties Moritz (loc. cit.) proposes alternatively 
to identify Putea with al-Kattar, “the only place where there is water.” 
Al-Kattar is situated in the mountains about twenty-five kilometers 
northeast of Palmyra, whereas Centum Putea is shown on the Peuwtinger 
Table as lying on the road from Occaraba (“Uzéribat) to Palmyra, there- 
fore to the west of the latter and on the southern slope of the mountains. 
Moreover, al-Kattar is not the only watering place in the region, since 
the mountain range north and west of Palmyra abounds in natural wells, 
both old and new. 

Adada (var., Adda) is identical with the Roman military station of 
the same name (Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 19), the Roman camp 
now known as al-Hér, about fourteen kilometers southeast of at-Tajjibe 
(Oriza). This camp stands on the western foot of the hillocks of ad- 
Didi, the name of which reminds one of the old Adada. Miller (op. cit., 
p. 984) suggest that Adada was the hirbet “Aschika” (al-‘ASZe) 17 kilo- 
meters southeast of Esrija at the northern foot of the Palmyrene moun- 
tain range; this, however, lies in a region which must have belonged to 
the Chalybonitis of Ptolemy. 


234 PALMYRENA 


Adacha, like Aratha of the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 11, 
is a false transcription of the Harac of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 11. 
The form Aratha (in Not.dig., Oriens 33, No. 20, corrupted into Anatha) 
originated from Aracha (the ¢ being changed to t when written in minus- 
cule). It is the modern Raka (or Arak), northeast of Palmyra. 

Danaba (var., Danama, Adanaba) lay, according to the Peutinger 
Table, loc. cit., on the Roman road from Damascus to Palmyra. It is 
identical with the al-Basiri ruins. 

Goaria is likewise mentioned by Stephen of Byzantium, E'thnica 
(Meineke), p. 210, as Goareia. Since a whole Arabian district is named 
after this town, it is safe to assume that it was of considerable importance 
even beyond its immediate neighborhood. This would seem to apply to the 
great al-Bhara ruins, 26 kilometers south of Palmyra, formerly the only 
commercial center of the nomads, since these ruins lay outside of the 
circle of Roman border fortifications. We may therefore place Goaria 
and Goarene, the district bearing its name, in Arabia. Stephen of By- 
zantium locates Goareia near Damascus; it should be remembered, how- 
ever, that this town was directly connected with Damascus by a com- 
mercial road and that al-Bhara belonged to the ecclesiastical province 
of Damascus. 

That Goareia was the Aramaic name of the ruins of al-Bhara is 
evident when the Arabic and Syriac reports of the murder of the caliph 
al-Walid II are compared. According to all the Arabic sources this caliph 
was killed in the manor of al-Bahra close by the settlement of the same 
name, whereas a Syriac writer, the Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell Mahre’, 
Chronicle (Chabot), p. 33, states that the murder happened near (‘al 
genab) the town of Koari. The Syriac ‘al genab indicates immediate 
proximity, as, for instance, in the phrase ‘dna ‘al genab prat (‘Ana 
which lies by the Euphrates). The Syriac Koari also corresponds to 
Goareia or Goarei, as the k may correctly be transcribed as g. 

Moritz (Palmyrene [1889], p. 22), Miiller (op. czt., p. 984), and Ben- 
zinger (in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie, Vol. 7, col. 1547) all identify 
Goaria with the Cehere of the Peutinger Table, loc. cit. The Latin Cehere 
(Kehere) probably conceals a native word designating the Roman post 
as a dreaded fortress, whereas goaria means a rounded basin. The station 
of Cehere, which I identify with the ruins of the Han “Anejbe, lies over 
one hundred kilometers southwest of al-Bhara, whereas, as we have seen, 
the ‘al genab of the Pseudo-Dionysius presumes close proximity. It is there- 
fore necessary to distinguish between Goaria and Cehere. We must also . 
distinguish between Goaria and “Karyetin (al-Zerjitejn) in the district of 
Rouaria,” which Miiller, loc. cit., proposed to identify with each other. 
A district with such a name as Rouaria is unknown in the neighborhood 
of al-Zerjitejn. To write, as does Moritz, loc. cit., that Goaria and al-Kara 
are the same is incorrect not only on account of their locations but also 
because of their names. According to Ptolemy Goaria was in Palmyrena, 
whereas the surroundings of the present town of al-Kara he places in 
Laodicene, statements that we have no sufficient reason to alter. But 
even the names are not the same, since the Syrians make a sharp 
distinction between Kara and Koari, writing the first K’R’, the second 
KWRJ. And we should make Ptolemy still more confusing should we, 
like Moritz, identify Coara, counted by Ptolemy (Geography, V, 14: 14) 


PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA 2355 


among the towns of Chalcidice, with both Goaria in Palmyrena, and al- 
Kara in Laodicene. Moritz cites the Bishop Gerontius of Coara, who 
participated in the Council of Nicaea in 325. Yet the proper name of this 
bishop’s seat cannot be stated with precision. In the Latin text of the 
signatures (Gelzer, Patrum nicaenorum nomina [1898], pp. 18f.) it is called 
either Carison or Larisa and all the other texts call it Larisa. But even 
if the reading Coara were justified, it still could not be identified with 
al-Kara, because Coara lay in the ecclesiastical province of Coele-Syria 
and al-K&ara in that of Phoenicia. 


Aueria, Casama, Admana, and Atera 


Aueria (var., Aueira, Aberia) is the same as the Eumari of the 
Antonine Itinerary, 195: 9 (Pinder and Parthey edit., p. 88); the Euhara 
or Euhari of the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 32, Nos. 4, 19; the Euarius 
of Georgius Cyprius, Descriptio (Gelzer), p.50, and the modern Hawwarin, 

Casama lay, according to the Peutinger Table, loc. cit., on the Roman 
road from Damascus to Palmyra; I look for it in the ruins of the Han 
al-Mankfra. 

Admana (var., Odmana, Ogmana), or, according to the Peutinger Table, 
loc. cit., Ad amana, was likewise on the Roman road, at the Han at-Trab. 

Atera is perhaps the Adarin of the Peutinger Table, loc. cit. If this 
is the case, we should look for it in the ruins of the Han aS-Samat. 

Miller, op. cit., p. 985, identifies Atera with Dejr ‘Atijje, but this 
is impossible, the latter place surely having been in Laodicene. 


Alalis, Sura, and Alamatha 


On the Euphrates in Palmyrena, according to Ptolemy, lay the towns 
of Alalis, Sura, and Alamatha. 

Sura is the Sure of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 11, or the modern Strija. 

Other classical writers do not mention Alamatha at all, although 
the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 35, refers to Ammattha and Stephen 
of Byzantium, H'thnica (Meineke), p. 82, mentions Amatha, deriving this 
name from the Aramaic ammu; therefore Ammatha ought to be correct. 
Written in Greek capitals it could so easily have been corrupted into 
Alamatha, that the Alamatha of Ptolemy might well be identified with 
the Ammatha of the Notitia dignitatum and the Amatha of Stephen of 
Byzantium. Nevertheless, either Alamatha or Ammatha may have been 
the correct Aramaic form. Miiller in his edition of Ptolemy’s Geography, 
p. 985, compares Alamatha with the Acauatha of the Notitia dignitatum, 
Oriens 33, No. 22; this, however, is impossible, because the latter did not 
belong in the province of Augusta Eufratensis. 

According to Stephen of Byzantiun Amatha was a settlement in 
Arabia. Ptolemy’s latitude for Alamatha (35°5’ N.) would place it on the 
boundary line between Syria and Arabia Deserta near his ford Thapsacus; 
that is, below the point where the Chaboras river (al-Habar, at 35° 10’ N.) 
empties into the Euphrates. This brings us to the vicinity of the modern 
town of al-Mijadin. East of this town, beside a large island, the Euphrates 
turns almost due east. The channel here is broad and the current slow, 

and therefore the river is easy to cross. The convenient location of this 


236 PALMYRENA 


ford also proves its importance. The commercial road leading from Chalcis 
or Beroea crossed the Euphrates at Barbalissus (Balis), or a little north 
of it at Obbanes (Samtima) (see The Middle Euphrates, pp. 319f.), and 
joined the road to Edessa. At Sura another ford gave access to a road 
running from Nicephorium (Callinicus, ar-Rakka) along the river Balichus 
(al-Balih) northward. The ford at Alamatha conducted one across the 
Euphrates to Circesium and to the road leading along the Chaboras into 
the interior of Mesopotamia and to Armenia. 

At Sura resided the praefectus legionis scetaedeowe ae Flaite fir- 
mae (Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 28); at Callinicus was the camp 
of the equites promotz Illyriciant (bias 35, No. 16); Circesium was the 
seat of the praefectus legionis Parthicae (ibid., No. 24), while at Ammatha 
(Alamatha) the frontier was guarded by the cohors prima uictorum 
(ibid., 33, No. 35). 

If we do not accept Ptolemy’s indication that Alalis lay west of 
Sura, we might look for it halfway between Sura and Alamatha, in the 
Roman ruins at Tabiis, following Isidore of Charax (Mansiones parthi- 
cae [Miiller], p. 247), who puts the station of Allan (the name of which 
greatly resembles Alalis) almost opposite Tabtis. Of course, the station 
named by Isidore is situated on the left bank of the Euphrates, but he 
applies also to other stations on the left bank the names of the settle- 
ments lying on the right bank or on the islands, a custom which still 
prevails on the Euphrates. These locations for Alalis and Alamatha are 
supported, if we reflect on the importance of Palmyra as a commercial 
center in the first centuries after Christ. Through the gap between the 
ranges of Abu Rigmén and al-Bisri caravans came and went, plying be- 
tween Palmyra and northern Mesopotamia and Armenia. Crossing the 
Euphrates at Sura, the north-bound caravans traveled northwards along 
the left bank of that river or along the river Balichus, But Palmyra 
also had important commercial relations with the Persian Gulf, Babylonia, 
and southern Mesopotamia. 

During the rainy season the commercial caravans crossed the desert, 
but in the dry season they followed the rivers, which gave them water 
all the year round, provided there was a powerful government in control. 
Generally the caravans followed the southern base of the range of al- 
BiSri to the Euphrates, east of which a natural road led into central Meso- 
potamia along the river al-Habir and its tributaries. The old Royal Road 
paralleled the left bank of the Euphrates to southern Mesopotamia, Ba- 
bylonia, and the Persian Gulf. The right bank was avoided by the caravans 
as much as possible, because it was much more intersected by gullies 
and ravines than the left. This was also one of the reasons why the Royal 
Road was built along the latter. That the most frequented passage across 
the Euphrates was below the mouth of al-HAbir is shown by the fact that 
the ford across this river was shunned not only by the caravans traveling 
beside it, but also by those on the left bank of the Euphrates. I judge, 
therefore, that the ford. of the Palmyrene caravans going to Babylonia 
or central Mesopotamia’is to be sought below the mouth of al-Habir, 
at the site either of the modern town of al-Mijadin or at the as-Salhijje 
ruins. Were this true, the Palmyrene territory must have reached as far 
as here. Ptolemy’s placing of Thapsacus on the right bank of the Eu- 
phrates below al-Habir on the very border of Syria, Palmyrena, and 


ROMAN ROADS 237 


Arabia Deserta, would strengthen this theory, The Thapsacus of Ptolemy, 
therefore — necessarily a different Thapsacus from that of the older 
classical writers — would correspond to the ford used by the Palmyrene 
caravans. (See above p. 229.) 


APPENDIX II 
ROMAN ROADS IN PALMYRENA; THE ROMAN LIMES 
ROMAN ROADS 
According to the Antonine Itinerary 


Several reports from the classical period about the highways of Pal- 
myrena have been preserved. 

The Antonine Itinerary, it seems, was published in the time of the 
emperor Antoninus Caracalla, but it also contains later amendments down 
to death of Constantine the Great. It is remarkable that in it no roads 
are referred to in Palmyrena proper. 

The Antonine Itinerary, 195: 9-196: 3, lists a road from Eumari to 
Damascus and states that the distance from Eumari to Geroda is forty 
Roman miles. If in the word “Eumari” the letter b were substituted for 
m, this 6 representing an original w, we should have a word resembling 
Huwwarin, the Arabic name of the site of Eumari. Geroda is the large 
settlement of Gerid. The road went around the eastern side of the moun- 
tain range Se eb al-L6z, the distance amounting to about sixty kilometers, 
which would agree with the estimate of forty Roman miles. 

From Geroda to Thelsea was 16 and from there to Damascus 24 
miles. The station of Thelsea guarded the pass through which the descent 
to the lowland of Damascus was made. Since it was 16 miles thence to 
Geroda I look for Thelsea in the ruin at the Han ‘Ajjas, 24 kilometers 
from Gertid. A garrison in the Han ‘AjjaS could easily maintain order 
on the roads both to Geriid and to Dmejr, the latter being the old Roman 
post of Ad medera. From the Han ‘AjjaS to Damascus is 27 kilometers, 
therefore only 18, not 24, miles. 

The Antonine Itinerary, 194: 11-195: 8, describes the road from 
Beroea to Emesa — first the stretch from Beroea (Haleb, or Aleppo) 
to Calcida (Chalcis), which is now represented by the ruins of the Arab 
town of Kinnesrin, 28 kilometers southwest of Aleppo. 

The distance from Calcida to Androna is given as 27 miles. This 
station is to be sought in the ruined town of Anderin, 63 kilometers 
southeast of Kinnesrin. 

From Androna (Anderin) to Seriane (var., Seria) is given as 18 
miles. The name Seriane or Seria would point to the extensive ruins at 
Serija, or Esrija, southeast of Anderin; the distance between them is 
actually over 388 Roman miles (56 kilometers). 

According to the Antonine Itinerary, 197: 5-198: 1, from Seriane 
a road led by way of Salaminiada (Salamja) to Emesa (Homs); the 
distance from Seriane to Salaminiada was given as 32 miles. Salamja, 


238 PALMYRENA 


however, is not 32 Roman miles but 60 kilometers, or 40 Roman miles, 
west. of Esrija. 

The distance from Salaminiada to Emesa is given as 18 nes though 
in reality it is 42 kilometers, or 28 miles. It is remarkable that Eumari 
(Hawwarin) was in no way connected either with Seriane (Esrija), with 
Salaminiada (Salamja), or with Emesa (Homs), although it was the 
starting point of a long road leading to the southwest. Possibly only a 
slight oversight is to blame for the fact that Eumari was not included 
in the net of roads of northeastern Syria. The most natural thing would 
have been a road from Seriane to Eumari through the sites of the present 
‘Uzéribat, Han abu Sindah, and Gebab Hamed, in which there are still 
some remains of old buildings. A connecting road from Salaminiada to 
Eumari would have come near Emesa and for the first third of the distance 
would have coincided with the main road from Salaminiada to Emesa. 
The road shown on the Peutinger Table, Segm. 9, from Emesa to Adarin 
did not touch Eumari, but passed far to the west. 

By studying the Antonine Itinerary we get a fairly good idea of 
the northern and western borders of Palmyrena, which at the time of 
the late Roman Empire was still largely independent. The Roman frontier 
posts were Seriane (Esrija), Salaminiada (Salamja), and Eumari (Haw- 
warin). Seriane lay at the northern foot of a spur of the Abu Rigmén 
range, which thus in all probability belonged to Palmyrena in its entirety. 
If we admit the existence of a connecting road from Seriane to Eumari, 
then the present settlements ‘Uzéribat, Han abu Sindah, Abu Rubah, and 
Hawwarin on the western edge of the Bil‘As hillocks, mark the former 
western borders of Palmyrena. But even if a road from Seriane to Humari 
was not built by the Romans, Palmyrena would not have stretched any 
farther west, because the territory belonging to Sampsiceramus’ city of 
Emesa surely comprised the whole fertile country thirty to forty kilo- 
meters east of Emesa itself. The original town on the site of which al- 
Zerjitejn now stands was located either exactly on the border, or what 
is more likely, actually within the Roman province. Gerfid and Dmejr 
al-“Atize would not have fallen within Palmyrena. The Peutinger Table 
may be right in indicating that Casama (Han al-Manktra) marked the 
western boundary of Arabia or of the original Palmyrena. If so, the 
western boundary may well have passed by the sites of the H&n al- 
Mankira, al-Zerjitejn, Abu Rubah, Abu Sindah, ‘Uzéribat, al- -Kastal, and 
Esrija. How the line ran northeast of Seriane (Esrija), we do not know; 
but, as the Antonine Itinerary records no roads either to Sura or to Risapa 
(ar-Resafa) — these places being expressly counted by Ptolemy as belong- 
ing to Palmyrena—,the boundary must have been drawn from Seriane 
northeast to the Euphrates, which it probably met at Sephe (Abu Hréra). 
This superficial delimination is very serviceable in enabling us to locate 
the places in Palmyrena which Ptolemy recorded. 


According to the Peutinger Table 
Damascus to Palmyra 


The Peutinger Table (Vienna, 1888), Segm. 10, shows a road — ignored 
in the Antonine Itinerary —from Damascus by way of Palmyra and Risapa 
(ar-Resafa) to the Euphrates. 


ROMAN ROADS 239 


As Palmyra lay northeast of Damascus the roads connecting these 
two towns must have run in a northeasterly direction and could not have 
deviated to any appreciable extent either to the north or south from this 
direction. For a distance of ninety kilometers north from Damascus 
there is mountainous country. The volcanic region southeast of Damascus 
extends almost to the very base of the mountains, thus restricting to a 
narrow strip the zone available for a roadway and making any deviation 
from a northeasterly course highly improbable. Farther northeast, east 
of the mountains, there lies a hilly area adjoining the nearly impassable 
ranges west of Palmyra and merging on the south into a wild desert; 
thus any divergence from a straight course would hardly be possible here 
either. But even in the zone between the mountains on the north and the 
volcanic region on the south, the possibilities of road building were very 
limited. About thirty kilometers northeast of Damascus the range of ar- 
Rawak branches off from the main mountain mass and stretches north- 
eastward as far as Palmyra, falling off steeply to the plains on either 
side. Roads from Damascus to Palmyra followed both the northern and 
southern foothills of this range. As the ar-Rawak range marks part of 
the southern boundary of the fertile, once cultivated country, a road along 
its northern base undoubtedly connected settlements located there in times 
long past. When Syria became a Roman province, the western portion 
of this road, with the stations of Thelsea and Geroda (Gerfid), was in- 
cluded in the Roman system of roads; but whether or not the Romans 
built the stretch between Geroda and Kumari (Hawwéarin), we do not 
know. 

From a military standpoint the road along the southern base of the 
ar-Rawak range was of far greater importance. Whoever controlled this 
road also controlled the few passes from north to south and could protect 
the settlers against the raids of the nomads, And to commerce, as well, 
this road offered more advantages than the northern one. The caravans 
were spared all the steeper ascents and could trade with the nomads at 
the settlements along the route. Deep wells or reservoirs full of water 
were as plentiful here as on the northern road, and the pasture for the 
pack camels was likewise more abundant than in the cultivated north. 
We are therefore justified in believing that the Palmyrenes used this 
southern road. In the second half of the third century after Christ when 
Palmyra was incorporated with the provinee of Syria and. Diocletian 
wished to build a Roman road from Damascus by way of Palmyra to 
Sura on the Euphrates with the object of protecting the borders, in my 
opinion it was not the northern, but the southern, road which he developed 
into the Via Strata. If he had developed the northern road, the stations 
of Thelsea and Geroda would have lain on his new road; but this was not 
the case. Along the southern foot of the ar-Rawak range, moreover, there 
now stretches a road paved in some places, provided with Roman mile- 
stones, and traceable from Palmyra as far as the Roman camp at Dmejr 
al-‘Atize. Beyond this point it merges with the old as-Sultani road, leading 
along the southern base of the Kalamtin range to Damascus. This Roman 
road forms nearly a right angle with the road from Damascus to Abila, 
as is accurately shown on the Peutinger Table, Segm. 9. This is worthy 
of our attention, since the directions in the Peutinger Table are very 
frequently correct. 


240 PALMYRENA 


The Peutinger Table, loc. cit., enumerates on the road from Damascus 
to Palmyra eight stations, and along the Roman road under discussion 
there are actually the ruins of eight fortified places. The sixth Roman 
station from Damascus is sometimes designated in other sources as the 
camp of the Third Legion and the seat of a bishop, while the sixth 
group of ruins on the Roman road is clearly that of a fortified camp 
and of a town of some size, with a church where only fifty years ago 
oil lamps were still lighted during the principal Christian holidays. The 
sixth and the fourth stations both resemble, not merely in name but 
in location, places frequently mentioned by Arabic writers. The inscription 
relating to a Roman road and said to have come from al-Bhara (Corpus 
inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3, No. 6726) was not actually found there 
but on this Roman road, which did not pass by al-Bhara but was con- 
nected. with that place by a branch leaving the main.road at a point 
more than fifteen kilometers from Palmyra. On a milestone lying be- 
tween the Han at-Trab and aS-Samat may be read “Strata Diocletiana” 
and the name of the emperor Constantine, suggesting that the road was 
repaired in the time of that emperor (2bzd., No. 6719). 

The exact truth will be ascertained from the milestones as soon as 
they are thoroughly examined. But even now we may assume that the 
road shown on the Peutinger Table is identical with the southern road 
leading from Damascus to Palmyra. The direction given this Roman road 
by Miller in his edition of Ptolemy’s Geography, p. 984, and by Miller 
(Itineraria romana [1916], pp. 814f.) is entirely arbitrary and impossible, 
because they make the road lead across high mountains or along the 
ridge of a steep range without regard either to topography or to the 
position of the numerous ruins, and they put Roman forts in localities 
where there is no vestige of any ruins. It is a pity that all the way 
from Damascus to Palmyra not a single name of the Roman stations 
recorded on the Peutinger Table has been preserved to us in any other 
source and that even the distances shown on the Table do not agree 
with the actual distances. 

According to the Peutinger Table the total distance is 212 miles; 
according to Ptolemy, 145 miles, and according to Pliny, Naturalis histo- 
ria, V, 88, it is 176 miles. In reality the road measures 154 Roman miles, 
or nearly 230 kilometers, whereas in a bee line the distance is only 214 
kilometers. For the discrepancy of about one hundred kilometers between 
the reported numbers of the Peutinger Table and the reality the copyists 
alone are to be blamed, because any considerable deviation from a direct 
course, would, for the reasons given above, have been impossible, and 
the road was surveyed exactly and marked by milestones. 

From Damaspo (misspelt for Damasco) the road as shown on the 
Peutinger Table runs in 26 miles to “Ad medera.” — The Roman road 
leads to the ruins of a Roman camp lying about four kilometers east of 
the settlement of Dmejr; thus the appellation “Ad medera” may have 
been wrongly derived from an original “Ad Demera,” just as a copyist 
of Ptolemy, Geography, V, 18 (see Miiller’s edition, p. 1013), wrote Psa- 
thakos for Thapsakos. The camp near Dmeijr is actually 26 miles, or 
40 kilometers, from Damascus. 

From “Ad medera” (Dmejr al-‘Atize) to Adarin the distance is given 
as ten miles. — About fifteen kilometers east-northeast of Dmejr al-‘AtiZe, 


ROMAN ROADS 241 


at the passage from the desert to the cultivated country, the large ruins 
known as the Han a3-SamAt are probably identical with the Roman station 
of Adarin. The distance agrees, but the name has not been preserved, 
the present name of the ruins having been taken from the neighboring 
gray and black hillocks, of a kind generally called sdémdt. 

From Adarin (Han as-Samat) to “Ad amana,” the distance is given 
as 12 miles. — This station must be identical with the now dilapidated 
Han at-Trab (Dusty Khan), the ruin being so called because of its con- 
dition; it lies actually 17 kilometers, or almost twelve Roman miles, from 
the Han a&-Samat. In the text of the Peutinger Table we observe bet- 
ween the “Ad” and the “amana” a larger space even than that in “Ad 
medera,” suggesting that the original name was Ad Amana rather than 
Adamana. 

The Peutinger Table gives twenty miles as the distance from Ad 
amana to Casama. — The great strong fort Han al-Mankira, guarding the 
approaches to important passes, and for that reason controlling the shortest 
and easiest connection between the cultivated country to the north and the 
desert to the south, is 27 kilometers, or not quite twenty miles, from the 
Han at-Trab. 

From Casama (Han al-Mankitra) to Cehere the Peutinger Table 
gives as twenty miles. — Cehere is probably identical with the demolished 
Han ‘Anejbe, distant, however, only 6 Roman miles, or 9 kilometers from 
Han al-Manktra. It guarded the passage of the same name to the fertile 
lands about the present al-Zerjitejn, not far to the north. 

From Cehere (Han ‘Anejbe) to Danoua the Peutinger Table gives 
as 18 miles. — Almost exactly 18 miles from Han ‘Anejbe lie the large 
al-Basiri ruins, which we identify with the station of Danoua. Their 
location is very important, because from al-Basiri three passages lead to 
the settled territory. The middle passage runs through the wide ravine 
of al-Barde, which is roomy enough even for large troops of camel-riders. 
Watchers posted on the summit of the ‘Ade mountain, which rises beside 
the ruins, could observe the surrounding country to a distance of one 
hundred kilometers to the southwest, south, and east, and with smoke 
signals could warn the garrison at al-Basiri whenever an unusually nu- 
merous troop of nomads was approaching. Situated, as it was, nearly 
halfway between the camp of Ad Demera (Ad medera) and the city of 
Palmyra, the site of al-Basiri was eminently suitable for the camp of 
Danaba of the praefecti legionis tertiae Gallicae (Notitia dignitatum, 
Oriens 32, No. 31). In this case the b in Danaba was substituted for the 
u of Danoua. 

Beyond al-Basiri the Roman road follows a broad valley bounded 
on the north by the range of ar-Rawak and on the south by a steep, 
elongated ridge. Passage from south to north across these steep ranges 
is very difficult, and not until one comes to the eastern half of the valley 
are there any well defined passes. The latter are known as al-Wa/are 
and al-Hwénize and were both once protected by the Han al-Hallabat. 

From Danoua (al-Basiri) to Nezala is twenty miles, according to the 
Peutinger Table.— Nezala is a term that has always been applied to a 
nomad camp. This station lay, perhaps, where the modern H4n al-Kattar 
is located — that is, 29 kilometers, or twenty Roman miles, from al-Basiri. 
It guards the al-Wa‘are pass. 


242 PALMYRENA 


From Nezala to Heliaramia the Peutinger Table gives a distance 
of 44 miles. — Nevertheless, I look for Heliaramia in the fort Han al- 
Hallabat, 25 kilometers, or scarcely eighteen miles, from the Han al-Kattar. 
Beyond the Han al-Hallabat the valley mentioned above ends and the 
Roman road turns more to the north-northeast, in which direction it 
runs until it reaches the sandy Palmyrene plain at the al-“Edejje ruins. 

From Heliaramia (al-Hallabat) to Palmyra the distance is given as 
32 miles, although in reality itis not more than 38 kilometers, or 26 miles. 


Palmyra to the Euphrates 


From Palmyra a Roman road stretches along the southern base of 
the range of Abu Rigmén northeast to as-Suhne, where it turns north 
and then leads through the broad saddle between the Abu Rigmén moun- 
tains and ridge of al-BiSri to the plain of ar-Resafa and the Euphrates. 
At the approach to the saddle lies the hamlet of at-Tajjibe, called in the 
Middle Ages ‘Orz or ‘Ord. The latter name, however, owing to its unhappy 
meaning (Judgment Day), was changed into at-Tajjibe. The classical writers 
called the place Oriza. It is located almost halfway along the road from 
Palmyra to Sura, and formerly meant as much to the cultivated eastern 
half of Palmyrena as Danoua (or Danaba) did to the western. 

According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 11, the distance from Pal- 
myra to Sure on the Euphrates was 104 miles (155 kilometers). — In reality 
it is 124 miles, or 185 kilometers. Thus here also the numbers cannot 
have been correctly preserved. 

From Palmyra to Harac the Peutinger Table gives as 18 miles, 
which agrees correctly enough with the actual distance, because Harac or 
Arak (or Raka), lies about seventeen miles east-northeast of Palmyra. 

From Harac the Peutinger Table gives a distance of 22 miles to 
Oruba (misspelt for Oruza, Oriza, or Oruda).— Oruza or Oriza is identical 
with the early Arabic ‘Ord, the Bedouin ‘Orz, the modern at-Tajjibe; but 
this is not 22 but 45 Roman miles from Arak. 

From Oruba (Oruza) the Peutinger Table gives 22 miles to Cholle. 
The name of this station persists in that of the ruins of the settlement 
and Roman camp at al-Hulle, thirty miles from at-Tajjibe. 

From Cholle (al-Hulle) the Peutinger Table assigns 20 miles to Ri- 
sapa. — This is the now ruined town of ar-Resafa, actually only 12, not 20, 
Roman miles from al-Hulle. 

From Risapa the Peutinger Table assigns 21 miles to Sure, the 
Strija ruins of to-day. — Here, too, the distance given by the Table does 
not agree with the reality. From ar-Resafa to Strija is not 21 but only 
18 Roman miles. 


Sure to Eraciza 


After Sure the Peutinger Table records two more distances, one of 
2 and the other of 8 miles, but it does not give the names of the stations. 
As, however, the Table does not record a single station south of Zeugma 
on the left bank of the Euphrates and mentions neither the important 
commercial center of Callinicus (Nicephorium) nor the border fortress of 
Circesium, it is not likely that these figures refer to the distances to 


ROMAN ROADS 243 


these two towns on the left bank of the Euphrates. It is also improbable 
that they refer to stations on the right bank east of Sure, for in this 
case both stations would have to be located in Palmyrena. Indeed, not 
a single classical source mentions two Roman stations east of Sure, Sure 
itself being designated as a frontier post. It would be hard to under- 
stand, however, why the Romans should not have connected Sure with 
other stations to the northwest on the right bank of the Euphrates, for 
all stations named in the Peutinger Table between Zeugma and Eraciza 
lie on the right bank. Under the name Eraciza we read in the Table 
“xvi Barbalisso, xii Attas” (16 miles to Barbalissus, 12 miles to Attas), 
but the road is not here marked with a line, as elsewhere. Yet, because 
both of these stations were likewise located on the right bank of the 
Euphrates, the maker of the Table obviously must have intended to 
mark a continuation of the Roman road out of Eraciza. This road could 
not have ended at Attas, but must have reached the frontier station 
of Sure. Between Attas and Sure the anonymous Ravenna geographer 
(Cosmographia, II, 15; Pinder and Parthey’s edit., p.88) records the station 
of Sephe. Are we not, then, justified in assuming that Sure was connected 
by a road with Eraciza and that the names omitted on the Peutinger Table 
in connection with the recorded distances beyond Sure should read Sephe 
and Attas? Such a road would connect the frontier station of Sure with 
Zeugma, lying to the north-northwest. 

The distance between Sure and Barbalissus according to this in- 
terpretation of the Peutinger Table would be 22 miles, as we shall ex- 
plain immediately.-In reality the distance was 42 miles, or 68 kilometers. 

From Sure the Table gives a distance of two miles to the unnamed 
station which we hold to have been Sephe, a name now preserved in that 
of the se%b of as-Safja, which ends at Abu Hréra. The Arabic writers 
identify the modern station of Abu Hréra with the ancient Siffin, and, 
since Abu Hréra marks the site of Sephe, the latter may be identified 
with Siffin. But the distance between Sure (Strija) and Banat abu Hréra 
(Sephe) is 38 kilometers — not 2 but 26 Roman miles. 

From the unnamed station which we hold to have been Sephe the 
Peutinger Table records a distance of 8 miles to the next station, by 
which we believe Attas was meant. This station may be sought in the 
pre-Islamic ruins of ad-Dibsi; these, however, are 16 kilometers, or 10 
Roman miles, from Banat abu Hréra. 

From Attas (ad-Dibsi) the Peutinger Table gives a distance of 12 
miles to Barbalissus, now the ruins of Balis at 18 kilometers, or 8 Roman 
miles from ad-Dibsi. According to Arabic sources Balis marked the north- 
eastern boundary of Arabia. 

From Barbalissus the Peutinger Table gives 16 miles to Eraciza, 
the Abu Hanaja of today; the distance from Balis to Abu Hanaja is in 
reality 30 kilometers, or 20 Roman miles. 


Apamea to Palmyra 


The Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, also shows a road from Apamea to 
Palmyra. In-the territory which is covered by our map of Northern Ara- 
bia this road passes the station of Theleda, or the modern Tell ‘Ada’ 
(or Tell ‘Eda’), 32 kilometers east-southeast of Hama’. 


244 PALMYRENA 


} 


From Theleda the Peutinger Table indicates that it is 28 miles by 
this road to Occaraba. — The latter is identical with the now repeopled 
settlement of ‘Uzéribat (‘Ukériba’), lying 46 kilometers, or almost 31 Ro- 
man miles, southeast of Tell ‘Ada’. 

From Occaraba (‘Uzéribat) the Table indicates a distance of 27 miles 
to Centum Putea.— The Latin name Centum Putea would appropriately 
designate the basin of Ghar, where water may be found in any place, as 
the hundreds of live and caved-in wells witness. On this account we may 
look for the station of Centum Putea at the small ruins at the Bijar 
Ghar 38 kilometers, or about 26 Roman miles, from ‘Uzéribat. 

The distance from Centum Putea (Bijar Ghar) to Palmyra is not 
given. It amounts actually to about 44 kilometers, or 30 Roman miles. 

At two altars, 20 kilometers, or nearly 14 Roman miles, west-south- 
west of Palmyra, there branched off from the road which ran south- 
westerly (perhaps to Eumari [Hawwarin]) another road leading to Oc- 
caraba. From the latter road was taken the inscription shown in Corpus 
inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 38, No. 141776 and probably also No. 6727 
as well. According to these inscriptions the road was repaired by Zeno- 
bia and her successor Antiochus. 

On the road to Occaraba at about two kilometers from the two 
altars there stands a milestone with the inscription reproduced in Corpus 
inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3, No. 141774, which reads “From Palmyra 
Beriarac will be reached in 16 miles.” 

The following inscription, No. 141775, dates from the time of Ca- 
racalla (212 A.D.). This also has in its sixth line the word Beriarac 
(as I ascertained in 1912). Near Beriarac the road turned northwest. 
The inscriptions numbered 6723-6725 are all from this road. Because the 
oldest ones date from 198 A.D., in the reign of Septimius Severus, it seems 
that this emperor must have had the road repaired, if not built in the 
first place. Beriarac is identical with Bijar Ghar and Centum Putea. 


Adarin to Emesa (Homs) 


According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, from the Roman road 
leading from Damascus to Palmyra another road running by way of 
Laodicia Scabiosa to Hemesa (Emesa, now Homs) branched off at the 
station of Adarin. Adarin, as we have already explained (above, p. 241), 
is probably identical with the modern Han a3-Samat, where the remains 
of a Roman fort still stand. Han aS-SamAt is located at the point where 
the volcanic territory of TlGl al-‘Ijat approaches most closely the range 
of ar-Rawak, lying to the north. It thus commands the gate from the 
desert westward into the fertile country around Damascus. This advantage 
explains why the Romans built their fort here. Neither to the north nor 
south from the Han as-Samat is there a road passable for big caravans. 
To the south spreads the volcanic territory; on the north the steep slopes 
of ar-Raw4k overlook the ruined fort and, although they do not entirely 
bar all communication northward, they prove a serious obstacle to it. No 
leader of a pack caravan would undertake to lead his animals up the steep 
grades nor would he venture over the almost impassable lava territory, if 
there were an easier route around either obstacle. Such easier route may 
be found about seventeen kilometers northeast of the Han a3-Samat. 


ROMAN ROADS 245 


Here in the ar-Rawak range there gapes a deep notch, and the vol- 
canic territory gives way to a desert covered with coarse gravel. At the 
entrance to the notch, which is called Sakk (or Mesakk) Semri, lies the 
ruin mound known as the Han at-Trab, in which may be recognized the 
Roman fort of Ad amana (see above, p. 241). From the Han at-Trab an 
important transport route leads southwards along the eastern fringe of 
the volcanic territory to the volcano of al-Hadala, the border fortress 
of Burku‘, the rain hole Radir al-Wusad, and to the depression of Sirhan 
(the classical Syrmaion Pedion), where it forks. Thence one branch runs 
through the oasis of Tejma to al-Medina and southwestern Arabia, and 
the other traverses the oasis of Diimat of al-Gandal, connecting thence 
with Irak and with al-Hasa’, the former territory of the Gerrhaei on the 
Persian Gulf. Before reaching the fork this transport route in Roman 
times formed the connecting link between the several forts which had 
been constructed along the eastern foot of the Hawran and, together 
with the forts on the Roman road from Damascus to Palmyra, served 
to protect the limes interior. The classical reports on the roads in Syria 
and Arabia do not mention this road at all. As has been pointed out 
above (p. 244), however, the Peutinger Table indicates a branch lead- 
ing off northward at Adarin from the Roman road connecting Damascus 
and Palmyra. It seems obvious that this branch could have been nothing 
but the northern continuation of the transport route running from the 
depression of Sirhan to the north. But, since the latter leaves the plain 
at the Han at-Trab, it may be assumed that the Roman road did not 
branch off at Adarin but at the next station, Ad amana (now Han at- 
Trab). On the Peutinger Table the red branch line was merely placed in- 
correctly, a mistake of a sort that is repeated in several other places 
on this map. 

The fertile districts between the Lebanon and Antilebanon before 
the Roman occupation had no direct connection with the trade routes 
running east and southeast to such important commercial centers as 
Palmyra, Tejma, and Petra. For this reason the Romans built a connect- 
ing road from the station of Ad amana northwest across the Antilebanon. 
This road, leading through a mountainous country, had to be adapted to 
the topography; therefore we may be guided in locating it by studying 
the routes now traversed by large caravans. Such is the present route 
from the Han at-Trab by way of Jabrid to al-Ka‘ and thence to Homs. 

This route first traverses the notch of Sakk Semri, which separates 
the higher western from the lower eastern part of the range of az-Zbejdi 
and affords an easy passage to the Tenijjet al-Jabarde and to the wells 
of Abu Hjaja, not far to the east of which lie the wells of az-Zbejdi 
and al-Fa‘i. Beyond Abu Hjaja the route reaches the al-Magrine ruin, 
and beyond this it crosses the pass of al-Hagtle through the mountain 
ridge Se‘eb al-Léz. From here it runs northwest to the settlement of 
Jabrad, whence it follows the valley of az-Zammarane as far as its head, 
descending at the hamlet of Ersal to the valley of the same name. Wind- 
ing through this valley, and thence over the plain between the Lebanon 
and Antilebanon, it reaches the settlement of al-Ka‘, and, ultimately, 
Homs. This road is used for the most part by the nomads and by camels 
laden with heavy freight, and consequently it is fairly wide and well 
traveled. 


246 PALMYRENA 


By this road the distance from Han at-Trab to Homs is 150 kilo- 
meters. According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, however, the di- 
stance from Adarin (or, more correctly, from the station-Ad\amana) to 
Hemesa (Homs) by way of Laodicia Scabiosa is only 60 Roman miles 
(90 km.), which clearly shows that all the stations cannot have been 
recorded. 

From Adarin (correctly, Ad amana) the Table indicates a distance 
of 15 miles to Ocurura.— From the Han at-Trab to the al-Magrtne ruins 
at the foot of the range Se‘eb al-Léz, the distance is 22 kilometers or 
15 Roman miles, which leads me to identify these ruins with Ocurura. 

From Ocurura to Deleda the Peutinger Table indicates a distance 
of 15 miles. After going 15 Roman miles from al-Magrine through the 
pass of al-Hagiile we reach the settlement of Jabraid, which I believe 
we are justified in regarding as the station of Deleda. Since in the sixth 
century the towns of Laodicia Scabiosa and Jabrid both belonged to the 
metropolitanate of Damascus, it follows that from Laodicia a road must 
have led by way of Jabrtid (Deleda) to Damascus. 

Homs lies almost due north of the al-Hagtle pass, with which it 
has long been connected by a much more direct transport road than that 
just described, which swings around to the west. It may be presumed, 
however, that the Roman road followed the more devious but easier 
course. Between al-Kara and al-Hasja the direct road crosses countless 
mountain ravines and gullies and is damaged after each heavy rain or 
rapid melting of snow by the torrents rushing down from the heights; 
repairs are costly, and the burdened animals have to climb up and down 
continually, suffering much themselves and causing endless trouble to 
their attendants. 


PALMYRENA ACCORDING TO THE RAVENNA GEOGRAPHER 


The Cosmography of the anonymous Ravenna geographer probably 
dates from the seventh century after Christ. Here we read (Cosmographia, 
Il, 5; Pinder and Parthey’s edition, p. 51) that adjoining the country of the 
Parthians is the country of the Persians, in which there were many towns; 
among these are mentioned (ibid., p.54): Suretala, Dertha, Diothaze, Sepe, 
Ati, Barpsis, and Barbalissum. 

Suretala might have originated from a combination of Sure(t) with 
either the Alalis or the Alamatha of Ptolemy. 

Diothaze (var., Diothece, or Diothare) and Dertha are identical with 
the Diotha and Derta of the Peutinger Table, the latter perhaps being 
the Gadeirtha or Gadeirda of Ptolemy, Geography, V, 19: 3. 

Sepe is the well-known Sephe (Ravenna geogr., op. cit., II, 15; ed. 

p. 88). 

Ati (written Anthis, ibid.) is the Attas of the Peutinger Table and 
the Athis of Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 15: 17. 

Barpsis is perhaps riletakenty rendered from Barsampse (Ptolemy, 
op. cit., V, 19: 5), although this place was located on the left bank of 
the Bunhrstest 

Barbalissum (or Barbalission, Ravenna geogr., op. cit., Il, 15; ed. 


cit., p. 88) is the Barbalisso of the Peutinger Table and the Barbalissus 
of Ptolemy, loc. cit. 


THE ROMAN LIMES 247 


The Ravenna geographer also writes (op. cit., II, 15; ed. cit., p.85) that in 
Syria Cilensin Comagenis, there are certain settlements. Of these the most 
interesting to us are the following: Barbalission, Anthis, Sephe, Adiazane, 
Suri, Risapha, Cholle, Orissa, Adatis, and Damascus (ibid., pp. 88—89). 

Adiazane is evidently another misrendering of Diothaze, Diotahi, 
or Diacira, for no classical authority mentions an Adiazane on the road 
which runs from Barbalissus to Sure and thence extends to Palmyra. 

Risapha (the Risapa of the Peutinger Table and the Resapha of 
Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 19) is now the ruins of ar-Resafa. 

Cholle is written as in Ptolemy, loc. cit. 

Orissa on the Peutinger Table is called Oruba; by Ptolemy Oriza. 

Adatis is the Adada of Ptolemy. 

The two accounts of the Ravenna geographer show that he follows 
the order of names neither as indicated on the Peutinger Table nor as 
recorded by Ptolemy, but that he groups the names as he pleases. He 
takes names from the Antonine Itinerary without putting them in their 
proper places; for instance (ibid., p. 84) he gives Salomiada (the Sala- 
miniada of the Antonine Itinerary, 197: 6; the modern Salamja) but in 
a place where it does not belong. For this reason the Ravenna geog- 
rapher’s enumeration cannot be depended upon. 


THE ROMAN LIMES 


The Roman road from Damascus by way of Palmyra to the Euphrates 
connected the Roman forts located on the limes interior. To the south of 
the limes spread the territory of the nomads allied with the Romans, the 
outer boundaries of which formed the limes exterior (see Musil, The North- 
ern Hegdz [1926], pp. 258—259). 

The Chronicon paschale (Migne), col. 669, relates that the emperor 
Decius had a number of lions and lionesses caught in Africa, which he let 
loose on the limes of Palestine and Arabia as far as the border fort of 
Circesium, hoping thus to frighten the barbarous Saracens. 

Diocletian had fortified camps built along the whole limes from 
Egypt to the Persian frontier; he garrisoned them with soldiers and ap- 
pointed in each province a commander, whose duty it was to live in these 
camps and guard them. In honor of both Diocletian and Maximian, stelae 
with their names were erected along the Syrian limes (John Malalas, 
Chronographia, XII, 409). 

Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum, XXIII, 5: 2, in narrating 
Julian’s campaign against the Persians (863 A.D.), writes that the fort of 
Cercusium (Circesium) was built on the limes interior against the barba- 
rians. — The limes exterior must then have lain farther to the southeast 
beyond the Roman camp of Zaitha. It was not until the ruined town of 
Dura was passed that Julian’s army crossed the Assyrian (Persian) border 
(201d. ALY, Ls '1). 

The chronicler Domninus (Malalas, op. cet., XII, 390-393) states that 
in the time of the emperor Valerian the Persian king Sapor marched with 
a great army through the Roman limes to Chalcis, pillaging and burning, 
and finally reached Antioch. Returning from there he was attacked by 
an ally of the Romans, Enath (Odenath), king of the barbarous Saracens, 
the ruler of Arabia and husband of Zenobia. — 


248 PALMYRENA 


Sapor II (309—3879) turned from the vicinity of al-Medina into the 
territory of the Bekr and Tarleb tribes, which lay between the Persian 
frontier and Roman limes (al-mandzer) in Syria, and slew or captured 
the Arabs he met, filling their wells (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 1, 
p. 839). 

At the beginning of the fifth century the abbot Alexander the 
Acoemete traveled from the Euphrates to Egypt and throughout the 
whole journey found Roman tribunes and soldiers, who supplied him and 
his companions with all the necessities and begged them to accept the 
hospitality of their forts. Along the whole limes between the Roman and 
Persian empires forts were built against the barbarians at intervals of 
ten to twenty Roman miles. The abbot went along the whole limes and 
finally came to the town of Solomon (Palmyra), whence after four days 
he reached a place where his own brother was the archimandrite of a 
big monastery. (Alexander the Acoemete, Vita [De Stoop], pp. 688 f.; ibid. 
[ Bolland], p. 1025.) 

The city of Palmyra in the reign of Justinian lay on the limes 
interior (Theophanes, Chronographia [Migne], col. 404). 

After 591 Gregorius, bishop of Antioch, brought rich presents from 
Chosroes II to the town of Sergiopolis; the shrine of Saint Sergius. Then 
the bishop went through the desert along the limes, where Severus had 
many adherents in the forts, settlements, and monasteries, even whole 
tribes having declared themselves for him; these tribes he endeavored to 
convert to the Church of God. (Evagrius, E'cclesiastica historia, VI, 22.) 

Abu-l-Fada@ il states that the high tower of al-Kajem was the last 
Persian fortress guarding the borders against the Romans (as one goes up 
the Euphrates) (Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Bilak, 1285 A.H.], Vol. 5, pp. 1238f.; 
al-Bekri, Mu‘gam [Wiistenfeld], p. 359; Abu-l-Fad#il, Mardsid [Juynboll], 
Vol. 1, p. 487). Al-Furda, or al-Firad, as-Salhijje of today, was the first 
Roman settlement (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 1, pp. 2074 f.). 

In the inner desert the boundary between the territory of the Kalb 
and Tarleb tribes, on the one hand, and that of the nomads allied with the 
Romans and the Persians, on the other, was marked by Mount Il4ha (al- 
Bekri, op. cit., pp. 97f.), the modern Laha. 

The territory between the limes interior and the limes exterior be- 
longed to the nomads allied with the Romans. There they took refuge 
when quarreling with the Romans, and from there they started out on their 
marauding expeditions across the limes interior (John of Ephesus, Ec- 
clesiastical History, III, 42; Theophanes, op. cit., cols. 412f.; John Malalas, 
Chronographia, XVIII, 165f.; Menander Protector, De legationibus [Migne], 
col. 805). . 


POE EN Dik it 


ROADS IN PALMYRENA ACCORDING TO THE ARABIC 
AUTHORITIES 


In the Middle Ages the principal route from Damascus to Palmyra led 
by way of Gerfid and al-Karjatan (al-Zerjitejn). The Roman road along 
the southern foot of the ar-Rawak range fell into disuse. Palmyra was 
connected with ar-Rakka by the old Roman road by way of ar-Resafa, or 
Sergiopolis. As late as the earliest years of the Middle Ages ar-Resafa had 
a considerable commercial importance, being the junction of several trans- 
port roads. From there a road led through the desert to al-Furda (later 
called as-Salhijje) and to Bagdad, another to the rising twin towns of ar- 
Rafika and ar-Rakka, another to Homs by way of Salamja, and still an- 
other to Damascus by way of al-Karjatan. 

Ibn Hordadbeh, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 98, gives the distance from ar- 
Rakka to ar-Rusafa as 24 miles, thence to az-Zarra‘a as 40 miles, thence 
to al-Kastal as 36 miles, thence to Salamijja as 30 miles, and thence to 
Homs as 24 miles. — 

From ar-Rakka to ar-Resafa is actually 40 kilometers; since Ibn Hor- 
dadbeh gives this distance as 24 miles, one of his miles should equal about 
1.7 kilometers. The road from ar-Rakka to ar-Resafa being level, the 
direction straight, and the distance presumably having been fixed with 
precision, we are probably justified in our belief that in all the other 
distances given by Ibn Hordadbeh the mile is also equal to 1.7 kilometers. 
Besides, this is the length of the mile usually cited by Ibn Hordadbeh (see 
Musil, The Middle Euphrates [1927], p. 248). 

The location of az-Zarra‘a is unknown. The place name az-Zarra‘a 
is written by Kodama (Hardg [De Goeje], p. 218) and by al-Mukaddasi 
(Ahsan [De Goeje], p. 190) as ad-Dera‘a; by al-Idrisi (Nuzha, IV, 5) as 
al-Morara. What the true name really was is hard to say. This place 
should probably be sought in the neighborhood of the wells of Abu-l- 
Fejjaz, past which an old road leads from the southwest to the northeast. 

The name al-Kastal has persisted in the extensive ruins between 
‘Uzéribat and Esrija. The distance from ar-Resafa to al-Kastal is given 
as 76 miles; in reality it is 140 kilometers, which agrees on the whole. 

From al-Kastal to Salamijja Ibn Hordadbeh gives the distance as 
30 miles; in reality it is 50 kilometers. The relative positions of al-Kastal 
and Salamja were ascertained correctly enough by us; hence I am ata 
loss to understand why the road left its direct course and turned as far 
south as al-Kastal. 

From Salamja to Homs the distance is given as 24 miles, whereas 
it is actually 45 kilometers, the equivalent of 26 miles. 

Kodama, op. cit., p. 218, knew of two roads from ar-Resafa to 
Damascus: one leading through the desert, the other running by way of 
Homs through a settled and cultivated territory. The latter led from ar- 
Rusafa to ad-Dera‘a, a distance of 40 miles; thence to Kastal (spelled 
by Kodama without the article), 86 miles; thence to Salamja, 30 miles; 


249 


250 PALMYRENA 


thence to Homs, 24 miles; thence to Samsin as-Sa‘ar, 18 miles; thence to 
Kara, 22 miles; thence to an-Nabk, 12 miles; thence to al-Kutejfe, 20 
miles; and thence to Damascus, 24 miles. The desert road from ar-Resafa 
to Damascus led first to the ruins of Batlamija’, 35 miles; thence to al- 
‘Adib, 24 miles; thence to Nihja’, 20 miles; thence to al-Karjatan, 20 miles; 

thence to Gertid, 36 miles; and thence to Damascus, 30 miles. — ; 

The section of the road through the cultivated territory from ar- 
Resafa to Homs corresponds with the road described by Ibn Hordadbeh 
(see above, p. 249), the section from Homs to Damascus is too well known 
to require particular treatment here. The name Samsin as-Sa‘ar ought 
to be written Samsin al-MaS‘ar, since the station of Samsin was built 
near the village of al-MaS‘ar (see Ibn Gubejr, Rihla [De Goeje], p. 260). 

Since the desert road went by way of al-Karjatan, we may take 
for granted that it did not deviate from a direct course, as there was no 
necessity for its avoiding high mountains or deep ravines. The distance 
from ar-Resafa to al-Karjatan (al- -Zerjitejn) is 220 kilometers; according 
to Kodama it was 99 miles, or only 168 kilometers. This shows eee the 
latter’s figures are not always trustworthy. 

Nihja’ is probably identical with the at-Tjas ruin, so designated from 
the neighboring range of hillocks. It lies at 60 kilometers, and therefore 
at 33, not 20, miles, northeast of al-Zerjitejn. If we keep this straight 
course, at 35 miles from ar-Resafa we come to some small ruins north- 
east of the wells of al-Kdejm, which we might regard as the ruins of 
Batlamija’. The station of al-“Adib is perhaps identical with the present 
well of al-Wesel. Northwest from here and north of at-Tjas (Nihja’) there 
runs the se7%b of al-‘Azib, which might easily have been rendered “al- 
“Adib”; this, however, is not likely, as it would have meant that the 
desert road approached much closer to the road through the cultivated 
country than it would be natural to expect. 

From al-Karjatan to Gertid Kodama gives the distance as 36 miles, 
though in reality it is 53 kilometers, or only 30 miles. 

From Geriid to Damascus he gives it as 30 miles, or 51 kilometers, 
which agrees. 

The statement that this road led through the desert would seem to 
apply only to the small stretch between al-“Adib and al-Karjatan, for the 
Abu Rigmén range and its northern spurs, through which it passed, were 
surely inhabited, and there must have been settlers in the tract between 
ar-Resafa and al-Kastal, because the settlement of az-Zarra‘a referred to 
as the station of ad-Dera‘a in the description of the first road was 
located not far from Batlamija’. 

Kodama, loc. cit., also records a road called the ““Middle Road” from 
Salamja to Damacees The distance from Salamja to Far‘aja’(?) is given 
as 18 miles; thence to Ma’ Surejk(?) as 20 miles; thence to Sadad as 
18 miles; thenke to an-Nabk as 35 miles. The spelling of the names of 
the two stations between Salamja and Sadad is not preserved correctly, 
and I cannot identify them. Between Salamja and Sadad it is actually about 
ninety kilometers, or fifty miles in all. 

The Roman road from ar-Resafa via ‘Ord to Damascus (see above, 
pp. 288—242) was still in use in the Middle Ages. Sejfaddowle (al-Muta- 
nabbi, Diwan [De Sacy], p. 19), having driven back the Bedouins in June 
955, stayed on a Tuesday and Wednesday in Tadmur, slept on Thursday 


ROADS ACCORDING TO ARABIC AUTHORITIES 251 


in the settlement of Arak, on Friday in as-Suhne, on Saturday in ‘Ord, 
on Sunday in ar-Resafa, and reached ar-Rakka as early as Monday. His 
daily marches were not of equal length. On Thursday he covered 25 kilo- 
meters, on Friday 40, on Saturday about 30, on Sunday 60, and on Monday 
42. Remarkably long is his march from the settlement of ‘Ord (at-Tajjibe) 
to ar-Resafa, a proof that in the middle of the tenth century there was 
no place of any special importance between those two settlements. 

Al-Mukaddasi, Ahsan (De Goeje), p. 190, also knew of a road from 
ar-Rakka by way of ar-Resafa to Homs, on which he records the stations 
as follows: from ar-Rakka to ar-Rusafa, half a march; thence to ad-Dera‘a, 
two marches; thence to al-Kastal, two marches; thence to Salamijja, two 
marches; thence to Homs, one march. — 

These statements can hardly be correct, since al-Mukaddasi makes 
the 42 kilometers from ar-Rakka to ar-Resafa constitute only a half day’s 
march, whereas he asserts that the 58 kilometers from al-Kastal to Salamja 
constitute two marches. 

Al-Idrisi, Nuzha, IV, 5, gives the same stations as Ibn Hordadbeh but 
quotes the distance from ar-Resafa to al-Morara as 24 instead of 40 miles. 

Abu Sama, Rawdatejn (De Meynard, 1898), pp. 159f., relates that in 
the second half of the year 1173 Ntraddin travelled from Aleppo with his 
sick favorite by the “easy road” by way of Kubbet Mala‘eb, al-Mashad, 
and Salamja to Damascus. 

Ibn Gubejr, Rihla (De Goeje), p. 260, took the road from Homs by 
way of an-Nebk to the pass of al-‘Okab, whence he enjoyed the view over 
the plains and gardens of Damascus. At this pass the road from Damascus 
divides, one branch going north to Homs, the other going east through 
the desert of as-Samawa to Irak. The second road forms, as stated by 
Ibn Gubejr, a direct connection with Irak but is passable only in the 
rainy season. From the pass Ibn Gubejr descended through some valley 
to the plain and encamped at the settlement of al-Kusejr in a large khan 
by a creek. — The remains of the fortified khan of al-Ksejr lie at the 
creek of ar-Rihan about five kilometers east of Dima. The pass of al- 
“Okab now bears the name Ab-al-‘Afa’. Both to the north and south of 
this pass a branch leads out of the Damascus-Homs road to the right. 
The northern branch goes by way of Tudmor to Dejr az-Zor or al-Mijadin 
(ar-Rahba); the southern (Darb as-Sa‘i) runs through the desert direct 
to Hit and Irak. Large caravans can take the latter road only after 
heavy rains. (See Musil, Arabia Deserta [1927], p. 76.) 

Ibn al-Atir, Kdmil (Tornberg), Vol. 11, pp. 335f., relates that in the 
summer of 1184 Besir al-Hadem, the companion of the great sheikh 
Sadraddin of Irak, died in as-Suhne when returning with Sadraddin from 
Damascus. Sadraddin died in November of the same year in ar-Rahba. — 
Thus it appears that they must have taken the northern branch mentioned 
above. 

Halil ad-Daheri, Zubda (Ravaisse), pp. 119 f., records the road from 
Homs to ar-Rahba. The stations out from Homs were al-Masna’, al- 
Karnajn (correctly, al-Karjatajn), al-Béda, Tadmur, Karbad, as-Suhne, 
Kabkab, Kawamel, and ar-Rahba. — The name of the first station is a 
very common word, meaning a reservoir or large cistern, and the station 
ought to be looked for in the vicinity of the hamlet of aS-Sa‘érat. Al-Kar- 
jatajn (al-Zerjitejn) is well known. Al-Béza lies at 73 kilometers north- 


252 PALMYRENA 


east of al-Zerjitejn. Karbad is a misspelling either of Arak or of Sardak, 
the name given to a tiny settlement and vigorous spring 35 kilometers 
northeast of Tudmor. From there a road led northeast across the oasis 
of as-Suhne to the station of Kabkab, today Kebakeb, after which it 
turned east to the fort of ar-Rhaba. Kawamel is an incorrect way of 
writing Kawatel. This important road did not follow a straight line, but 
here and there touched at settlements and at all the live springs and 
wells along the route. 

Describing the pigeon mail stations, Halil ad-Daheri, op. cit., p. 117, 
records that the pigeons flew from Aleppo to Tadmur (a distance of 
about two hundred kilometers) and from there by way of Kabkab to 
ar-Rahba. : 

Haggi Halfa, Gihdn numa’ (Constantinople, 1145 A. H.), p. 488, 
writes that from the settlement of Balis on the Euphrates along the 
border of the desert to Salamja the distance is six days, and thence three 
days to Tadmur. — From Balis to Salamja it is 150 kilometers and from 
there to Tudmor about 120 kilometers; and yet Haggi Halfa makes the 
first trip last six days and the second only three; this proves either that 
he copied wrongly or that in giving the distance from BAalis to Salamja 
he was thinking of pack caravans, whereas the distance from Salamja to 
Tudmor applied to camel riders. 


APPENDIX IV 
ROMAN MILITARY STATIONS IN PALMYRENA 


The Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 32, enumerates the garrisons subject 
to the dux Foenicis, as follows: 

Equites Saraceni, Thelsee. — Thelsee is the Thelsea of the Antonine 
Itinerary, 196: 2, on the road from Geroda (Gerfid) to Damascus, and is 
identical with the Han al-°AjjaS of to-day. Much of the old building 
material from here has been carried away to al-Ksejr, but from what 
remained the khan and the neighboring shrines were built. 

EHqutes Mauri Illyriciani, Otthara. — Seeck in his edition of Notitia 
dignitatum (1876), p. 67, note 1, compares Otthara with the Ocurura of 
the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10. In this I agree with him and identify 
Otthara with the Hirbet al-Magrine, 12 kilometers northeast of the settle- 
ment of Gertid. The garrison of Otthara guarded the entrance to the fertile 
country about Gertid and the pass of al-Hagitle. 

EKquites scutaru Illyriciani, Euhari. — Euhari (var., Euhara or Eubara) 
is identical with the Eumari (var., Eomari and Elimari) of the Antonine 
Itinerary, 195: 9, the Euareia or Euaria of Harduin, Conciliorum collectio 
(Paris, 1715), Vol. 2, cols. 473, 720, the Haw4rin of the Syrians, and the 
modern Hawwarin. The remains of a mighty Roman fortress as well as of 
other buildings testify to the importance of this place in relation to the 
fertile country which it had to guard. 

Ala prima Damascena, Monte Iovis. — 1 look for the fort on Jupiter’s 
mountain at the fort of Abu Sindah, which stands on a high hill. 


ROMAN MILITARY STATIONS 253 


Ala noua Diocletiana, Ueriaraca. — The first part of the word 
Ueriaraca is a corruption of bér or bir, a well. The proper noun Araca 
reminds us forcibly of the settlement of Arak or Raka, although further 
on in the Notitia dignitatum the latter seems to be called Adatha. It is 
possible, however, that ber-Araca was the native designation of the station 
Centum Putea (Hundred Wells), which may be identified with the ruins 
and wells of Bijar Ghar. The Aramaic Beriaraca has the same meaning 
as the Arabic Bijar Ghar (see above, pp. 233, 244). 

Praefectus legionis primae Illyricorum, Palmira. 

Equites sagittari indigenae, Adatha. — The Peutinger Table, Segm. 
10, shows Harac, the present settlement of Arak or Araka (also called 
ar-Raka) 25 kilometers northeast of Palmyra. 

Equites promoti indigenae, Nazala. — For Nazala I look to the 
Roman station of Nezala of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, the Han al- 
Kattar of today, on the Roman road from Damascus to Palmyra. But 
it is also possible that a former settlement, the ruins of which lie two 
kilometers south of al-Zerjitejn, was called Nezala. 

Praefectus legionis tertiae Gallicae, Danaba. — Danaba is spelled thus 
in Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14; 19; it is the Danava of the Corpus in- 
scriptionum latinarum, Vol. 38, No. 755; the Danoua of the Peutinger 
Table, Segm. 10; the Castrum Danabenum of Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 2, 
col. 720; the Danaba of the same, Vol. 3, col. 206; the Danaba of the 
Arabic authors, and the modern al-Basiri, on the Roman road from Da- 
mascus to Palmyra. 

Equites sagittaru indigenae, Casama. — Casama is identical with the 
Casama of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, with the Kusam of the Arabic 
authorities, and with the modern H&n al-Manktra, a demolished Roman 
fort 32 kilometers south of al-Zerjitejn on the Roman road from Palmyra 
to Damascus. 

Equites Saracent indigenae, Betproclis. — Betproclis was correctly 
identified by Grimme, Palmyra (1886), pp. 21f., note 8, with the present 
village of al-Forklos, which lies about forty kilometers southeast of Homs. 
We were told by the inhabitants of al-Forklos, that the stonework of the 
ruined fort there had been used in building barracks and a few small houses. 

The Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, enumerates the garrisons under 
the command of the dux Syriae et Eufratensis Syriae, as follows: 

Equites promoti Illyriciam, Occariba. — Occariba — the Acoraba of 
Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 18; spelled Occaraba on the Peutinger Table, 
Segm. 9; the Orarabon of the Ravenna Geographer, Cosmographia, II, 
15 (Pinder and Parthey, p. 87); and the ‘Ukejribat of the Arabic authorities 
— is identical with the modern settlement of ‘Uzéribat, which lies at the 
southwestern foot of the Bil‘as hillocks on the road from Palmyra to the 
northwest. 

Equites scutarw Illyriciani, Seriane. — Seriane (var., Syriane), the 
Seriane of the Antonine Itinerary, 194: 7; 195: 3; 197: 5, is represented 
by the extensive ruins, now called Esrija or Serija, at the foot of the 
range of Abu Rigmén on the road from Palmyra to the north. 

Ala prima noua Herculia, Ammuda. — For Ammuda (var., Amuda) 
I look to the great settlement of Umm ‘Amid, which lies north-northwest 
of Esrija and 58 kilometers west-southwest of Balis on the important 
transport road from Aleppo to Palmyra. 


O54 PALMYRENA ay 


Equites Dalmatae Illyriciani, Barbalisso. — Barbalisso is the modern 
BAlis. 

Praefectus legionis sextaedecimae Flauiae Firmae, Sura. — Sura is 
the modern Sfrija. 

Equites promoti indigenae, Rosafa. — Rosafa is ar-Resafa of today. 

Cohors prima Gotthorum, Helela. — Helela is probably identical 
with the Alalis of Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 19. Seeck, op. cit., p.70, note 8, 
identifies it with the bishopric of Alalius mentioned by Harduin, op. cit., 
Vol. 1, col. 314, and written “Alalorum” in Le Quien, Oriens christianus | 
(Paris, 1740), Vol.2, cols. 847f. Alalius is the same as the Alassus mentioned 
by Gelzer, Patrum nicaenorum nomina (1898), p. 14, in referring to bishop 
Thadoneus of Alassus, whose diocese belonged to the province of Syria 
Phoenice. The latter province, however, never extended as far as the 
Euphrates, where Ptolemy places his Alalis. Moreover, the “Abraamius 
episcopus Alalorum” referred to by Le Quien was of the province of 
Damascus, which was a part of the political province of Phoenicia Se- 
cunda and not of Augusta Eufratensis, where Ptolemy’s Alalis must be 
looked for. Furthermore, Harduin (op. cit., Vol.2, col. 485) does not write 
“Abramius episcopus Alalorum,” but “Abraamios poleos Archaon” and 
(ibid., col. 720) “Abraamius episcopus Uranensis,” referring to the settle- 
ment of Aracha — the modern Arak, northeast of Palmyra — and not 
to Alalis. If, then, the fort of Helela is to be considered as Alalis, it 
should be sought southeast of Sura, not northwest, as the order of Ptol- 
emy’s place names would seem to indicate, because northwest of Sura 
there is no ruined Roman fort on the Euphrates. Ptolemy’s order of 
names, however, is not always right. When in Diocletian’s time the lower 
channel of the river al-Habtr formed the Roman boundary and the for- 
tress of Circesium was built to insure its safety, it was also necessary 
to fortify the right bank of the Euphrates as far down as the mouth of 
al-Habtr in order to secure direct connection between the towns of Pal- 
myra, Oriza, and Circesium. It would indeed be remarkable if, in the 
belt stretching from Damascus northeast to the Euphrates, Diocletian 
had fortified all the passages along the southern base of the mountain 
ranges as far as Oriza, but had not done the same between this camp 
and the Euphrates. We should, therefore, expect to find Roman garrisons 
at the site of the present al-Ksejbe, at Kebakeb, or near ad-Dejr, and at 
al-Mijadin. Al-Ksejbe, with its remains of old buildings, dominates the 
easiest passage across the al-Bisri range. Ad-Dejr closes the road from 
west to east along the Euphrates. Al-Mijadin is an important junction 
of commercial roads from Palmyra to al-Habtr and from Palmyra to Bab- 
ylon. Possibly, then, Helela (Alalis) was situated above the modern ad- 
Dejr at the present Tabs ruins (see above, p. 236). 

Cohors prima uictorum, Ammattha. — If Ammattha is identical with 
the Alamatha of Ptolemy, we may look for it in the vicinity of the modern 
al-Mijadin. 

Equites promoti indigenae, Adada. — Adada (var., Adacha; spelled 
thus also in Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 19) I regard as the Roman fortress 
at al-Hér at the foot of the hillocks of ad-Didi, in the name of which the 
ancient name has perhaps been preserved. 

Praefectus legionis quartae Scythicae, Oresa. — Oresa — the Oriza of 
Ptolemy, loc. cit., the Oruba of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, the Orissa 


AL-UWEJR AND AL-BARDE 255 


of the Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, II, 15 (ed. cit., p.89), the ‘Ord 
or “Orz of the Arabic authorities — is at-Tajjibe of today. 

It is strange, that Oriza and Adada (at-Tajjibe and al-Hér), situated 
about 90 kilometers northeast of Palmyra, in the Notitia dignitatum are 
assigned to the province of Syria and not to that of Augusta Eufratensis, 
as the eastern part of Palmyrena was called. 

It is also remarkable that the Notitia dignitatum should have a 
separate subdivision for Augusta Eufratensis, whereas Syria and Eu- 
fratensis Syria are introduced by the same caption and the names of the 
fortresses forming the headquarters of the respective alae and cohortes 
are listed without any distinction being made between these two latter 
provinces. 


PP NUD ex Vv. 
AL“UWEJR (OR AL-RUWEJR) AND AL-BARDE 


SEJFADDOWLE AT AL-BARDE AND AL-‘UWEJR 


Al-Mutanabbi (Diwdn [De Sacy], pp. 15-18; ibed. [Dieterici], pp. 570-574) 
reports that the ‘Amer ibn Sa‘sa‘a, ‘Okejl, KuSejr, al-“Aglan, and Awlad 
Ka‘ab ibn Rabi‘a ibn ‘Amer tribes assembled on the plains about the town 
of Salamja and the Kilab ibn Rabi‘a ibn ‘Amer tribe and others at the 
water of az-Zerka’ between Hunasira and Strijja. All raised complaints 
against their overlord Sejfaddowle, pillaged his territory, and killed many 
of his adherents from the Tarleb tribe in the settlement of Za‘raja (also 
called al-Marbti‘). Intending to punish them, Sejfaddowle left Aleppo; 
slept on Tuesday, June 4, 955 A.D., on his farm of ar-Ramtse, two miles 
from Aleppo; marched over Tell Maseh to the watering place of al-Hawar, 
where the cavalry of some chiefs of the Kilab tribe joined him; and, 
thus reénforced, attacked the enemy’s camp on Thursday morning near 
the waters at al-Bedijje. Then he advanced on Salamja, whence the Arabs 
had fled that morning. On Friday at sunrise the Ka‘ab tribesmen drew 
off with their herds and tents to the waters of Hejran, one day’s march 
from Salamja, and the rest to the more distant watering place of al-Fork- 
los, their cavalry having in the meantime surrounded Sejfaddowle’s camp. 
But he attacked, drove back, and pursued them and the same afternoon 
reached the enemy’s camp near Hejran but found it deserted. In the 
evening he had meant to encamp at al-Forklos, but, in the hot pursuit 
of the fleeing Arabs before midnight, he reached al-Rontor, where he 
slept. His riders also returned there with their spoil: flocks of sheep and 
goats, riding and pack camels, as well as other goods. 

The following Sunday he advanced before sunrise on the watering 
place of al-Geba’ and sent out troops in pursuit of the fleeing enemy. 
He himself went by way of as-Sahsahan and al-Ma‘ates to the watering 
places of al-"Uwejr, Nihja, al-Béda, Rudur, and al-Gifar, at all of which 
he found traces of the sudden flight of the nomads. On Monday morning 
his vanguard entered Tadmur, surprising the Bedouins camping in the 


256 PALMYRENA 


vicinity, who had not expected to be pursued as far as that. At noon, there- 
fore, they took to flight again, promptly pursued by Sejfaddowle’s war- 
riors. Sejfaddowle arrived at Tadmur half an hour before sunset. Without 
stopping he went at the utmost speed after the fleeing nomads, among 
whom were the chiefs of the al-Muhanna (not Muhajja as printed), Hawta, 
and ‘Amer ibn ‘Okejl families. They tried to reach the northwestern part 
of the desert of as-Samawa. He overtook some and captured a number of 
women, but did not dare to cross the border of as-Samawa proper. There 
many of the Arabs died of thirst. A considerable part of them collected at 
the wells of Ibn Su‘ade and Lu’lu’a, but there was not enough water for 
them all and the rest took refuge in the ridge of Kalamtn by the low- 
land of al-Rtiita near Damascus. — 

The water of az-Zerka’ is the spring of az-Zerka, 34 kilometers north- 
northwest of Esrija. That the latter is identical with the Strijja of al- 
Mutanabbi is shown by the fact that az-Zerka lies on the route from 
Esrija to Hunasira. Za‘raja is 45 kilometers north-northeast from Hunasira. 
From al-Forklos south to al-Rontor is 30 kilometers and from this point 
east-southeast to al-Geba’ is 14 kilometers. 

The distance between al-Rontor and Tudmor, 105 kilometers, was 
made by Sejfaddowle in no less than thirty hours. He set out on Sunday 
before sunrise and arrived in Tudmor on Monday, half an hour before 
sunset. Since he was in pursuit of the enemy, we may safely assume 
that he stayed at no place longer than was absolutely necessary; on the 
other hand, as he took a comparatively long time to advance a relatively 
short distance, he could not therefore have followed a direct course, but 
must have been looking for the nomads at all the watering places in the 
neighborhood. The report enumerates seven of these, but it seems that 
they are not named in their natural order. We may locate the watering 
places of al-Geba’ and al-Béda with precision, because the last named is 
identical with the station and well of al-Béza of today. Nihja we place 
at the large ruins of at-Tjas, which in Jakit’s time were still partly in- 
habited. Rudur might be identified with Rudr Serife. The manholes above 
a subterranean aqueduct are called al-gifdr and from these, of which there 
are a great many about the settlement of al-Zerjitejn, the name al-Gifar 
may have been derived. But Sejfaddowle must surely have called also at 
the watering places lying near the lowland of ad-Daw, through which runs 
a road to Tudmor. One of these is al-Barde, by which there is an easy 
passage from ad-Daw through the mountain chain of ar-Rawak to the 
south and into the desert of as-Samawa. 

The wells of al-Barde are from half a meter to ten meters deep. 
They never lose their water, are at no great distance from the plain, and 
their vicinity is consequently much in favor as a camping ground. There- 
fore it would have been strange if Sejfaddowle had not stopped there 
and if the report of his campaign had not referred to them in some way. 
There the Bedouins, fleeing from north to south, must have encamped; 
and if they had not been driven away from the wells by Sejfaddowle, 
they could have attacked him from behind. The modern name al-Barde 
(The Cold), which means that the water always remains cold, is un- 
doubtedly of later origin, just as at-Tajjibe, the name of another im- 
portant watering place once called ‘Ord, is also of later origin. Of the 
remaining three names mentioned in the report, al-‘Uwejr, as-Sahsahan, 


AL“UWEJR AND AL-BARDE 257 


and al-Ma‘ates, neither as-Sahsahan nor al-Ma‘ateS may be identified 
with al-Barde. 

Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 599, states that as-Sahsahan is 
a valley on the road from al-Medina to Syria and cites a verse of the 
poet al-Ahtal, in which the lowland (batn) of as-Sahsahan is mentioned 
as lying on the road to the valley of al-“Okab. Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wisten- 
feld), Vol. 3, p. 371, writes that as-Sahsahan is a plain between the towns 
of Aleppo and Tadmur. — The Batn as-Sahsahan is perhaps identical 
with the lowland of ad-Daw on the road from Tudmor by way of the 
pass of al-‘Okab to Damascus. I look for Sejfaddowle’s camp of as-Sahsahan 
near the wells Gebab al-‘Ammi. 

The name al-Ma‘ates (Thirst Wells) indicates wells with only a little 
water in them; and such ones are to be found in the lowland of ad-Daw 
by the ruined Han al-Leben. 

The only remaining unidentified place name mentioned in the report 
of Sejfaddowle’s campaign is al-‘Uwejr (often spelled al-‘Awir). 

The watering place of al--Awir was known to al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Sal- 
hani), pp. 96, 202, 240, according to whom it lay in a mountain valley, 
with burying grounds close by. This would apply to the location of al- 
Barde, which also lies in a valley shut in by high mountains not far from 
an ancient cemetery. In conjunction with al-‘Awir the poet also mentions 
the places Hafir, as-Sajala, Samat, and Dat ar-Rimt. — Hafir is surely 
identical with al-Hufejjer lying west of al-Barde. 

The poet al-Kutami, Diwdn (Barth), pp. 4f., mentions the watering 
places of Nabi, al--Awir, Arak, and the sand hills of al-‘Ajta.— Nabi 
may be identified with the watering place of al-Mumbatah (see my 
Arabia Deserta, p. 40, note 8), Arak with the settlement of the same 
name northeast of Tudmor, and al-‘Ajta with the sandy district of al-Ita 
south and southwest of al-Barde. We might, therefore, identify al--Awir 
with al-Barde. 

According to al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), pp. 685f., al-“Awir is 
a place in Syria. He infers this from the words of a poet who describes 
his wanderings by way of the valley of al-‘Awir and of as-Suwager to 
the caliph Yazid, Moawiyah’s son, who was residing at Huwwarin. — 
If the wandering poet came from the south, from the desert of as-Samawa, 
he would have had to pass the watering place of al-Barde in order to 
reach HawwéArin. This poem, therefore, permits us to look for al-’Awir 
in al-Barde. 

There was another al-‘Awir in Syria, but near the Kotkot hills and 
therefore northeast of Palmyra (al-Ahtal, op. cit., p. 295; al-Bekri, op. 
Cit Pp TAL); 

Al-Bekri, op. cit., p. 227, and Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 827, write al- 
Ruwejr instead of al-‘Awir. Jakit states that this is a watering place of 
the Kalb tribe in the desert of as-Samawa between Irak and Syria. — Very 
likely he did not know its right location. 


AL-RUWEJR AND THE KALB AND KEJS TRIBES 


Al-Ruwejr is known in connection with the wars — or, better, mutual 
raids — of the Kalb and Kejs tribes. Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 20, pp. 
120—123, records various incidents from these raids. The starting point 


258 PALMYRENA 


of the Kejs tribe was the town of Karkisija’; that of the Kalb, Tadmur. 
A famous leader of the invading Kejs was Zafar ibn al-Haret. Once he 
led a raid against the camps at al-Masbah, where he met some pilgrims. 
After successfully attacking on the first day the camp by the side of the 
waters of Hasif, he sent the prisoners to Karkisija’; then he turned to 
al-Masbah, where a great number of warriors had collected, who offered 
a tough resistance, two members of the Tarleb tribe aiding them bravely. 
Both of the latter were slain, as were also eighteen men of the Kalb. 
After the fight there were left at the waters only women, who threw 
the dead into the Kawkab well. On learning of this, the head chief of 
the Kalb tribe, Humejd ibn Hurejt ibn Bahdal, went to Tadmur, his war- 
riors and allies joining him there. Thence he marched against the Kejs, 
a clan of which, the Beni Numejr, was camping in the mountains. Hu- 
mejd posted himself at one of the watering places. The report of this 
expedition having reached Zafar, he also set out instantly and halted in 
one of his settlements. Irritated by this, Humejd in haste gave his per- 
mission that all the members of the Beni Numejr clan, then prisoners 
of war in Tadmur, should be killed. The overseer of Tadmur, who was 
accompanying him, mounted his horse at once and galloped home to put 
the order into execution. Shortly after, Humejd, realizing the consequences, 
sent a courier after him; but he arrived in Tadmur too late. In retaliation 
Zafar killed all the men of the Kalb he could lay hands on. Thus, for 
instance, five hundred of them fell in the al-GujiS valley, where they 
were hunting. Humejd went on to meet Zafar but did not find him, since 
he had returned in the meantime to Karkisija’. The Beni Numejr relate, 
as recorded by Abu-l-Farag, that they assailed the camps of the Kalb at 
Hafir, al-Faras, al-Iklil, al-Gowf, al-Ruwejr, al-Hejl, Ka’aba, and Dehman. 
Before the encounter in al-Ruwejr, a member of the Beni Numejr, whose 
mother, a born Kalb, had taught him the dialect of her tribe, was sent 
out as a spy. This man learned that Humejd was at that time camping 
in Ruwejr ad-Dab*. Here he was subsequently attacked. In Ruwejr ad- 
Dab‘ there was a strongly fortified house with a gate (Abu-l-Farag, op. 
cit., Vol. 20, p. 122). Intimidated by frequent attacks, the Kalb clans left 
all the camps exposed to danger and sought refuge beyond the Syrian 
settlements in al-Ruwejr. — 

There is unfortunately neither chronological nor topographical co- 
herence in all these statements. It seems that the attack on al-Masbah 
was one of the first. Al-Masbah was an extensive camping ground with 
many wells of different names. In Arabia Deserta there are only a few 
such camping grounds, the best known of them being those in the valleys 
of al-Mijah and Hawrdan. I believe that al-Masbah should be sought for 
near the Wadi Hawran. If the name al-Masbah is properly preserved, 
we might look for it at the Kulban as-Sbejhat, 240 kilometers south of 
Karkisija’. But it is also possible that al-Masbah, which is mentioned by 
no other Arabic writer, is a corruption of al-Musajjah, which is the name 
of a camping ground that gained fame in the earliest Moslem conquests. 
According to the Arabic reports, al-Musajjah is to be looked for in the 
lower part of the Wadi Hawran. This location of al-Masbah (or al-Mu- 
sajjah) seems to be confirmed by the statement of Abu-l-Farag% that the 
head chief Humejd ibn Bahdal chose Tudmor for the meeting place of 
his warriors and allies. Humejd had been staying near the caliph and 


AL-“UWEJR AND AL-BARDE 259 


therefore in the neighborhood of Damascus. On receiving the report of 
the battle at the al-Masbah (or al-Musajjah), he drew near his kinsmen 
and waited for them at Tudmor. It is evident from this that al-Masbah (or 
al-Musajjah) is to be looked for to the southeast or, at any rate, to the 
south of Tudmor, but certainly not to the southwest or west of this place. 
Humejd must then have gone northeast from Tudmor, since only in the 
al-Bisri ridge can we place the camp of the Beni Numejr. Only from the 
al-Bisri range could they easily have got in touch with the other clans 
of the Kejs living by the river al-Habtr and have sent the news to Zafar 
to come to their assistance. 

Crossing the Euphrates, Zafar halted on its western bank in some 
settlement owned by him. Afterwards, to force Humejd’s withdrawal, he 
attacked the Kalb tribesmen in the valley of al-GujtiiS, which lay either 
south or southeast of al-BiSri; then he went back to Karkisija’ in order 
to prevent Humejd from outflanking him. This was the time when the 
Kalb tribe was attacked in the valley of al-Hejl, which also stretches 
south of al-Bisri, and probably in the camping ground of the valleys of 
al-Iklil and al-Gowf as well. Al-Gowf must be identical with the basin 
where the oasis of Dimat al-Gandal was situated, for the Kalb at the 
time of the events under consideration had their encampments south of 
there at the Banat Kejn wells. Frightened at all that had happened, the 
Kalb clans left the inner desert and emigrated (according to Abu-l-Farag, 
op. cit., p. 123) to the borders of the cultivated lands, in order to have 
the camps of other allied tribes and the Syrian towns behind them. They 
are all supposed to have encamped at al-Ruwejr, or Ruwejr ad-Dab’. 
They could not enter a territory which was already settled, since their 
herds of camels, goats, and sheep would have destroyed all the fields 
and orchards. They had to stay, then, on the border and look for camping 
grounds with plenty of water, good pasture, and the possibility of easier 
defense. Such a terrain the vicinity of al-Barde has always been and still 
is, and thus I regard it as al-Ruwejr, mentioned so often by the Arabic 
writers. It is a basin of some depth, enclosed by steep mountains, to 
which the name rowyv, or ruwejr in the diminutive form (hollow closed by 
steep slopes), is well suited. There is plenty of water within as well as 
all around it, the pasturage is rich, and the defense easy. From the 
northeast leading to al-Barde there are three passages, and, since every 
road approaching them passes by some town or village, any hostile troops 
could be sighted at once. The route to the northern passage runs by 
Tudmor; that to the central one by the settlements of al-Bhara and al- 
Hazim; and that to the southern by the post of al-Basiri, or the old 
Danaba. The location of al-Barde combines all the features ascribed by 
Abu-l-Farag (loc. cit.) to al-Ruwejr: It seems that the Kejs tribe had 
many allies among the tribes and settlements in the vicinity of al-Ru- 
wejr, for their attacks on the camps of the Kalb continued. No report 
says actually that the Kejs got possession of the camp at al-Ruwejr, but 
the fact that they fought in its neighborhood is certain. The strongly 
fortified house with a gate mentioned in the report probably stood near 
one of the passages leading to this camp. Al-Hafir I identify with al- 
Hufejjer, 27 kilometers from al-Barde, and al-Faras is 40 kilometers 
farther north. 


Y 


APPENDIX VI 
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 


GEOGRAPHICAL SITUATION OF AR-RESAFA 


The origin of the town of ar-Resafa is very problematic. None of 
the Babylonian or Assyrian authorities known to us refer to it, although 
the kings of Assyria made several expeditions into the neighboring country 
between approximately the years 1100 and 800 B.C. If the town had then 
been of any great importance, it would surely have been visited by the 
Assyrian armies and the annalists would have recorded the fact. But this 
did not happen. However, towards the end of the ninth century before Christ 
ar-Resafa was of such importance that its governor was included among 
those Assyrian officials after whom the year was designated. It may be 
assumed that ar-Resafa was founded in that century as a fortified camp 
of the Assyrian army and was the residence of the Assyrian governor 
of the country tributary to it. It is also possible—highly probable, in- 
deed — that on the site of this new Assyrian town a settlement of the 
same kind had existed before, since the lands lying north, west, and 
south of it could be cultivated in many places, and the location was very 
important to the commercial caravans. It is true that there is neither 
brook, spring, nor even a natural well in or about ar-Resafa, but after 
abundant rains the water flowing from afar into the low plain west of 
the town may be collected in big rain pools or led into deep cisterns. If 
the early inhabitants had taken care to collect as much of the rain water 
as possible and to build themselves large subterranean cisterns protected 
against the wind and sun, they could have laid in a supply of water lasting 
them two years, or even longer, for Palmyrena has never been without 
rain, At a depth of 75 meters they could have found water, albeit some- 
what brackish, since the soil contains much gypsum — indeed, in the moun- 
tains to the south, alabaster, a form of gypsum, predominates. To the 
northeast, east, and south of ar-Resafa there are a great number of deep 
sink holes, or dolines, known as dahal; here after heavy rains the water is 
often ten meters deep and keeps fresh as long as three years. The more 
industrious inhabitants therefore could have obtained water enough to 
raise even grain, olives, figs, and perhaps grapes in their fields and 
orchards about the town. Their flocks could have found pasture and water 
all the year round farther out in the surrounding country, especially to 
the south and southwest. 

A rich source of profit to the people of ar-Resafa also lay in the 
commercial caravans which passed through their settlement. Although 
ar-Resafa was not located in an oasis, the topography of the country 
compelled the caravans to visit this town. From the modern Abu Hréra 
to the northwest as far as the modern settlement of Dejr az-Zér to the 
southeast the bluffs on the right bank of the Euphrates fall off almost 
into the very river. In some places the banks are barely two meters 
wide and in others they are covered when the Euphrates is flooded. 


260 


HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 261 


This causes the larger commercial caravans to seek a road at some dis- 
tance from the river. Unable to make good progress alongside the stream, 
they draw away from it, preferring to travel where the channels of the 
seibdn from the uplands merge into the surrounding plains. Southeast of 
ar-Resafa the plain is broken by the furrowed range of al-BiSri, which, 
extending to the northeast, confines the Euphrates to a narrow gorge 
that the river has dug for itself during countless ages. The range affords 
several passages, but caravans with heavily laden beasts avoid these, 
since both in the ascent and descent a burden easily shifts, loses its 
balance, and either slides off or causes the animals to fall, making the 
entire caravan stop and adding to the labor of the drivers. For this 
reason the larger commercial caravans whenever possible select a road 
that is level for the most part, even if longer, knowing well that the 
roundabout way will save both themselves and the animals much un- 
necessary exertion and will also permit them to travel more speedily. 
Such a convenient, roundabout way is afforded almost directly south of 
ar-Resafa through the deep gap separating the range of al-Bisri from 
that of Abu Rigmén to the west. Besides being deep, this gap is readily 
passable and contains plenty of water, and the country along the route 
may be cultivated. On the south the route leads to an undulating plain, 
across which the caravans may go either southeast to old Babylonia or 
to southern Syria and Phoenicia. It is well known that great caravans 
have traversed this gap throughout historical time. 

As we know, on one side of the gap there rises the lofty range of 
Abu Rigmén, which extends to this point from the Antilebanon and Dam- 
ascus. On the south this range falls off steeply into a rolling plain; 
to the north it is flanked by numerous foothills, which gradually lose 
themselves in another plain. The whole range might still be cultivated, 
and it always has been, as it now is, much frequented. In former times 
the main east-west transport road led, as it now leads, along the north- 
ern foot of the foothills, and at ar-Resafa it joined the road going through 
the gap between al-Bisri and Abu Rigmén. This settlement thus lay at 
an important junction of transport roads running north and south and 
west and east. Furthermore, the left bank of the Euphrates near ar- 
Resafa was also the terminus of two very important transport roads, 
one at the site of the modern ar-Rakka (the ancient Nicephorium) and 
the other in the neighborhood of the modern settlement of Balis, where 
I look for the old ford, Thapsacus. 

When the caravans which had forded the Euphrates at Thapsacus 
or Nicephorium wished to go to Phoenicia, Egypt, or Babylonia they had 
to visit ar-Resafa. For this reason, whoever held this place also controlled 
important arteries of communication and a large part of the world’s 
trade of that period. As the classical authorities tell us, commercial car- 
avans avoided traveling not only along the Euphrates but along the 
Tigris as well, because the chiefs of the various settlements on both 
rivers exacted payment from them and made them stop unnecessarily, 
delaying their marches and in this manner considerably reducing their 
profits. To avoid these pests, the larger caravans preferred to make 
treaties with the chiefs of the great tribes, under whose protection they 
could travel at some distance from the rivers. Furthermore, from a town 
or a camp situated inland —for instance, from ar-Resafa — the great 


262 PALMYRENA 


chiefs could be controlled more easily than from a fort built on the 
river itself. 

The commander of ar-Resafa could send troops against an encamp- 
ment of nomads and compel the chief to punish robbers, return stolen 
goods, and carry out what he had agreed to do and what he was paid 
for. When moving, the more powerful tribes are accustomed to use the 
same roads as the great commercial caravans, because they are sure of 
finding there water and the other necessities which they either buy or 
receive in exchange for their flocks. If the great tribes which formerly 
camped in northern Arabia wished to migrate into northern Palmyrena, 
they would have to pass through the gap between the ranges of al-Bisri 
and Abu Rigmén, where the commander at ar-Resafa could easily inter- 
cept them. Moreover, Palmyrena has always been to a considerable extent 
a cultivated and permanently settled region. For the settlers seeking 
protection against their worst enemies, the nomads, the fortified camp 
at ar-Resafa possessed many advantages as a point of defense. 


PRE-CHRISTIAN AR-RESAFA 


Aware of the importance of such .a position, the Assyrian kings 
made ar-Resafa the seat of their administration, and from here they 
dominated not only the important avenues of commerce but a large per- 
manently settled territory and many nomadic tribes as well. The origin, 
the prosperity, and the fall of ar-Resafa might remind one of the career 
of the more recent town of Hatra, the modern al-Hazr, in Mesopotamia. 
But the location of ar-Resafa is far more important than that of Hatra, 
a circumstance which enabled the former to endure far longer, especially 
since it became a main pilgrimage center of the Syrian Christians. This, 
however, would never have happened if ar-Resafa had not, in the first 
millennium after Christ, been a commercial center of great importance. 
The merchants departing from or going there knew well the danger 
threatening them from the hostile, or at least unfriendly, Persian and 
Byzantine Arabs and later from the Moslems of Irak and Syria; there- 
fore they asked for the intercession and protection of St. Sergius and 
spread his glory throughout the Orient. 

Of the history of ar-Resafa many interesting fragments have been 
preserved. . 

Ra-sap-pa is mentioned in 840 B.C. (Eponym Lists: Winckler, Kezlin- 
schriftliches Textbuch [1909], p. 75); also in 888 (Bezold, List of Officials 
[1889], p. 286, pl. 3; Winckler, Hponymenlisten, in Schrader, Keilinschrift- 
liche Bibliothek, Vol. 8, Part 2, p. 144), in 804 and 775 (Rawlinson, Cunei- 
form Inseriptions, Vol. 2, pl. 52, No.1, reverse; Schrader, op. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 
208, 210), in 747 (Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 3, pl. 48, No. 1; Peiser, Texte, 
in Schrader, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 100), and in 737 (Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 2, 
pl. 52, No. 1, obverse; Schrader, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 212). (See also Musil, 
The Middle Euphrates [1927], pp. 210f.) 

Isaiah 37: 12 and 2 Kings 19: 12 mention Resef along with Geann, 
Haran, and Bene ‘Eden in Tel’assar districts adjacent to the district of 
the present ar-Res&fa. 


Ptolemy, Geography, V,14: 19, mentions Resapha as one of the towns 
of Palmyrena. 


HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 263 


According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, Risapa was situated on 
the Roman road from Damascus by way of Palmyra and Oruba (at-Taj- 
jibe) to the Euphrates. 

The anonymous Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, I], 15 (Pinder 
and Parthey, p. 89) calls it Risapha. 

After 298 Rosapha belonged to the province of Augusta Eufratensis. 
It was garrisoned by the equites promoti indigenae (Notitia dignitatum, 
Oriens 33, No. 5; spelled Rosafa, ibid., 33, No. 27). 


MARTYRDOM OF ST. SERGIUS 


In the Christian era ar-Resafa became famous by reason of the 
grave of St. Sergius, who, according to several reports, also had died 
there (Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, Oct., Vol. 3 [1770], pp. 835ff.). These 
records also state that towards the end of the third or in the beginning 
of the fourth century accusations that they were Christians were made 
to the emperor Maximian against Sergius, the first in command, and 
Bacchus, the second in command, of the foreign palace guard. The em- 
peror handed them over to the dua Antiochus, who, at the fort of Barba- 
rissus (Balis), had Bacchus beaten till he died. Bacchus’ body was not to 
be buried, but in the evening several hermits living in some caves near 
by came and laid him to rest in a cave. The following day the dux went 
from Barbarissus to the fort of Sura, whither Sergius was also brought. 
There Antiochus made him put on shoes with sharp, straight nails, and 
ordered him to be driven before his chariot as far as the fortress of 
Tetrapyrgium, nine miles from Sura, where Antiochus slept in the prae- 
torium. The next day the dux drove the martyr in the same manner to 
the fort of Ruzafata, nine miles from Tetrapyrgium, where he sentenced 
him to death by decapitation. The executioners then bored holes in his 
lips and, putting a rope through them, led him out to some place, where 
they cut off his head. Merciful people buried his body in the same spot, 
but not until many years after was a structure of stone and mud erected 
over the grave. Soon after, the remains of the blessed Bacchus were ex- 
humed and laid alongside those of St. Sergius. The same thing was also 
done with the virgin Julia, martyred in the time of the eparch Martianus. 
In a later period, when the Christian religion had already spread far 
and wide, fifteen bishops assembled and built by the fort of Ruzafata 
a suitable tomb, into which the body of the martyred saint was laid to 
its final rest. 

According to the records in Bedjan, Acta martyrum (1890-1897), 
Vol. 3, pp. 283-322, and Liber chalipharum (Land), p. 18, St. Sergius and 
Bacchus died in 232 A. D. The Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae 
(Delehaye), cols. 115f., calls Antiochus the dux Augustopoleos of the 
eparchy of Eufratensis, whereas the Passio antiquior SS. Sergi et Bacchi 
(Analecta bollandiana) p. 3877, calls him more correctly the dua of the 
eparchy of Augusto-Eufratensis. 

Barbarissus is written in Passio antiquior, p. 384, as Barbalisos, 
and is placed on the Saracen border line. Bedjan, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 299, 
gives the name as Bejt Balas. This is the modern BAlis, seventy kilo- 
meters northwest of ar-Resafa. Instead of the correct Sura, the Strija 
of today, the records of the Acta sanctorum always call this place Castrum 


264 PALMYRENA 


Syrum or Castellum Syrum, Castrum Tetrapyrgium of these records is 
identical with the Ksejr as-Séle, about twelve kilometers southwest of 
Strija. The records give this distance as 9 miles (over 14 kilometers), or 
exactly the same as the distance between Tetrapyrgium and ar-Resafa. 
This would place Tetrapyrgium midway between Sura and ar-Resafa. In 
reality Ksejr as-Séle and ar-Resafa are 15 kilometers from each other. 

We may only interpret the records of Sergius’ martyrdom as showing 
that he was not decapitated inside ar-Resafa, but outside of it, perhaps 
on a scaffold like those which stood on the outskirts of every Oriental 
town. It is also probable that he was buried right beside the scaffold. 
Over this place, a long time after, there was built some sort of tomb 
(aedificitum) which was made of stone and mud and consequently could 
not have been a church. Whether his comrade Bacchus-was likewise trans- 
ferred there it is impossible to say, but this much is certain, that in 
later centuries Bacchus’ grave was shown in Barbalissus (Balis). Tradi- 
tion does not give the year when the fifteen bishops built a suitable tomb 
for Sergius but is very precise in stating that this cymiterium was 
erected not inside but outside the fort in front of the walls and that 
the martyr’s body was then deposited there. Consequently, we may look 
for the second tomb of Sergius in front of the northern town gate, where 
there is a large Christian cemetery. The site of this second tomb is pro- 
bably identical with that of the church that was either rebuilt or richly 
endowed by the great Ghassanian chief Alamundarus (al-Mundir), phy- 
larch from 570 to 581 A.D. 


AR-RESAFA IN THE FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES 


After the ecclesiastical Council of Ephesus in 481, John, the patriarch 
of Antioch, persecuted Alexander, the metropolitan of Hierapolis in Syria 
EKufratensis, for being a follower of the condemned Nestorius (Bolland, 
op. cit., pp. 845-847). In order to weaken the power not only of Alexander 
but also of the bishops associated with him, John separated the church 
of St. Sergius from the Hierapolitan diocese, raised it to the rank of a 
cathedral, and ordained its first bishop. Against these acts Alexander, 
with six bishops of the Hierapolitan metropolis, repeatedly protested to 
the empresses Eudocia and Pulcheria; his letters to this effect have been 
preserved in the Synodicon adversus tragoediam Irenaei of the sixth 
century. 

Alexander wrote (Mansi, Concilia [1761], Vol. 5, cols. 915f.) that 
the patriarch John entered the church of the holy and good, victorious 
martyr Sergius, which belonged to the Hierapolitan diocese, and there, 
in defiance of the prevailing customs, ordained a new bishop. For this 
reason he entreated the empresses to induce the emperor to annul all the 
ordainments of John and to order the metropolitan of Hierapolis to ordain 
the bishops of his province conformably with the rules of the holy and 
blessed fathers. The emperor was to return the basilica of the holy and 
good, victorious martyr Sergius to the Hierapolitan diocese to which it 
had always belonged before the great church, high walls, and other build- 
ings in the same walled town were erected. 

Alexander protests (ibid., Vol. 5, col. 926) that he would not acknow- 
ledge the patriarch John if he were to offer him the whole Kingdom of 


HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 265 


Heaven, not to speak of Resapha or other towns in the desert. He further 
complains (zbid., cols. 948f.) that the patriarch of Antioch took away from 
him the church of the martyr, on building which he had expended nearly 
three hundred pounds of gold, thus encumbering his entire province 
with debt. — 

According to Alexander’s statements, ar-Resafa had belonged to the 
metropolis of Hierapolis since ancient times and not long before 431 a 
great basilica had been built there, costing almost three hundred pounds 
of gold. At the same time high walls and various buildings had been put 
up. It seems, therefore, that the present walls of ar-Resafa cannot date 
back to the time of Justinian I but must be ascribed to that of the 
metropolitan Alexander, the second decade of the fifth century. If, then, 
this town of decreasing commercial value could be clothed in such splen- 
dor, it is easily seen that it must have been the point of pilgrimage for 
Christians from far and near. The principal church festival was held on 
St. Sergius’ day, early in October (Elijah of Nisibis, Opus chronologicum 
[Chabot], p. 101). 

In 509 the famous Rabban Bar-‘Idta’ was born at ar-Resafa. In his 
biography, written in the second half of the ninth century, ar-Resafa is 
called kerije (a settlement) (Budge, Rabban Hormizd [1902], Vol. 1, p.115). 

Several columns from the martyry below the northern gate bear in- 
scriptions which make it evident that they were erected in the time of a 
bishop Sergius and of an assistant or rural bishop (chorepiscopus) Maro- 
nius. (Guyer, Rusdfah [1920], p. 15, makes of the rural bishop Maronius 
an archbishop). It is possible that this Bishop Sergius is identical with 
the bishop Sergius who was sent to King al-Mundir at al-Hira in 524 
(see below, p. 267) and that the martyry was therefore built either 
shortly before or soon after that date. From that time also may date 
the decoration of the northern gate. According to the quoted reports it 
is probable that all the larger churches inside the town had been built 
before Justinian had ar-Resafa fortified and that this is why Procopius 
makes no mention of the building or decorating of the churches there 
by order of Justinian. 

Procopius, De aedificiis, II], 9: 3-9, relates that in the province of 
Eufratensis is the shrine of St. Sergius, which was so highly revered by 
the ancients that after it they named the town Sergiopolis. It was en- 
closed with an insignificant wall, which, although made only of mud, was 
sufficient to keep the nomads, roving in the vicinity, from entering the 
town at the first onslaught. Justinian erected strong walls around the 
shrine, which was famous for its precious gifts and sacred vessels, and 
built houses, colonnades, and other fine structures as well as great cisterns 
for storing water. A garrison sent to the town for its defense accounts 
for its holding out against Chosroes. — 

It is not certain whether Justinian built new walls or ‘merely had 
the old ones repaired and the gates decorated. The famous cisterns of 
ar-Resafa are undoubtedly of older origin. The water was let into them, 
not so much from the streets as from a vast reservoir west of the town, 
whence it flowed through a stone aqueduct across the rampart, over the 
moat, and through the walls. Procopius does not state in what years all 
this happened, but it must have been prior to 542, in which year Chosroes 
laid siege to ar-Resafa in vain, as is related by Procopius. 


266 PALMYRENA 


Procopius (De bello persico, II, 5: 29-33) reports that in 540 Chosroes, 
having taken Sura (Strija), offered to sell to Bishop Candidus of Sergi- 
opolis, which is situated in the Barbarian Plain, 12,000 captives for 200 
pounds of gold; this the bishop refused, having no money at that time. 
Chosroes then sent him word that he would content himself with a prom- 
issory note, which Candidus willingly gave, declaring under oath that 
he would pay the sum demanded within a bash This act set the captives 
free, but many of them died. 

In 542 (ibid., II, 20: 1-16) Chosroes again marched along the right 
bank of the Euphrates and approached Sergiopolis. Candidus, who had 
not yet paid his debt, since he was unable to procure the money any- 
where, went to him and, after being tortured, begged to be sent under a 
Persian escort to Sergiopolis, where he would get for Chosroes the sacred 
vessels. This was done, but Chosroes was not satisfied, declaring this was 
not enough. Therefore he sent six thousand men to capture the town, the 
garrison of which consisted at that time of only 1200 soldiers. The in- 
habitants were already becoming inclined to make a treaty with the enemy, 
when they learned that Chosroes was suffering from thirst and intending 
to retreat; this he did in a short time. Since Belisarius with his army 
was near, Chosroes did not march far, but, concluding an armistice with 
him, threw a bridge across the Euphrates and captured the town of 
Callinicus. — Evagrius, Ecclesiastica historia, IV, 28, mentions among the 
gifts delivered up to Chosroes a cross of great value, which had been 
presented by Justinian and Theodora. 

To worship St. Sergius in ar-Resafa pilgrims used to come all the 
way from the vicinity of Jerusalem (John Moschus, Pratum spirituale, 
[Migne], col. 3052. 

Michael the Syrian, Chronicle (Chabot), Vol. 4, p. 296, says that the 
Persians in plundering Callinicus and Bejt Balas, stole the relics of the 
martyr-saint Bacchus, as well as the gold from the coffin of St. Sergius. 

According to Procopius, De bello persico, II, 5: 29, Sergiopolis is 126 
stades (about 23 kilometers) from Sura; in reality it is 27 kilometers. 

John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History, V1, 4, relates how the 
phylarch of the Ghassanians, al-Mundir, the son of Haret, took refuge 
with his tribes in the inner desert in order to elude the snares of the 
Byzantine patrician Martianus. After three years al-Mundir wished to 
become reconciled with the Byzantines and for this purpose invited the 
commander-in-chief, the patrician Justinian, to a peace parley at ar- 
Resafa. Justinian came, and a reconciliation with al-Mundir took place 
before the sarcophagus of St. Sergius in about the spring of 575 (see 
Musil, Kusejr ‘Amra [1907], p. 136). Guyer, Rusdfah (1920), p. 42, writes 
that the emperor (Justin) sent the patrician Justinian to al-Mundir on 
October 6, 578; this, however, is the date of Justin’s death. 

Possibly an inscription behind the altar in the church outside the 
northern gate, which says “al-Mundir’s lucky destiny is victorious” dates 
from this period. 

Michael the Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 386, says that in the autumn 
of 590 Chosroes, the son of Hérmizd, asked the emperor Maurice for 
help, the commander of ar-Resafa acting as the intermediary. Chosroes 
lived at that time in the house of John of ar-ResAfa, commander of the 
Byzantine army at Edessa (see Chronicon civile [Rahmani], p. 187). 


HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 267 


Hamzat al-Isfahani, Ta’rih (Gottwaldt), p. 120, notes that an-No‘man 
ibn al-Haret repaired the reservoirs in ar-Resafa, which had been de- 
molished by some kings of the Lahm dynasty. — This No‘man with his 
father al-Haret fought against the Persians from 604 until at least as 
late as 616 and was probably often compelled to seek refuge with his 
troops behind the walls of ar-Resafa, on which occasions he repaired the 
cisterns, as is corroborated by al-Asma‘i (Jakit, Mu‘gam [Wiistenfeld], 
Vol. 2, p. 955). Al-Asma‘i identifies az-Zawra’ with ar-Resafa of Caliph 
Hisam. Az-Zawra’, supposed to have been No‘man’s property, was often 
visited by him and used for safeguarding his booty. Since he was a 
Christian, a cross glittered above the place. It was inhabited by the Beni 
Hanifa and was located on the farthest boundary of Syria, where sth 
and kejsim grew. There was no water there. — It is probable that az- 
Zawra was the name of the northern suburb of ar-Resafa, adjacent to 
al-Mundir’s church. 

Evagrius, Ecclesiastica historia, V1, 21, writes that when Chosroes II 
gained the throne — that is, after 591—he sent to Gregorius, bishop of 
Antioch, a splendid cross adorned with gold and precious stones, which 
had been a gift from Theodora, wife of the emperor Justinian, to the 
martyr-saint Sergius. This cross with many other jewels Chosroes I had 
carried away from Sergiopolis. Then Gregorius, in the name of the emperor 
Maurice and at the head of a procession, deposited it solemnly with the 
other gifts in the tomb in the martyr’s shrine. Not long afterwards 
Chosroes II sent more gifts, because his wife, a Christian Syrian, bore 
him a son at the intercession of St. Sergius (see Theophylactus Simo- 
catta, Historiae, V, 138f.). 

St. Sergius (Sergis) was worshipped by the Arabian and Syrian Christ- 
ians far and wide (Assemanus, Bibliotheca orientalis [Rome, 1719-1728], 
Vol. 2, p. 350; Ahidemmeh, History [Nau], p. 29; Theophylactus Simo- 
Cattas-op. Cit., V, 1: .'7). 

Michael the Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 388, relates that the Ghassanians 
also had a church of St. Sergius in their capital, Gabija. 

The Tarleb took the picture of St. Sergius with them on their raids 
(al-Ahtal, Diwdn [Salhani], p. 309; Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Tornberg], Vol. 4, 
p. 180). 


EARLY EPISCOPAL HISTORY OF AR-RESAFA 


From the complaints of Alexander, the metropolitan of Hierapolis 
(Mansi, Concilia [1761], Vol. 5, col. 915; see above, pp. 264f.) it appears 
that the first bishop of Sergiopolis was not consecrated by John, patriarch 
of Antioch, until after 481. His name we do not know. 

At the synod of Antioch of 451 Bishop Marianus of Rosafa (Mansi, 
Concilia [1759—1798], Vol. 7, col. 325) participated. 

In 524 mention is made of a Sergius as bishop of ar-Resafa (Bejt 
Resafa) who was sent with Abraham, the father of Nonnosus, to al-Mundir, 
king of al-Hira, as a peace negotiator. This Sergius was the author of the 
Syrian part of a report on the martyrs of south Arabia (Simeon of Bejt 
Arsam, Letter [Guidi], p. 507). 

As we have already seen (above, p. 266), in 540 and 542 the bishop 
of ar-Resafa was one Candidus, who ransomed the Christian captives of 


268 PALMYRENA 


Chosroes in the town of Sura (Procopius, De bello persico II, 5: 29-33; 
II, 20: 2-16). 

The Notitia Antiochiae ac Ierosolymae patriarchatuum (Itin. hieros., 
Vol. 1), p. 836, mentions in about 550 the metropolis of Sergiopolis, with 
four bishoprics called: Bizonovias (var., Bzonavias, Bizonamas, Bizanonias), 
Marcopolis, Venethali (var., Venechalis), and Ermenia. — It seems that the 
residences of the suffragans of Sergiopolis were all located south or south- 
east of ar-Resafa, because neither the town of Sura (Strija), lying 120 
stades north, nor the bishopric of Barbalissus (B4lis) on the west-north- 
west, nor Anasartha (Hunasira) still farther west is named among them. 
Unfortunately, the local names are corrupted to such an extent that it 
is almost impossible to determine the exact positions. 

The designation Bizonovias reminds us of the Adiazane of the anon- 
ymous Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, Il, 15 (Pinder and Parthey, 
p. 88), or rather of the town of Zonobia, which, according to Procopius, 
De aedificiis, II, 8: 8-24, Justinian had walled and built in a grand style. 
Its Aramaic name might have been Bejt Zanobia. As 6 is often replaced 
by v (Zonovia instead of Zonobia), both name and location of Bizonovias 
would seem to agree with Zonobia; and, since it was built only in Justin- 
ian’s time it may have been subject to the new metropolis of Sergiopolis. 

Marcopolis is elsewhere mentioned in Osroéne; after 431 Bishop Cyrus 
of Marcopolis belonging to the metropolis of Edessa (Notitia Antiochiae 
[Iten. hieros.], Vol. 1, p. 3832) was a supporter of the metropolitan of 
Hierapolis (Mansi, op. cit., Vol. 4, col. 1269), and in the Council of Chal- 
cedon there participated a certain Caiumas, bishop of Marcopolis situated 
in the province of Osroéne (zbid., Vol. 7, col. 148). We have no reason 
to extend the diocese of Sergiopolis to the left bank of the Euphrates, 
or the diocese of Edessa to the right, since the Euphrates formed the 
boundary between the political provinces of Augusta Eufratensis, to which 
Sergiopolis belonged, and Osroéne in which Edessa was situated. 

In the middle of the sixth century mention is made of the monastery 
of Bishop Joseph at Resafa (Assemanus, Bibliotheca orientalis [Rome, 
1719—1728], Vol. 1, p. 117). 

Of the second general Council of Constantinople “Abrahamus Sergio- 
poleos metropolitanae civitatis” was a member (Harduin, Conciliorwm 
collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 3, col. 203). 

In about 603 Georgius Cyprius (Descriptio [Gelzer], p. 45) also 
mentions Sergiopolis, or Anastasiopolis, among the towns of the eparchy 
of EKuphratesia and Hagiopolis. He says that in his time the town was 
‘commonly called Rattafa and that St. Sergius was exiled and then killed 
in Rattafa. 

The Notitiae graecae episcopatuum (Parthey, 1866), No. 5, p. 142, 
indicate that the metropolis of Sergiopolis had five subordinate bishops. 
(See also Eusebius, Chronica [Schoene], Vol. 1, App. col. 82.) 

According to an inscription in the monastery church, one Simeon 
was metropolitan of Sergiopolis in 1093. 


AR-RESAFA UNDER THE KARLY MOSLEMS 


During the reign of the Omayyads ar-Resafa became known all 
over the Moslem world as the residence of the caliph HiSam, the son 


HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 269 


of ‘Abdalmalek. From there HiSAm went to Damascus to take over the 
government (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 2, p. 1467). At-Tabari, 
op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1737f., states that the reason why Hisam settled there 
was that the caliphs and their sons liked to live in the country (should be 
jatabaddina instead of the printed jantabediina), thus escaping contagious 
diseases and leading a rural life far away from other people. It is said 
that when Hisam expressed a desire to settle in ar-Rusafa, someone asked 
him not to go away, as the caliphs could not be infected — such a thing 
had never been known to happen. HiSAm replied that he would not be 
experimented upon and moved away to ar-Rusafa in the desert, where he 
built two manors. Ar-Rusafa was a Greek town, built by Greeks (see Ibn 
Sihna, Rawd [MS Leiden], fol. 82; Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Btlak, 1285 A. H.], 
Moljec.8p. op; at-labari, op, cit., Ser. 2; p. 1738), 

Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar (Adler), Vol. 1, p. 456, states that ar-Rusafa 
was demolished prior to Hisam’s arrival, that it enjoys a salubrious 
atmosphere, and that it is the site of a famous monastery. — 

I doubt the correctness of Abu-l-Feda’s statement in regard to the 
destruction of ar-Resafa. In the Persian wars not only Chosroes II, 
who was a great admirer of St. Sergius, but also Heraclius spared the 
town. In the Mohammedan era no conflict took place near ar-Resafa, and 
the Christian Tarleb would surely have been able to defend it against an 
attack by the Moslem troops. 

The report that HisA4m built two manors in ar-Rusafa was handed 
down from one Arabic writer to another. At one manor was a park with 
olive trees and a pond (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1737f., 1813). This 
manor might be identified with the Ksér as-Séle (ibid., p. 1818). 

The caliph HisAm died in ar-Rusafa on February 6, 743 (at-Tabari, 
op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1729f.). Shortly after, his successor al-Walid ordered 
all Hisém’s property in ar-Rusafa to be confiscated (zbid., p. 1751). 

In 749—750 the Abbasside “Abdallah ibn ‘Ali (al-Jakabi, Ta rih 
[Houtsma], Vol. 2, pp. 427f.) came to ar-Rusafa, entered the cave where 
the embalmed body of HisAam was lying on a lounge, dragged it from 
there, beat its face with his club, and then, placing the body between 
two rocks, gave it one hundred and twenty blows with his whip, thus 
breaking it into pieces. The remains he gathered up and burned. — 

On the southeastern side of ar-Resafa there are caves where the 
stone was quarried with which the walls and principal buildings were 
erected. 

“Abdallah ibn “Ali towards the end of 754 sent Humejd ibn Kahtaba 
from Harran to Aleppo with a letter which bade the commander of that 
town kill the bearer. But Humejd opened and read the message on the 
way, told its contents to his followers, and asked them to take refuge with 
him in Irak. He had to pass ar-Rusafa, where “Abdallah had a lieutenant, 
who, learning that Humejd had betrayed his master, went in pursuit of 
him at the head of his cavalry and came up with him on some road in 
the desert. (At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 3, pp. 94f.) 

According to at-Tabari, op. cit., pp. 98f., “Abdallah ibn “Ali in his 
flight before the army of the caliph Abu Ga‘far al-Manstir towards the 
end of 754 spent only one night at ar-Rusafa, after which he hurried on 
with his retinue to al-Basra. 

Al-Asmaii (died in 831) writes (Jakit, Mu‘gam [ Wistenfeld], Vol. 2, 


270 PALMYRENA 


pp. 784f.) that there is neither creek nor spring around ar-Rusafa and 
that its inhabitants have to drink from the town cisterns. When the 
cisterns give out at the end of the summer, they haul water from the 
Euphrates, three or four parasang'’s distant. The wells at ar-Rusafa have 
a depth of 120 ells or over, but their water is brackish. The desert around 
ar-Rusafa belongs to the Beni Hafage tribe, who for a certain payment 
take the weaker inhabitants under their protection. Were it not for the 
love of their country, the inhabitants long ago would have left. The better 
situated among them keep slaves and donkeys and engage either in 
peddling or in selling their wares at home in about ten shops. They are 
very handy at making clothing material. Every man in the town, rich 
or poor, spins wool, while the women weave. 

Ibn Hordadbeh, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 74, estimates the taxes of 
ar-Rusafa, az-Zejttine, Kafar Hagar, and al- eae at 4,000 dinars. 

In 902 A.D. the sons of Zikrwajh, the head chief of the Carmathians 
(at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 3, pp. 2217f.), succeeded in winning over several 
clans, among them the Beni al-Asbar, with whom they attacked, defeated, 
and killed the caliph’s commander near ar-Rusafa, west of the Euphrates 
(ibid., p. 2219). After burning the mosque at ar-Rus&afa, they pillaged a 
number of settlements and went as far as the vicinity of Damascus, 
where Zikrwajh’s son Jahja was killed; but his brother took over the 
command, and the pillage continued. 

Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 379, records the report of Abu 
‘Abdallah, the son of Hamdtin, who went to ar-Rusafa from Damascus 
in the company of the caliph al-Mutawakkel (847—861) and visited the 
manors of Hisam and his children. Then he proceeded to examine a fine 
old monastery in the town, built by the Greeks in the midst of creeks, 
fields, and trees. When he called for the prior, the latter complained about 
the oppression from soldiers and marauders, from whom he had to hide 
in his cell. — Al-Bekri’s informant must have confused the location of 
the monastery at ar-Resafa with some other monastery lying on the 
Euphrates or Tigris, since there are no creeks in Hisam’s ar-Resafa. 


AR-RESAFA IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES 


Ibn Tarri Birdi, Nuguwm (Popper), Vol. 2, p. 198, relates that in 
1042-1043 the city of Tadmur was destroyed by an earthquake, the 
majority of the inhabitants being killed by the falling ruins. — Probably 
ar-Resafa suffered on the same occasion. 

The famous physician Ibn Butlan writes in a letter of 1048-1049 
A.D. (Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 785f.) that Kasr ar-Rusafa is not much 
less strongly fonstied than the palace of the ealiph at Bagdad. It is sup- 
posed to be built of stone, and there is there a large church with gilded 
mosaic decorations, erected by Constantine, the son of Helena. Rain water 
runs into a cistern under this church. Ar-Rusafa was restored by Hisam, the 
son of “‘Abdalmalek, who then made it his residence, where he took refuge 
from the flies which had tormented him on the banks of the Euphrates. 
The inhabitants of this fort are of the nomad tribes and for the most 
part Christians. They make a living by protecting the commercial car- 
avans and by the transport of various wares, as well as by trading with 


HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 271 


the robbers. Ar-Rusafa lies in a desert so flat that the view is bounded 
only by the horizon. Aleppo is four days’ journey from there. 

Ibn al-Atir, Kamil (Tornberg), Vol. 10, p. 39, records in April, 1068, 
a great earthquake which extended over both Palestine and Egypt and 
became so violent that the sea receded a distance of one day’s march from 
the shore. On April 6, 1118, another earthquake (ibid., Vol. 10, p. 373) 
destroyed many settlements in Irak, Mesopotamia, and other districts. — 
Probably ar-Resafa was also demolished in 1068, after which date the 
monastery basilica alone was rebuilt. This work was done in 1093, since 
there is written on a stone set into the western wall of the church: 
“Renovated in the time of Symeon, the metropolitan of Sergiopolis, in 
the month of June, 6601 after the Creation of the World.” At this time 
the great arches separating the aisles were reinforced by the support 
of columns of rose-colored marble, which were rolled into the basilica 
from the martyry at the northern gate. In the center of the martyry 
some inhabitants of ar-Rakka, hunting in ar-Resafa for antiquities dur- 
ing the winter of 1911-12, excavated the fragments of these columns as 
well as finely-executed smaller, square pillars, similar to those which 
adorn the tomb of St. Sergius in the monastery basilica. That St. Sergius 
was buried in the martyry is certain. Not until it was destroyed by the 
earthquake was he removed to the basilica, where a tomb was built for 
him partly of the marble slabs and columns from the old tomb. The plan 
of the martyry shows that it had at least twenty-two columns, and, yet, 
neither in its ruins nor anywhere about can any columns or large frag- 
ments of columns be seen, whereas in the basilica, which was originally 
supported by pillars only without cylindrical columns of any kind, there 
now are twenty-one columns, and one lies in front of the western wall. 
Guyer, Rusdfah (1920), p.15, argues that these columns were taken from 
the corridors of the old atrium of the basilica, but an inscription calling 
on St. Sergius to grant peace to all testifies that they were taken from 
his martyry. The fragments excavated there also confirm this. 

Al-Idrisi, Nuzha (Jaubert’s transl.), Vol. 2, p. 187, describes ar- 
Rusafa before 1154 as a settlement with flourishing markets lying among 
inhabited villages. The road from ar-Rakka led right through it to the 
fortress of al-Morara on the edge of the desert and farther on to Salamja 
and Homs and was much frequented by the Arabs on their marauding 
expeditions. 

Jakat (d. 1224 A.D.), op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 784f., writes that Hisam’s 
ar-Rusafa lies west of ar-Rakka on the border of the desert. It is sup- 
posed to have been built by HiS&am for his summer residence when 
contagious diseases were ravaging Damascus. In the annals of the Ghas- 
sanian kings Jakit came across a passage stating that an-No’man ibn 
al-Haret ibn al-Ajham repaired the cisterns there and built the largest 
one; to Jakit this proved the existence of ar-Rusafa long before the birth 
of Islam and also that all that HisSAam built were its walls and his own 
residence. 

Of the monastery of ar-Rus&afa, Jakit says (ibid., pp. 660f.) that it 
is located in HiSAm’s ar-RusAafa, the distance being one day’s march of 
a pack camel caravan from ar-Rakka. Jakat, who had seen the monastery 
with his own eyes, considered it one of the wonders of the world, be- 
cause of its beauty and architecture. It was the abode of monks and 


272 PALMYRENA 


servants of God, stood in the center of the town, and the brothers, like 
the townspeople, drank from a cistern between the walls. 

Abu-l-Feda’, Takwim (Reinaud and De Slane), p. 271, would correct 
the statement of Jaktt that the distance from ar-Rusafa to ar-Rakka is 
one day’s march, asserting that he visited it himself and found it less 
than one day from the Euphrates. — Abu-l-Feda’ accuses Jakit of an 
error which the latter did not commit, since he states distinctly (Jakat, 
op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 660) that the distance from ar-Resafa to ar-Rakka is 
one day’s march for pack caravans, which naturally can cover only half 
the distance a camel rider can put behind him in a day’s time. 

In 1240 (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler], Vol. 4, p. 458) the Khoras- 
mians on their march from Harran crossed the Euphrates at ar-Rakka 
and reached al-Gabbal, Tell A‘z4z, Sermin, and al-Ma‘arra, pillaging wher- 
ever they could. The governor of Homs leagued himself with the people 
of Aleppo and rose up against them. In the meantime the Khorasmians 
came by way of Salamja as far as ar-Rusafa, trying to get into ar- 
Rakka. The Aleppan troops, marching from Tell Sultan, overtook them 
at Siffin, where they had entrenched themselves. A fight ensued lasting 
until nightfall, when the Khorasmians crossed the Euphrates and made 
for Harran. The Aleppans then went to al-Bira, where they also crossed 
the Euphrates and followed the enemy, who were now fleeing towards 
the vicinity of ‘Ana. 

Al-Kazwini (d. 1288), ‘Ag@ib (Wistenfeld), Vol.2, pp. 132f., writes 
that he visited the town of ar-Rusafa, situated in the desert not far from 
ar-Rakka and enclosed by strong stone walls. No creeks or springs are 
to be found there, while the wells, which are private property, are so 
deep that ropes 120 ells long are needed to bring up water. The in- 
habitants drink from cisterns built inside of the town. When the water 
is used up at the end of the summer, they haul more from the Euphrates, 
four parasangs distant. The inhabitants, being defenseless, pay tribute 
to the Beni Hafage and make a living by manufacturing wearing apparel 
and saddle and feed bags, which they offer for sale in the neighboring 
districts. It is curious that nowhere about the town is there any grain, 
milch cattle, water, comfort, commerce, or employment. The inhabitants 
remain there only from their love of the country; otherwise the town 
would become deserted. 

The Chronicle of Sairt (Scher), Patrologia orientalis, Vol. 4, pp. 253f., 
states that the faithful took the body of Sergius, buried it in ar-Rusafa, 
and then built over it a church, which stands on the banks of the Eu- 
phrates to this day. — It is not certain whether this is the statement of 
the author himself or of his copyist. The chronicle was written some time 
between the ninth and fourteenth centuries. 

Ad-Dimiski, Nuhba (Mehren), p. 205, writes that in the administrative 
district of Balis lie Siffin and His4m’s ar-Rusafa, which was built on the 
site of an old Greek town. 

Haggi Halfa, Gihdn numa’ (Constantinople, 1145 A.H.), p. 598, regards 
the districts of Balis and ar-Rusafa as belonging to the province of Kin- 
nesrin, of which Aleppo is the capital. In both Balis and Kal‘at Ga‘bar 
lived the Turkomans. 


APPENDIX VII 
SOME EARLY BISHOPRICS OF PALMYRENA 


According to the Notitia Antiochiae ac Ierosolymae (from the middle 
of the sixth century, Itin. hier. [Tobler], Vol. 1, pp. 385f.) the metro- 
politanate of Damascus consisted of the following bishoprics: Abli, Pal- 
myron, Laodicia, Euria, Renocora (var., Conochora, Konokola), Yabruda, 
Danabi, Karatea, Hardani, and Sarraquini. 

A petition to the Emperor Leo in 458 was signed (Harduin, Conciliorum 
collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol.2, col. 720; Mansi, Concilia [1759-1798], Vol. 7, 
col. 559) by the following bishops of the province of Phoenicia Secunda: 
Joannes Damasci, Uranius Emesae, Joannes Palmyrensis, Thomas Evariae, 
Dadas Chomoarenus, Eusebius Abydenus, (Eusebius Iabrudorum), Theo- 
dorus Castridanabeni, Abraamius Uranensis, Petrus Coradensis, and Eu- 
stathius Saracenorum. 

Emesa, which as early as 451 was not subordinate to the metropolitan 
of Damascus, was, according to the Notitia Antiochiae (Tobler), p. 337, an 
independent metropolitanate with four suffragans. To offset this the 
bishopric of Laodicia Scabiosa (ad Libanum) was assigned to Damascus. 
Almost all the other bishoprics listed in the Notitia are the same as those 
enumerated in the list of the year 458: Abli: Abylenus (Abydenus); Pal- 
myron: Palmyrensis; Kuria: Evariae; Conochora: Chomoarénus; Yabruda: 
Iabrudorum (Harduin, op.cit., Vol.1, col.316); Danabi: Danabenus; Karatea: 
Uranensis (Arachensis); Hardani: Coradensis (Gerodensis); Sarraquini: 
Saracenorum. 

Conochora is also identical with Chonochora, the district of Chono 
(or Conna). The town of Conna, according to the Antonine Itinerary, 199: 8, 
lay halfway between Heliopolis (Baalbek) and Laodicia Scabiosa. Cunna 
was garrisoned by the ala prima Francorum (Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 382, 
No. 35). The district of Conna (or Chonochora) lying between Damascus 
and Laodicia Scabiosa, which belonged, according to the Notitia Antiochiae, 
to the metropolitanate of Damascus, must also have been a part of this 
metropolitanate. Heliopolis formed an independent metropolitanate with- 
out a suffragan. The forms Conno, Konno, Chonno, Chomo, Chona, 
Chono(chora), and Gonno may well be variations of the same name, as 
the negligent authors of the works under consideration used C, K, CH, 
or G, indiscriminately. This same district of Conno, or Gonno, is mentioned 
by Georgius Cyprius, Descriptio (Gelzer), p. 51, in the form Gonaitikon. 
(See above, p. 23, note 3.) 

The names of the residences of the four suffragans of the metro- 
politanate of Emesa as given in the Notitia Antiochiae (op. cit.), p. 337, 
are likewise corrupted. By a queer coincidence the first consonant in all 
the four names is the same, 7: Arqui, Ariston (var., Orison), Herigen, 
Orogison.— Arqui I regard as al-Harraki, 25 kilometers east, and Orogison 
as al-Forklos, nearly 40 kilometers southeast of Homs. Antonine of Pia- 
cenza, De locis sanctis (Tobler), p.381, throws some light on Ariston where 


2738 


274 PALMYRENA 


he writes: “Leaving Emiza, we came through the towns of Arissa, Aristossa 
(var., Ariston), and Epiphania,.to the town of Ampamia.” — Aristossa or 
Ariston is identical with Arethusa, the present ar-Rastan. The Arissa of 
Antonine is corrupted from Larissa, the Kal‘at Sejzar of today. 


APPENDIX VIII 
GABBULA OR GABBUL 


The Patrum nicaenorum nomina (Gelzer), pp. 18f., state that among 
the bishops of Coele-Syria who signed the decisions of the Council of 
Nicea was one Basonis Gambulenus (variants: Gambalaenus, Gabulensis, 
Abboli; in the Greek text, Gabulas [ibid., p. 64], Gabulon Bisa: pi F2y;3 
and’ in the Syriac, Gabula [zbid., p. 102]). 

Towards the end of the fourth century a certain Severian was bishop 
in Gabula (Barhebraeus, Chron. eccles. [Abbeloos and Lamy], Vol. 1, col. 123). 

At the Council of Chalcedon in 451 the decisions were signed among 
others by one Petros Gabbulon of Syria (Harduin, Conciliorum collectio 
[Paris, 1715], Vol. 2, col. 364). 

John Malalas, Ghremoat aphia, XVIII, 199-204, beaten that the Saracen 
king Alamundarus (al-Mundir), who was in alliance with the Persians, 
marched with a great army past Circesium as far as the town of Callinicus 
in Osroéne. As soon as Belisarius heard of this, he went with eight 
thousand men — five thousand soldiers of the phylarch Aretas (Haret) 
among them — to the assistance of the local Roman captains. At night 
the Persians approached the Roman fort of Gabbula (Gabbil), situated 
on a rivulet, where they entrenched themselves. Then they laid a great 
number of four-pointed grapples about their camp, thus closing all avenues 
to it except one. Sunica, one of the Roman captains, started in pursuit of 
them, found some of their troops plundering places in the neighborhood, 
and learned from captives of their plans. Belisarius, whom several 
captains had joined in the meantime and who was then camping at the 
town of Barbalissus (the Balis of today) not far from the Persians, 
surrounded the Persian detachments near Beselathum and Batnae, as 
well as at other places in that region. The Persians now demolished with 
wooden engines the walls of Gabbula, which they had already under- 
mined, and captured the fort; yet, on learning that Belisarius was prepar- 
ing for an attack, they withdrew at night, taking their spoil with them; 
Belisarius, however, pursued them with such swiftness that they had to 
encamp again and get ready for a defense. They did this not far from the 
frontier on this (the right-hand) side of the Euphrates, the passage across 
which was guarded by Byzantine sailors. On the dry land the Persians 
were surrounded on the south by the phylarch Aretas with two other 
captains, on the north by Sunica with one other captain, and on the east 
by Belisarius himself. On Easter eve, April 19, 531, a battle took place, 
in which Belisarius was defeated. He therefore embarked with a part of 
his army and sought refuge in Callinicus; but the rest of the army re- 


GABBULA OR GABBUL 275 


sisted the Persians successfully, and on the retreat of the latter pursued 
them for two Roman miles. After this the victors also crossed over to 
Callinicus. — The town of Batnae, mentioned in this report, is a well 
known settlement between Aleppo and Membig. 

Procopius, De bello persico, I, 17f., records that in 531 the Roman 
Empire was invaded by 15,000 Persian cavalry led by the Persian Azareth 
and the Arab Alamundarus, whose mother’s name was Saccica (Sekika). 
They did not pillage Mesopotamia, as before, but Euphratesia. They crossed 
the river Euphrates while yet in Assyria, marched through the desert, and 
appeared suddenly in Commagene. Belisarius, surprised by this, garrisoned 
the Mesopotamian towns, crossed the Euphrates, and hurried with twenty 
thousand men to meet the enemy. Learning that the latter was encamped 
at Gabbula, Belisarius took his position at Chalcis, about 110 stades from 
there. The Persians, alarmed, commenced a retreat along the right bank 
of the Euphrates. Belisarius followed them at a distance of one day’s 
march, his intention being not to attack, but simply to force them out of 
Roman territory. Finally the Persians halted opposite Callinicus, intending 
to leave the Euphrates and return through the inhospitable desert to Persia 
again. The Roman troops, who spent the night at Sura, surprised the Per- 
sians on the morning of the day before Easter, April 19, just when they 
were making ready for the march. When Belisarius learned that he would 
not be able to keep his men from fighting, he placed the infantry by the 
river on the left wing, the Saracen auxiliaries led by Aretas on the right 
wing on rising ground, and he himself with the cavalry remained in the 
center. On the Persian side the Saracens formed the left wing and the 
Persians the right. After two o’clock in the afternoon the battle was lost 
for the Romans. | 

Zacharias the Rhetor, Historia miscellanea (Land), 9: 4, writes that 
the Persians marched through the Roman desert and went into the camp 
by the Euphrates, according to their custom securing themselves against 
a surprise attack by digging deep ditches. Belisarius, intending to fight 
them, overtook them in the last week of Lent. The Persian commander 
Astabed, who feared the Romans greatly, asked for an armistice in order 
that the Christians and Jéws in his army, as well as the Christian sol- 
diers of Belisarius, might celebrate the festivals. Belisarius agreed, but 
several of his captains murmured against his leniency and would not 
hear of an armistice on any grounds. Then, when the fight began, a cold 
wind blew against the Romans, who were worsted and fled. Many were 
drowned in the Euphrates. 

In 540 Justinian I ordered Gabula to be repaired (Procopius, De 
aedificiws, II, 9: 10). 

Michael the Syrian, Chronicle (Chabot), Vol. 4, p. 276, and Zacharias 
the Rhetor, op. cit., 8:5, note that in 545 one Simeon was the prior of 
the monastery of St. Isaac in Gabula. There were then in that vicinity 
the monasteries Bejt Rekim, Magds, Kubbe, Konon (or Sentin), and Bejt 
Mar Hanina’. 

Barhebraeus, op. cit., Vol. 1, col. 261, relates that in 597 the monk 
Athanasius, who was afterwards the Jacobite patriarch Julian, carried 
salt by camels from Gabula to the Kinnesrin monastery. 

KemAaladdin, Ta’rih (Barbier de Meynard), pp. 639f., relates that in the 
winter of 1123—1124 al-Gabbil and the neighboring places were pillaged 


276 PALMYRENA 


by Joscelin, who captured many flocks and drove the inhabitants of Dejr 
Hafer from the caves where they had hidden. 

According to Kemaladdin (Ta@vrih [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or lat., 
Vol. 6, pp. 7-11) in 1241 the Khorasmians (Hawarezm) marched from Har- 
ran for a new attack on Aleppo. They crossed the Euphrates at ar-Rakka, 
reaching al-Faja’, Dejr Hafer, and al-Gabbfil, whence they spread all through 
the administrative district of an-Nakira, the Aleppan troops having ‘gone 
to meet them in the meantime. The Khorasmians went nearly as far as 
Salamijja and, returning from there to ar-Rusafa, were encountered by 
a troop of Arabs. North and west of al-Balil they made preparations to 
cross the Euphrates. On hearing of this, the Aleppans, who had by that 
time reached Siffin, hastened to prevent their passage but were unsuc- 
cessful in doing so, since the Khorasmians had already selected a position 
at Bustan al-Balil, fortifying their camp with palisades and digging all 
around it a deep trench. The Aleppans fought with them late into the 
night, but, having neither fodder for their horses nor food for themselves, 
they finally returned to their camp at Siffin the same night. The Khoras- 
mians then crossed the Euphrates and reached ar-Rakka in safety, while 
the Aleppan troops, trying to cross the river at the fort of Ga‘bar, failed 
to do so because they lacked provisions. — 

The district of al-Faja’ extends to the southwest of Membig (Hiera- 
polis). From there it appears that the Khorasmians started southwards 
to Dejr Hafer, Gabbil, and Salamja, after which they turned northeast 
along the foot of the Abu Rigmén range by way of ar-Resafa to the 
ford of al-Balil, about thirty kilometers north-northeast of ar-Resafa. 
Al-Balil is identical with the modern Bulil, as the flood plain east of 
Strija is called. The distance from there to Siffin, the Banat abu Hréra 
of today, is forty-five kilometers. 

Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 29f., writes that al-Gabbil is a large settle- | 
ment by the salina of Aleppo. The creek of al-Butn4n (also called ad-Dahab) 
empties into this salina after flowing through the settlement. Its water 
evaporates when it reaches the salina and leaves there salt, which sup- 
plies many settlements both in Syria and in Mesopotamia. The annual 
profit from the salt is estimated at 120,000 dirhem. The soil thereabouts 
is sandy. The inhabitants of al-Gabbtil are notorious for their laxity in 
religious matters and their mendacity, quarrelsomeness, and factiousness. 

Jakut, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 839, says, with regard to the Nahr ad-Dahab, 
that it is identical with the creek WAdi Butn4n, which runs by Buza‘a. 
This is said to be one of the wonders of the world, since that which 
thrives on its upper reaches is sold by weight and that which is obtained 
from the lower reaches by measure. Owing to irrigation, in the upper 
reaches cotton and other products of the soil are raised with success; far- 
ther down the creek empties into a lowland extending over two parasangs 
in all directions, and, evaporating there, forms salt, which is transported 
to all parts of Syria and sold by measure. 


eee PEON Dx: 
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 


Concerning the country residences of the Omayyad caliphs I have 
written at some length in my Kusejr ‘Amra (1907), Vol. 1, pp. 119—167. 
Father Henri Lammens, S.J., treats the same subject in his article La 
Bddia et la Hira sous les Omaiyades (1910), pp. 91—112, although he con- 
tributes nothing new. Inasmuch, however, as he shows there a desire to 
correct some of my statements or, at least, to alter them, I have thought 
it incumbent on me once again briefly to outline my ideas on the subject. 

The members of the Omayyad family did not like to live in large 
towns and whenever possible settled in the country. To settle in the 
country was expressed by the verbal form tabadda’, and a country seat 
was called bddija or muntazah (Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Bilak, 1285 A. H.], 
Vol. 6, p. 112; Vol. 8, p. 188; at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 2, p. 1784, 
and passim). 


SEASONS OF THE CALIPHS’ SOJOURNS IN THE COUNTRY 


Only in the case of ‘Abdalmalek do the Arabic authors specify 
where a caliph resided at a particular season (Ansdab [Ahlwardt], p. 200). 
Of the other caliphs and members of the Omayyad family we have no 
such records. Some of them lived constantly in the country and came 
to Damascus only for short sojourns, as, for instance, HisAam and Walid II. 
Before becoming caliph, Hisam liked to stay on his estates on the left 
bank of the Euphrates, either at az-Zejtine (the classical Zaitha) or at 
ar-Rakka (Callinicus); but when caliph he selected for his residence the 
town of ar-Rusafa, where he built himself two manors (at-Tabari op. 
Cie eres. pp. 1467; 1738). 

Walid ibn Jazid ibn “Abdalmalek moved to the country permanently 
in the first half of 735 and lived there almost continually until his death 
in April, 744 (al-Ja‘ktibi, Ta’rih [Houtsma], Vol. 2, p. 394; Abu-l-Farag, 
op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 104; at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1748, 1796). 

Other members of the Omayyad family went to the country, it is 
said, either in the summer or whenever contagious diseases broke out in 
Damascus or the other large towns. 

The caliph Walid I lived at al-Karjatan and watched the struggle of 
two Arabs in a pond there (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 12, pp. 32f.; see 
above, pp. 99f., note 26). — Arabs, who are not very fond of bathing and 
particularly abhor cold water, would surely not have gone into the pond 
in the winter or spring, when the water was still cold. 

While sojourning at his country residence, the caliph Suleiman used 
to amuse himself by night on the roof of his manor — another proof that 
it was summer (zbid., Vol. 4, p. 61). 

Yazid II stayed at Bejt Ras with the singer Hababa. While amusing 
himself with her, he threw into her open mouth grapes — or, according to 


277 


278 PALMYRENA 


others, pieces of pomegranates —, which Hababa swallowed, until one 
clogged her windpipe, suffocating her (Ibn al-Atir, Kdmil [Tornberg], 
Vol. 5, p.90; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 13, p. 165). — The ripe grapes and 
pomegranates also testify that Yazid dwelt in his residence at Bejt Ras 
in the summer or early autumn. 

Jakit, Mu'gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 784, relates from various 
sources that the caliph HisAm preferred to stay at ar-Rusafa in the 
summer (as-sejf). 

Al-Mas‘tdi, Muriig (De Meynard and De Courteille), Vol. 6, pp. 5f., 
relates that Walid II liked to amuse himself with good friends in the 
bright moonlight on a knoll of fine sand. — The nights are quite chilly in 
this region. It is, therefore, unthinkable that he would have amused him- 
self outdoors on winter or spring nights, when everyone shivers with 
cold, seeking the shelter of the tent and wrapping all one’s clothes around 
one (see my Arabia Deserta [1927], pp. 21, 121). 

In Kusejr ‘Amra, Vol. 1, p. 155, I observed. that the members of the 
Omayyad dynasty kept clear of Damascus mainly in summer, as the 
fever there was then at its height. Ibn Batttita, Tuhfa (Defrémery and 
Sanguinetti), Vol. 4, p. 320, found that the pestilence gained most ground 
in Damascus during the summer. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1738, re- 
lates how the caliphs and their sons used to escape to the country when 
contagious diseases broke out and how they shunned people. Once upon 
a time, it is said, somebody pleaded with HisAam not to leave Damascus 
for the country, because the caliphs were not subject to contagion, since 
none of them had ever died of pestilence. But HiSAm would not wait to 
see if this also applied to his person and went to ar-Rusafa. Jakut, 
Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 784, reports that when pestilence had 
broken out His4m built ar-Rusafa and used to reside there in summer. 
From other sources we learn that ar-Rusaéfa means not only the town 
but the outlying neighborhood. “Abbas .and Yazid, the sons of Walid I, 
also fled from contagion to the country. “Abbas took quarters in al-Kas- 
tal and Yazid not far off. (At-Tabari, op. cit., p. 1784.) 

The caliph al-Mutawakkel of the Abbasside family intended to settle 
at Damascus for a long period. He went there at the end of May, 858, 
but did not stay even two months, fleeing to the country for the same 
reason that the Omayyad caliphs had previously fled. The summer air at 
Damascus was said to be chilly and moist, the water undrinkable; from 
3 P.M. until past midnight a strong wind generally blew, and there were 
more fleas than at any other known place. Al-Mutawakkel moved from 
Damascus to ar-Rusafa (ibid., Ser. 3, p. 1486; al-Bekri, Mu‘gam [ Wisten- 
feld], p. 379; al-Mas‘tdi, op. cit., Vol. 7, p. 257). — 

The climate of Damascus has not changed at all. The spring months 
are very pleasant there, but the summer begins early in June and with 
it the contagious diseases. Because of this, those who are able move to 
the country. The owners of landed estates almost invariably have a 
cottage in one of their hamlets, where they live through the entire sum- 
mer until the first autumn rain. Wealthy people owning no hamlets leave 
for the Lebanon or Antilebanon, while the ordinary: citizens hire such 
summer quarters in the neighborhood as they find convenient. 

In the summer months as at no other time of the year the country 
about Damascus is full of people and commotion. Towards the end of 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 279 


June large tribes of Bedouins encamp on the stubble fields south and 
east of the city, selling their camels and home products and providing 
themselves with grain and clothing for their sojourn in the inner desert. 
At the end of August they leave the Damascan district again, and in 
September not a trace of them remains. The country districts most fa- 
vored by the caliphs of former times are still preferred as summer res- 
idences and camping grounds. 

Lammens (op. cit., p. 99, note 5) reproaches me with writing in 
Kusejr Amra, Vol. 1, p. 155, that the Omayyads resided in the country also 
in summer, adding that they could not have selected a worse time for 
such a purpose and that all the quoted passages clearly show them to 
have lived there during the winter rains, which Lammens believes the 
word rabt to mean. This reproach shows that Lammens is unfamiliar 
with the climate and habits of the people of Syria, that he does not 
understand the Arabic conception of rabi’, and that he did not even exam- 
ine carefully the passages on which he bases his reasoning. Abu-l-Fa- 
rag, op. cit., Vol. 10, p. 167, does not mention any sojourn of the Omay- 
yads in the country during the period of the rabi*. Where he speaks of 
the rabt (ibid., Vol. 2, p. 108) he is dealing with the time of Walid II, 
who stayed in the country permanently, not only while the rab?’ lasted 
but also in the sejf, or summer, and in the other seasons of the year. 

Lammens is entirely mistaken in identifying the rabt° with the winter 
rains. The rabi is the result of the winter rains; therefore it may be 
said of a district that it has had no rabt for two or three years, that 
it is not prosperous, because it did not receive the necessary amount of 
rain in all that time. The rabt° does not set in with the first rain, no 
matter how heavy that rain may be. It ordinarily begins during the last 
ten days of February and lasts into May, its end being determined by 
the date and quantity of the last rain. Its results are apparent through 
the whole summer and autumn, when the perennials grow and blossom 
luxuriantly. Furthermore, it is incorrect to say, as Lammens (op. cit., p. 99, 
note 2) does, that the Rwala go to the inner desert only when the rabi° is 
near. They do so at the end of August and even in September, which is from 
four to five months before the beginning of the 7abi’. Often there is no 
prosperity, or rabi*, for several years in succession in the wider environs 
of Damascus. In 1908—1909, when I was with the Rwala, we looked for 
the rabi* from Damascus on the north nearly as far as Tejma on the 
south and Hasm Sennar on the southeast, and yet we did not find it. The 
Rwala said that there was no rabt’. It is in this sense that we should 
interpret Abu-l-Farag’s remarks (op. cit., Vol.2, p.108; Vol. 6, p.112) where 
he states that Walid II encamped at the wells of Aba ir or Ubajr, as the 
rain had been plentiful there that season and, consequently, the rabi’, 
which is the necessary result of the rainfall; he did not encamp there 
because it was springtime. 

Spring, which is a definite season of the year, is synonymous with 
vabt in lands where rain is regular. ‘Adi ibn ar-Rika* (al-Bekri, Mu'gam 
[Wustenfeld], p. 319) is explicit in his statement that Walid I made his 
quarters at Hunasira only when good rains brought on the rabé there. 
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 7, p. 111, says exactly what the modern Bed- 
ouins say: “to a certain region came the vabi‘,” meaning prosperity 
which led a multitude of people to gather there. That the members of 


280 PALMYRENA 


the Omayyad family liked to spend their summers where there had 
been rvabi is easy to understand, but a sojourn of this kind was within 
the means only of those who owned property or had friends in the rural 
districts. 

Lammens is not correct in asserting (op. cit., p. 100, note 3) that the 
Arabic reports invariably connect the Omayyads’ sojourn in the country 
with the rabi° and the winter rains, meaning by this that it was in the 
winter months that the caliphs used to live in the bddija. Not a single one 
of the passages to which he appeals confirms this. As mentioned above, in 
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 10, p. 167, there is no reference to the country 
residences of the Omayyads. Abu-l-Farag (op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 113) makes 
no mention whatever of Yazid II having moved to the country during 
a rabi’. Abu-l-Farag (op. cit., p. 187) relates that Jazid (Yazid) ibn al- 
Walid fled to the country from the pestilence then ravaging Damascus. 
At what time of the year he did this is not stated, but he surely did 
not return to Damascus as long as the danger lasted. As the passage in 
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 188, cannot be connected with the rab 
in any way, there remain only the passages in Vol. 2, p. 108, and Vol. 6, 
pp. 112f. In these Walid II is said to have lived in the country almost 
continuously for several years; therefore he must have been there not 
merely in the winter and spring but in the summer and autumn as well. 

How Lammens can write that the Arabic reports clearly state that 
the Omayyads stayed in the country during the winter rains and can 
assert that this is the only meaning of the word vabi‘, I do not under- 
stand. But Lammens is not consistent. In his Htudes sur le régne du Calife 
Omaiyade Mo‘awia (1908), p. 244, he differentiates between the country 
seats used in the spring and those used at the other seasons of the year. 

The Omayyads used to leave for the country when it pleased them 
or when they had to— according to the circumstances—at different 
times of the year. The chroniclers could not, therefore, note their de- 
parture from and return to Damascus with any regularity, and we learn 
only from occasional remarks that some caliph or prince either moved 
to the country or returned from there to the capital. Therefore, when 
Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 101, writes that the chroniclers speak of the 
ruler as coming and going regularly, he is in error. Some of the passages 
he refers to do not mention such movements at all, and others merely 
state that the caliph, like the other members of reigning family, went to 
the country or returned whenever necessary, not only in the winter or 
spring but also at any other season. 


LOCATION OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES 


It is interesting to examine the places favored by the Omayyads 
for their country residences. The caliphs fully adapted themselves to the 
local customs and as a rule stayed where previously the kings and princes 
of the Setar tribe had liked to live. Such places were Gabija (Hamzat 
al-Isfahani, rih [Gottwaldt], p. 120), Gillik (Hassan ibn Tabet, Diwan 
[Tunis, 1281 c H.], p. 24), Hawwarin (John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical 
History, Ill, 40), apatiante (ibid., VI, 4), Hammam as-Sarrah (Hamzat 
al-Isfahani, op. cit., p.117), and other places east of al-Belka (an-NA@bira, 
Supplement to the Diwdn [Derenbourg], p. 45; Hassan ibn Tabet, op. cit., 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 281 


p. 101; Hamzat al-Isfahani, loc. cit.). GAbija and the other residences of 
the Ghassanian kings south of Damascus were also dear to the Omayyads; 
and, like the Omayyads, the head chiefs of the Rwala at the present time 
camp or live in or near them in summer. 

Regarding the residences south of Damascus I shall say nothing, 
my chief interest being in those to the northeast, east, and southeast of 
that city. In the immediate vicinity of Damascus I shall mention only 
Dejr Murran, the famous monastery, where probably every royal prince 
was entertained and where the caliph al-Walid I died. The precise loc- 
ation of this monastery is at present unknown. I look for it, however, on 
the hillock of ar-Rabwe, near which lies a settlement of the same name, 
four kilometers west-northwest of the city. Between the hillock and the 
rocky mountains to the west the Barada river cleaves its way to the blessed 
plain of Damascus. The road and the railway both run along the bank 
of the river through the narrow gap. From the hillock there is a delight- 
ful view east and southeast over the immense garden of al-Rtita, which is 
irrigated by the river, some canals, and several creeks. To the eastward 
may be seen the white minarets of Damascus, while to the northwest 
and west rise the bluish or rose-tinged rocks of the Antilebanon and 
Mt. Hermon. Of the old monastery no remains can be seen on this hil- 
lock. Some enterprising citizen has started a coffeehouse there, in order 
that the excursionists may enjoy the view while sitting in the shade. 
With the location of Dejr Murran as thus stated all the extant records 
would seem to agree, particularly that of Ibn ar-Ra‘i ad-Dimiski (Bark 
| Codex vindobonensis], fol. 29), who, writing at the end the eighteenth 
century, asserts that Dejr Murran lies at the foot of the range of KAsijin 
near the settlement of ar-Rabwe and that there is a splendid view from 
it over al-Rtta. It is said to be an old monastery, of which there remains 
nothing but a few foundation walls and the name. Below, in the plain, 
extend beautiful gardens reminding one of paradise. 

Yazid I enjoyed staying in Huwwarin very much; there also he died 
(at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 203, 427; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 16, 
p. 88; al-Mas‘tdi, Murig [De Meynard and De Courteille], Vol.5, pp. 126f.). 
The location of this place is well known; Lammens, however, in his Mo‘dwia 
(1908), pp. 245f., states that it lies on the border of the great Syrian 
desert halfway between Damascus and Palmyra, whereas in his Yazid I®’, 
(1913), p. 471, he places it two days north of Damascus, between this 
city and Homs. Through Hawwarin no direct road has ever led or now 
leads from Damascus to either Palmyra or Homs. HawwéArin is not 
situated to the north but to the northeast of Damascus, and the great 
Syrian desert is at least seventy kilometers away. In his Mo‘dwia (1908), 
p. 247 and note 1, Lammens, referring to Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 16, pp. 
70f., says that Yazid while at HuwwAarin had musicians come to him from 
the Hegaz. In the passage to which Lammens refers, however, no mention 
whatever is made of Hawwarin. Yazid’s delight in Hawwarin is attributed 
by Lammens, op. cit., pp. 263f., to various causes, among them the fact 
that Hawwarin is not far from territory once occupied by the Tarleb tribe. 
Lammens believes that a part of this tribe settled in the desert which 
lay between Membig, ar-Resafa, and the Bisr range and thus adjoined 
on the north the territory of the Kalb and Ghassanian tribes, i. e. the 
vicinity of Palmyra and Hawwéarin. He would thus exclude the Tarleb 


282 PALMYRENA 


from the desert south of the Bisr range (al-BiSri), although, as a matter 
of fact, this tribe also camped to the south of al-BiSr, even as far as 
the country about ‘Ajn at-Tamr and the Laha range. Moreover, Palmyra 
and HawwéArin lie, not south, but southwest of al-Bisri and ar-Resafa. In 
defining the limits of the Kalb territory Lammens (op. cit., p. 153, 
note 1) would read in al-KalkaSsandi, Subh (Cairo, 1903), Vol. 1, p. 195 
(Cairo, 1922, p. 316), Hunasira instead of al-Manazer. This is taking 
unjustifiable liberties with the text of al-KalkaSandi. Al-KalkaSandi copies 
al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 18, where it is stated that the Kalb 
were settled at Manazer as-Sam between al-Belka and Huwwarin as far 
as az-Zejttin. By the word mandzer the Arabic writers designated the 
classical limes exterior, i. e. the outer boundaries of the Roman Empire. 

Merwan ibn al-Hakam occasionally stayed at as-Sinnabra on the 
shore of Lake Tiberias near the town of at-Tabarijje (al-Mas tdi, op. cit., 
Vol.5,"p. -205); 

The country seats of the caliph ‘Abdalmalek are noted accurately in 
the anonymous Arabic chronicle Ansadb (Ahlwardt), pp. 200f. In the rainy 
season he would live at as-Sinnabra in the administrative district of Ur- 
dunn. When the rain abated he would remove to Gabija. His retinue took 
quarters in the neighborhood, “Abdalmalek distributing sheep among them 
at stated intervals. After the few first days of March, he would go to 
Damascus, where he resided at the Dejr Murran; but when the summer 
heat set in he would leave for Baalbek to stay there until the first winds 
announcing the coming rains began to blow. Then he would return to 
Damascus and, when the cold increased, move to as-Sinnabra; here he 
died. — These precise statements make it evident that ‘Abdalmalek shunned 
Damascus in summer, and we may therefore assume that his predecessors 
and his successors alike did the same; that is, that they did not live 
in the country during the rainy season only, but at all times of the year. 

Walid I had a country residence at Usejs, as is attested by “Adi ibn 
ar-Rika’ (al-Bekri, op. cit., p. 122; Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 272). Jakut 
says that Usejs is a watering place east of Damascus. — Usejs is to be 
identified with the voleano Tell Sejs, which rises 105 kilometers south- 
east of Damascus. The classical “Usejs” sounds in the dialect like “Sejs.” At 
the foot of the Tell Sejs is an artificial rain pool and a heap of ruins. 

Abu-l-Farag, op.cit., Vol.12, pp. 32f., relates that Walid I also lived at 
al-Karjatan, thus north of the Tell Sejs and twenty kilometers southeast 
of Hawwarin. The poet ‘Adi ibn ar-Rika’ remarks (al-Bekri, op. cit., 
pp. 318f.) that the caliph Walid I after the abundant winter rains moved 
to Hunasirat al-Ahass and that his stay there brought much profit to 
the people from the surrounding country. — The effects of abundant winter 
rains in the vicinity of Hundasira (the modern Handser, about 40 kilo- 
meters south of Aleppo and 185 kilometers nearly due north from al- 
Hawwarin) do not appear before April, from which we may conclude 
that Walid I spent the summer there also. 

‘Abbas and Yazid, the sons of Walid I, had their country seats at 
al-Kastal and in the region near by; al-Kastal was a five days’ journey 
from Damascus (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser.2, pp. 1784-1788). — The road from 
al-Kastal to Damascus led by way of Gerfid; therefore we must look for 
this country residence at the ruin of al-Kastal, 95 kilometers northeast 
of Hawwarin. 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 283 


Yazid II often left Damascus for his country seat of al-Mwakkar 
(Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18, p. 160; Jakiat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 687). — 
This residence, which has kept its old name to this day, lies 85 kilo- 
meters north-northeast of Taibt al-Radaf. Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 103, 
note 2, found a mention of al-Mwakkar in Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18, 
pp. 165, 166, where, however, I have searched for it in vain. He writes 
(Lammens, op. cit., p. 108, note 8) that Yazid had various buildings put 
up around the manor at al-Mwakkar, and refers to Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., 
p. 161; but in this passage the place is not mentioned at all. — The manor 
of al-Mwakkar must have suffered during the war between ‘Abdallah ibn 
‘Ali, commander of the caliph Abu-l-‘Abbas (750-754) and Habib ibn Murra 
in al-Belka (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 3, pp. 52-56; al-Mas‘tdi, Murig 
[De Meynard and De Courteille], Vol. 6, p. 76), since the poet Ishak ibn 
Muslim al-‘Okejli sings the praises of the caliph Abu-l-‘Abbas, by whose 
order Homs, Bab at-Tin, al-Mwakkar, and Tadmur were demolished (Abu- 
l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18, p. 150). But it could not have been destroyed 
completely, because either right in it or in the adjoining settlement of 
the same name there lived a family of which al-Walid ibn Muhammad 
al-Mwakkari, the collector of religious traditions, was a descendant. This 
al-Walid died in 894 (Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 687). 

Yazid II sometimes also resided in the vicinity of Fudejn, where Sa‘id 
ibn Haled ibn “Amr ibn “Otman had a manor (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, 
pp. 113, 115). This manor I take to be the Kasr al-Hallabat, about 25 
kilometers south-southeast of the settlement of Fdejn and 45 kilometers 
north-northeast of al-Mwakkar. Here a small but finely built house must 
have been inhabited permanently by Moslems. Yazid’s country residence 
was probably identical with the Hamm4m as-Sarrah, five kilometers south- 
east of the Kasr al-Hallabat, for nowhere do we find any evidence that 
Yazid II ever lived in company with Sa‘id at the latter’s manor. Accord- 
ing to Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 858f., al-Faddajn is a settlement in the 
Hawran district. There the Omayyad Sa‘id ibn Haled ibn Muhammad ibn 
“Abdallah al-‘Otmani had a castle; but, when he revolted against the caliph 
al-Ma’mtin (813—833) and an army was sent to punish him, he fled to Ziza. 
The caliph’s troops took the castle and pursued him to Ziza; when this 
place fell before them, Sa‘id took refuge first in “Amman, then at the 
settlement of Masth, and finally in the strong fort of Hesban. — The 
castle of this Sa‘id must be identical with the castle of his ancestor Sa‘id 
and with our Kasr al-Hallabat, for neither in the settlement of Fdejn, nor 
in its immediate vicinity is there any manor or castle. 

Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18, p. 165, knew of a country seat of 
Yazid II at Bejt Ras. Certain Arabic writers placed this settlement in 
the administrative district of Urdunn and others placed it in the terri- 
tory of Jerusalem. Since, according to some of these writers, Taibt al- 
Radaf was likewise located in Urdunn, I hold that we may identify Bejt 
Ras with the Dat RAs ruins, 110 kilometers southwest of Tabt al-Radaf. 
Dat Ras lies in the territory of al-Belka, where Yazid II had two favorite 
seats, al-Mwakkar and Fudejn. 

In al-Belka, 15 kilometers southwest of al-Mwakkar, stands the large 
manor of al-MSatta, which Lammens, Bddia (1910), pp. 102f., would also 
like to identify as one of the country seats of the Omayyad caliphs. His 
principal argument for this is its location on the Roman limes, where 


284 PALMYRENA 


the Bedouins are said to like to camp in winter; from this circumstance 
he would derive the name of al-MSatta from the word msattd (winter 
camp), which, he says, is the Bedouin way of pronouncing the correct 
masta. This statement, however, shows that Lammens is unfamiliar with 
the language of the Bedouins, with their customs and practices, and even 
with the location of the ruins of al-MSatta. 

Not a single tribe of the Bedouins calls a winter camp msattd; they 
all pronounce the word distinctly masta (plural, masdtz). It is true that 
in some dialects ksuba is proneunced ksubba and hbeke is pronounced 
hbekke; but in these cases the third stem consonant — not the second, as 
in msatta — is doubled. Msattd would be considered by every Bedouin the 
plural of a feminine noun derived from the stem Satt in the dialect of 
the goat and sheep breeders who live southeast and northeast of Da- 
mascus, since the latter say “Edra‘a” and ‘“‘Ukériba,” (not “Edra‘at” or 
““Uzéribat,” as the Bedouins would pronounce these names) and by ana- 
logy would say msattd instead of msattdt. In nouns denoting the place 
of the action of a verb of which the third stem conscnant is weak, the 
prefix never loses its vowel, and therefore the Bedouins say malga, manda, 
malka’, and, accordingly, masta — never msata or msatta (see my Arabia 
Deserta, p. 408). 

Lammens would place the best winter camping grounds of the Bed- 
ouins at the watering places on the Roman border. As a matter of fact 
not a single Bedouin tribe is ever seen wintering along the line of the 
inner Roman border, or limes interior, on which al-MSatta lies. Even the 
Beni Sahr, to whom that territory now belongs, move with their flocks 
and tents far to the east when the winter approaches, not returning to 
the vicinity of al-MSatta before the middle of June, to stay there no later 
than the end of August. On this account alone al-MSatta cannot be called 
a winter camping ground of the Bedouins. 

In the time of the Omayyads the whole line of the limes interior 
was settled and cultivated, a fact which surely would have made it im- 
possible for Bedouins and their camels to camp there either in the winter 
or spring, since they would have ruined the peasants’ crops. Then, as now, 
the Bedouins went there only when the harvest time began, and then, as 
now, they went deeper and deeper into the country as the work in the 
fields permitted, their flocks pasturing on the stubble all the way. This 
is the practice even today of the Palmyrene peasants, who leave their 
hamlets in winter and drive their flocks to the desert borders to let them 
graze there as long as the rain water lasts. Not until this dries up do 
they return into Palmyrena. 

Every native knows that during the winter months there are not 
many wild animals either in Palmyrena or Moab, since they withdraw 
at this time far into the desert and do not return thence to the former 
inner border of the Roman Empire until some time in June or July. In 
the time of the Omayyads the situation was certainly no different from 
what it is now; consequently, when the caliphs wanted to amuse them- 
selves by hunting in their country seats, they would have had to remain 
there during the summer and autumn, 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS — 285 


WALID II’S COUNTRY RESIDENCES 


Yazid’s son, Walid II, also grew fond of the eastern border of the 
al-Belka district. Having accompanied his father there frequently, he had 
made many acquaintances and friends in the region. He therefore retired 
thither when he noticed with what disfavor His4m looked upon his staying 
in ar-Resafa or its neighborhood. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1743, and 
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 104, relate that Walid moved to al-Azrak 
between the territories of the Balkejn and Fezara tribes and settled at 
the watering place of al-Ardaf. Elsewhere (ibid., Vol. 2, p. 79) Abu-l- 
Farag calls these waters al-Radaf. Ibn al-Atir, Kamil (Tornberg), Vol. 5, 
p. 198, records that Walid made his quarters at al-Azrak near a watering 
place that belonged to him in the administrative district of Urdunn. In 
the work cited, Vol. 5, p. 217, Ibn al-Atir writes that Walid lived at al- 
Ardaf in the “Amméan district. — These and other reports suggest that by 
al-Azrak and ‘Amman was meant the same district and indicate the 
location of the water of al-Ardaf or al-Radaf. This fact, however, does 
not exclude Walid II’s periodical visits either to the town of ‘Amman 
or to the settlement of al-Azrak. But that Walid II had been particularly 
fond of al-Azrak, as Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 103, asserts, cannot be 
proved, since no incident from Walid II’s stay at al-Azrak is mentioned 
in any known source. 

Since Walid II used to sojourn at al-Radaf and since he fled for 
his life from his residence there (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1795f.), 
we may assume that al-Radaf was the place where he had the building 
erected which is recorded by Abu-l-Farag (op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 136). This 
building was probably identical with the town mentioned by Severus ibn 
al-Mukaffa‘, Sijar (Seybold), pp. 163f. Severus writes that in the desert 
15 miles from the nearest water al-Walid began to build a town called 
after him. He brought people from everywhere and ordered them to hurry 
the work of construction. Although a thousand camels were employed to 
bring water for the workers, they could not carry enough even for one 
day, and many workers died of thirst. The camels were divided in two 
groups: a group of six hundred brought water one day, another group 
of four hundred brought it the next. Al-Walid was assailed by a certain 
Ibrahim, who killed him. — 

In al-Radaf there are ruins of a large unfinished building, which 
might easily have been mistaken for a town (see my Kusejr “Amra, pp. 
14-16 and Figs. 7-14, 938-101). The water may have been brought from the 
now caved-in wells Radir ad-Dib, 23 kilometers east-northeast of al-Radaf. 
There is another unfinished building at al-MSatta, but its location in 
a tilled region — within about 10 kilometers of a supply of spring water — 
does not tally with Severus’ report. 

According to at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1796, Walid II on his march 
from his country seat to al-Bahra (al-Bhara) reached the Sabakat ad- 
Dahhak. This plain of ad-Dahhak is identical with the Sbecet or fejzat of 
az-Zah¢ijje, the position of which shows that Walid II’s country seat must 
have been to the southwest of it and therefore not at al-Azrak but at what 
is now the demolished and partly unfinished manor of Tibt al-Radaf. 
Tibt al-Radaf is identical with the classical al-Ardaf. 


286 PALMYRENA 


At-Tabari, op. cit., p. 1754, writes that Walid II entertained the 
pilgrims and warriors at the station of Ziza on the old transport road 
from southwestern Arabia to Damascus. Possibly he sojourned there period- 
ically. Once in a while he also stopped at the manor of his father-in-law, 
Said, at Fudejn (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, pp. 118, 115); but he seldom 
stayed there long. Lammens, Mo‘dwia (1908), p. 246, places Fudejn and al- 
Azrak in the old Moab territory, where they never belonged. According 
to Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 118, we might believe that Kastal was 
Walid II’s residence, but it is hard to say whether it was the Kastal 
95 kilometers northwest of Tibt al-Radaf or al-Kastal, the country seat 
of his relative and friend ‘Abbas, 70 kilometers northwest of Palmyra. 

Sometimes after good rains or in the time of rabbi’ Walid II stayed 
at Abair (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 108; here Aba’in is erroneously 
printed, an error to which I have already called attention in Kusejr “Amra, 
Vol. 1, p. 157, note 335). There I also look for the muntazah (country seat), 
another place favored by Walid II in the rabt (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, 
p. 112). He was visited there in 748 by a poet from the Hegaz. Aba’ir 
may be identified with Ubajr in the territory of the Beni al-Kejn (cbid., 
Vol. 11, p. 87) and with the modern Bajer, 70 kilometers east-southeast 
of Tibt al-Radaf. It is situated on the transport and pilgrim road from 
al-Medina by way of Tejma to Syria, the road which was surely taken 
by the poet when he went to pay his respects to Walid II (see my Arabia 
Deserta, pp. 324f. and note 76). 

Lammens, Badia (1910), p. 102, note 7, regards Aba’ ir as a fort on the 
Roman limes. He does not give any reasons for this assumption; nor is 
it possible to find any, because the limes interior lay 120 kilometers west 
and the limes exterior 240 kilometers east of Aba ir, the modern Bajer. 
Lammens, op. cit., p. 108, also identifies one of the country residences of 
Walid II with the Kasr al-Abjad at ar-Ruhba, but not a single source 
mentions that Walid II ever lived there. 

The country seat of an-Nagra’ recorded by Lammens, loc. cit., is 
due to a false rendering of the name of the known settlement al-Bahra 
(al-Bhara) where Walid II was visited by several personages (Abu-l- 
Farag, op. cit., Vol. 5, pp. 148, 168) and was later killed and buried (al- 
Mas‘tdi, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 2; in Ibn Kotejba, Ma‘drif [Wiistenfeld], pp. 182, 
186, the name is erroneously spelled al-Bahra’). Al-Bekri, op. cit., p. 141, 
writes that al-Bahra’ is the name of a ground in Syria, so called owing 
to the bad smells coming from a cemetery there. — This shows that the 
Arabic al-bahra’ (the stinking) is merely a descriptive term and not the 
real name of this settlement; it is also interesting to note that the 
settlement was still known as late as the eleventh century. To bad 
smells the Bedouins are very sensitive, believing them to have an in- 
jurious effect on many people. Moreover, at al-Bahra there is a large 
cemetery. When I was there at the end of 1908 it was still untouched, 
but in the first part of 1912 all the graves had been opened and plun- 
dered and the bones scattered about. Goaria, the original name of al- 
Bahra’, survived only in classical and Syriac literatures (see above, p. 143, 
note 37). The Arabs perhaps at first said “Goaria al-Bahra’,” but in the 
course of time “Goaria” was dropped and only “al-Bahra’” remained — 
a process met with quite frequently in the Arabic terminology. A plau- 
sible reason for the disappearance of the name Goaria may be the erection - 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 287 


of a fort there by the Persians (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser.-2, p. 1796), who 
undoubtedly gave it a Persian name; but the Arabs did not call it by 
its Persian name. Noman ibn BaSir, a faithful follower of the caliphs 
Othman, Moawiyah, and Yazid I, had a manor inside the fort of al-Bahra’ 
(ibid., p. 1796; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol.14, pp. 119ff.; an-Nawawi, Tahdib 
[Wustenfeld], Vol. 2, pp. 596f.). 

Al-Bekri, Mu'gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 362, records the merry drinking 
bouts of Walid II with his brother Ramr at Dejr Murran. Abu-l-Farag, 
op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 112, substitutes Muhammad, the son of the caliph Suleiman, 
for Ramr and makes a monastery near ar-Ramle in Palestine the scene 
of the revelry. 

Occasionally Walid II also visited ar-Resafa, where he arranged 
horse races (al-Mas‘ddi, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 14). 

All the Omayyad country seats lying southeast, east, or northeast 
of Damascus may be located with accuracy. It is evident that not a single 
one of them was in the desert proper, some being in the cultivated ter- 
ritory and some on its borders. Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 100, is mis- 
taken, therefore, when he says that “the real Arabs, and consequently 
the Omayyads,” settled at different points in the Syrian desert. Lammens 
(zbid., p. 91, note 1) places HunAsira, al-Gabija, and Huwwarin in the desert. 
Ibn ‘Asakir, Ta’vih (Codex berolinensis), fols. 56 v.f., writes more correctly 
that Gabija lies in the cultivated district of Jordan (Sawad al-Urdunn). 
The whole vicinity of Gabija has always been cultivated and settled. 
Hunasira is located amidst hundreds upon hundreds of ruined or rebuilt 
and repeopled villages in Palmyrena; and the same is true of Hawwarin. 
Where these country seats are situated, there never has been, there is 
not now, and there probably never will be a desert. Only Aba’ir and al- 
Ardaf, the Bajer and the Tiaibt al-Radaf of today, can we place in the 
desert, but even on every side of these places there are remains of human 
dwellings; and at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1796, says explicitly that al- 
Ardaf lies in vif — that is, in country which may be cultivated or where 
there are at least abundant pastures all the year round. Likewise the 
neighborhoed of the country seat of al-Bahra might be cultivated, al- 
though farther south and east there prevailed in the time of the Omay- 
yads, as now, an inhospitable desert. 


DETAILS OF CONSTRUCTION 


In what manner were the Omayyads housed in their country seats? 
I have already explained in Kusejr “Amra, Vol. 1, p. 144, that they at 
first lived in tents, as is shown by records preserved in Abu-l-Farag’s 
Kitab al-Ardni and elsewhere, where their dwellings are referred to 
by the Bedouin word bejt (tent). In a tent lived WalidI (Abu-l-Farag, 
op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 188); in a tent died ‘Omar II (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, 
p. 1872; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 158). Hisam sometimes resided 
in tents which he had moved from one place to another (zbid., Vol. 2, 
pp. 35f.). Walid II used to amuse himself in a tent, and mention is made 
of its back wall (riwdk) and its front wall (surddik) (at-Tabari, op. cit., 
Ser. 2, pp. 1819f.). At another time he had both the walls and the floor 
of his tent decorated with Armenian carpets (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 1, 
Dec wyVol. >, p. 173). 


288 PALMYRENA 


As is apparent from the foregoing discussions, however, the caliphs 
while in the country also lived in solid buildings, which they called kasr 
or ddr. These words are synonymous (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1799f.). 
‘Omar II, during his stay at Hundsira, received his subjects in a chamber 
(al-Mas‘Gdi, op. cit., Vol. 5, p. 434). The gate leading to the manor of 
of Walid II could be opened and closed by pulling a metal ring hanging 
from it (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 4. p. 173). Of course, this does not 
mean that such a solid building, or manor, was never surrounded by tents. 
When the kings of the Ghassanian tribe resided at Gabija, the retinue 
surely put up their black tents about the manor. The royal residence then 
consisted of a permanent building, or manor, and of movable tents, as 
explained in Kusejr “Amra, Vol. 1, pp. 145 ff. When the Ghassanian kings 
visited one of the Roman border forts, they lodged with the Byzantine 
commander, and their followers pitched their black tents outside the walls. 
In their numerous buildings the Ghassanian as well as the Lahm kings 
imitated the manors and forts of the Romans and Persians (zbzd., p. 147). 
In this way originated their fortified camps (hira; or, as the Syriac 
writers called them, hérta’). Al-Hira, the chief residence of the Lahm 
kings, consisted, according to reliable Arabic sources, of various perma- 
nent houses or manors. Not far away the kings had the separate manors 
of al-Hawarnak and as-Sadir. In the winter and spring these kings used 
to camp far within the desert; but in the early summer they would return 
to al-Hira. There they occupied one of the manors (kasr) while their 
tribes pitched their tents on the sterile plain west of al-Hira. Thus we 
see that the capital of the Lahm kings as well as their encampments were 
formed both of permanent buildings and of movable tents. Abu-l-Farag, 
op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 35f., records the same about the caliph Hisam, who like- 
wise lived in a manor or castle (kasr) while his retinue lived in tents. 
Often, too, he would settle down with his relatives in a stately tent, to 
return to his manor a short time after. Walid II had a well built house 
at his country seat, which he would occasionally abandon for his tent 
(ibid., Vol. 8, p. 1838). 

The country seats of HisAam and Walid II were apparently arranged 
in the same style as those of the Ghassanian and Lahm kings and were 
invariably called hérta by the Syriac authors. On the other hand, the 
Arabic writers use the word hira almost exclusively to mean the capital, 
al-Hira; while for the country seats of the Omayyad caliphs they seem 
to have no other term than ‘askar. Evidently the Persian word ‘askar 
must have had the same meaning for the Arabic writers as the Aramaic 
hérta or hira, designating sometimes a camp of movable tents and some- 
times an encampment of tents and solid buildings combined. Thus at- 
Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1819-1828, speaks of Walid II as living in a tent 
and yet refers to his ‘askar. Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 186, relates 
that Walid II had a building erected in his camp (‘askar), which goes to 
show that the camp consisted of both movable tents and this solid building. 

The caliph Suleiman lived in the country and one night amused 
himself on the roof of his residence near his ‘askar (Abu-l-Farag, op. 
cit., Vol. 4, p. 61.). Abu-l-Farag (ibid., Vol. 1, p. 19) knew of a ‘askar 
of Walid’s, part of which was formed by the ddr. The latter word cannot, 
therefore, be synonymous with ‘askar, as is the opinion of Lammens, 
Bddia (1910), p. 108, note 5. Ddr signifies a large building with a yard, 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 289 


just as does kasr, for which dav is often substituted (at-Tabari, op. cit., 
mere 2, Opt 1o4,..1899 f.). 

If we read the Syriac annals of the Ghassanian kings, we find that 
what the Arabic writers say of the ‘askar, the Syrians claim for the hértw 
or hira. Such a hira or hértw camp might be broken up or burned (John 
of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History, IV, 22 and 36; VI, 18; Michael the 
Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot], Vol. 4, p. 357). 

In order to elude the numerous visitors, the Omayyads preferred the 
country to the large towns. But even in the country they did not escape 
unwelcome guests, and nothing was left for them but to act the part of 
the host. The true Bedouin knows of no separate house or tent for the 
guest, as do the settlers or goat and sheep raisers who roam along: the 
borders of the cultivated territory. A Bedouin taking his guest to another’s 
or to the common tent would “‘blacken his face,” as their saying is. Every 
tent affords hospitality, but the chief’s, of course, most of all. It is not 
true, as Lammens, Mo‘dwia (1906), p. 101, writes, that in accordance with 
the customs of the desert every sheikh, even the poorest, has an extra 
tent reserved for the guests (maddfe). The Omayyads were not Bedouins, 
but descendants of settlers from Mecca, who put up separate lodgments 
at their country seats in order to avoid personal hospitality. Lammens, 
Badia (1910), p. 108, insists that these lodging places, or hostels, were not 
tents but permanent buildings with walls. As proof he points to Abu-l- 
Farag, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 174, but no mention whatever is made of a hostel 
in this passage. Only in Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 5, p. 178, do we find a 
brief remark that Walid II dwelt in a tent (bejt), the entire furnishings of 
which he presented to a companion of his gaiety. The word bejt in this 
passage surely means a goat’s-hair tent (bejt as-sa‘ar), because Walid II 
was then out hunting. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1819f., to whom 
Lammens also refers, says distinctly that Walid II lived in a tent (bejt) 
with a riwdk (back wall) and surddik (front wall). In Abu-l-Farag, op. 
cit., Vol. 6, p. 138, only ddr ad-dijdfe is spoken of, referring, I believe, 
‘to a lodging place built on the Pilgrim Road at Ziza. 

The manors which the Lahm kings occupied were decorated with 
pictures closely resembling those at Kusejr ‘Amra. At-Tabari, op. cit., 
Ser. 1, p. 857, relates how the Persian prince Bahram rode out on horse- 
back to hunt wild asses. Having shot one, he started in pursuit of it, 
when he sighted a lion leaping at another ass and tearing its neck. With- 
out losing a moment, Bahram fired a shot into the beast’s back and killed 
it. Afterwards he had this incident memorialized by a painting of it on 
the wall of his room in the manor where he was then living. 

At-Ta‘alibi, Rurar (Zotenberg), pp. 542—544, says of this prince 
Bahram that at another time he went hunting, seated on a thoroughbred 
she-camel. A woman musician was sitting behind him; he also had in his 
bag a skin of wine and a golden goblet. The musician played and he drank. 
Suddenly he saw a herd of gazelles. With one shot he took off both horns of 
a buck; into the forehead of one doe he sent two arrows, which then looked 
like horns, and with the third arrow he nailed to her head the leg with 
which she was scratching herself. King al-Mundir had a picture painted in 
a room of his manor at al-Hawarnak showing Bahram riding out with the 
musician to hunt and all that happened there. The incident of the lion just 
leaping on the wild ass he likewise had immortalized by a wall painting. 


290 PALMYRENA 


The habits of the Lahm kings were undoubtedly the same as those 
of the Ghassanians and were imitated by the Omayyads, who likewise 
had the rooms of their country seats decorated with pictures. In the 
Kusejr ‘Amra there are still preserved various scenes from the chase, 
and the picture on the south wall of the first chamber showing a lion 
attacking a wild ass will never leave my memory. Probably it was painted 
by the order of Walid II, as were the pictures of several mighty rulers, — 
among them, Roderik (Roderick), the last of the Visigothic kings of 
Spain — who were all conquered by Walid’s ancestors. Prince Bahram 
did not fear a lion; the ancestors of WalidII feared neither Bahram’s 
descendants nor any other kings. 


WaALip II’s FLIGHT FROM AL-RADAF TO AL-BAHRA’ 


When Walid II gazed at the pictures in the Kusejr ‘Amra or went 
to the depression of Sirhan himself to kill lions and wild asses, he scar- 
cely thought it was Allah’s will that he also should some day flee from 
his country seats like a hunted animal and that he, too, was destined 
to die from a wound in his back, as did the lion slain by Bahram. Yazid, 
the son of Walid I, rebelled against him and, winning followers at Da- 
mascus, had himself proclaimed Caliph Yazid III and prepared to crush 
his cousin. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1791f., records that Jazid (Yazid) 
ibn al-Walid collected auxiliary troops from various settlements and 
tribes in the country about Damascus, even from as far as Geras. This 
makes it evident that the territory west of Lega’ and the Hawran must 
have been thickly dotted with the antagonists of Walid IJ. Only the in- 
habitants of Homs, Tadmur, and some other settlements east and north- 
east of the Hawran and Damascus remained faithful to him. 

The rebels must have understood the necessity of getting Walid II 
into their power before he could unite with his adherents. They also must 
have known that it would be impossible to surprise him. While they were 
assembling on Damascus from Gera’ and the other settlements, anyone 
might easily have made a detour to give Walid warning, either out of 
good will for his father or in the expectation of a reward. From GeraS 
to al-Radaf (or al-Ardaf), where Walid II was then living, the distance 
is even shorter than from Geras to Damascus. The rebels from Geraé, 
however, went to Damascus, a distance of 140 kilometers. If they had started 
thence against Walid, marching back along the western base of the Hawran, 
they would have had to retrace the road by which they came and to cover 
280 kilometers. Thus the report of their expedition would have spread 
quickly and the possibility of surprising Walid would have been out of the 
question. Besides this, Walid’s adherents would have had time to join him, 
something the rebels could not have prevented. All this shows, therefore, 
that the military enterprises must necessarily have been to the east and 
not to the south of Damascus. In this opinion we are supported by the 
Arabic chroniclers, particularly at-Tabari, who records two principal reports 
of these events. 


First Version of at-Tabari 


At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1795f., writes that at the outbreak 
of the rebellion Walid II was staying at al-Ardaf in the administrative 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 291 


district of “Amman, where the news was brought him by one of his clients 
on horseback. The first step which he took was to send Abu Muhammad 
of the family of Yazid I to Damascus. The latter went as far as Danaba 
and from there opened negotiations with the new caliph, Yazid III. — 

The location of Walid’s country seat is known to us; it is the Tabt 
al-Radaf of today, whence two roads led to Damascus, one west of the 
Hawran the other east of the Hawran and along the border of the vol- 
canic region al-Lega’. Which of these did Abu Muhammad take? He must 
have known that the settlements west of the Hawran and south of Da- 
mascus had declared for Yazid III and that it would be highly dangerous 
for an envoy of a deposed caliph to travel among these settlements for 
as long a time as from four to six days. Now, if he wished to escape this 
danger and complete his errand, all that he could do was to select the 
eastern road, which was both safer and shorter. As he was descended 
from Yazid I, the friends and retainers of his family were all to the east 
of Damascus, where he could, moreover, meet with the auxiliary troops of 
Walid’s adherents from Homs and Tadmur. Therefore he undoubtedly 
decided for the eastern road, which goes past al-Wusad, Burku‘, and al- 
Hadali. That he took this road is evident from the report that he stopped 
at the settlement of Danaba. 

The Arabic writers knew of two Danabas in central Syria: one in 
al-Belka, the other near Damascus. The first is logically excluded from our 
consideration. Walid II himself lived in al-Belka, which makes it highly 
improbable that his messenger would have stopped somewhere near, when 
he was expressly ordered to go to Damascus. For this reason we may 
safely assume that Abu Muhammad halted at the settlement of Danaba 
in the neighborhood of Damascus. This Danaba according to classical 
reports lay on the road from Damascus to Palmyra and may be identified 
with the present al-Basiri ruins. (See above, p. 129, note 34, and p. 241.) 
As the distances thence to Damascus, Homs, and Tudmor are about the 
same, Abu Muhammad could have negotiated from there equally well with 
all three towns named. It is very unlikely that Walid II would have sent 
him merely to Damascus, since he could not have been ignorant of the fact 
that Damascus was’occupied by his enemies and that he could expect no help 
from there. Nor could he have failed to understand that his adherents 
were at Homs and other towns of northern Syria. For this reason, Abu 
Muhammad’s destination could not have been Damascus but the country to 
the east and north of this city, his object being to come into contact with 
Walid’s friends in that region. For this purpose the location of Danaba 
was eminently suitable. But, on learning where the envoy had stopped, 
the new caliph, Yazid III, who had watched Walid’s every move, sent one 
of his confidants to Danaba and won Abu Muhammad over to his side. 

As soon as the report of Abu Muhammad’s treachery reached Walid’s 
camp, some of his courtiers pressed him to leave al-Ardaf at once (at-Tabari, 
op. cit., Ser.2, pp.1795f.; Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Tornberg], Vol. 5, pp. 215f.). 
Others objected to this, asserting that it would be beneath the caliph’s 
dignity to desert his camp and women and flee without a fight. Some, 
again, were of the opinion that there need be no anxiety for the women, 
since they were related to the commander whom Yazid III had sent against 
him. And as safe places of refuge they named Homs, Tadmur, al-Kerje, 
al-Hazim, and al-Bahra’. — 


292 PALMYRENA 


Al-Hazim and al-Bahra’ lie 25 kilometers south of Tudmor, where 
also al-Kerje is to be sought. In my opinion the name al-Kerje originated 
in a false rendering of the word al-Furej, which another record (at-Tabari, 
op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1803) places near al-Bahra’ without mentioning al-Kerje 
at all. 

Walid II, who could not decide where he wanted to go, left al-Ardaf 
with a small retinue and took the as-Samawa road towards the plain, 
Sabakat ad-Dahhak. Later on he resolved to go neither to Homs nor 
Tadmur, but to the strong fort of al-Bahra’, which the Persians had built. 
Here he finally encamped in spite of his fear of catching the pestilence. 
The location of al-Bahra’ we know, as well as that of al-Ardaf. The report, 
which says that Walid II fled along the as-Samawa road, indicates that 
he followed the eastern foot of the Hawran range. Further evidence of 
this is the fact that the Sabakat ad-Dahhak was crossed by him. The 
Sabakat ad-Dahhak, as we have explained above, is identical with the 
modern sabaket or fejzat of az-Zahcijje in the depression of Sirhan fifty 
kilometers northeast of Tibt al-Radaf. Across the Sabakat ad-Dahhak a 
road to Damascus and Homs has always led from the south. This would 
seem to indicate that Walid had at first meant to go to Homs and only 
later decided in favor of al-Bahra’. 

In supreme command over the troops sent against Walid Yazid III 
placed his relative “Abdal‘aziz ibn al-Haggag ibn “Abdalmalek. For the 
rallying point of the detachments a place called Danaba was chosen, 
where 1200 men reported for duty (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1797; 
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, pp. 188f.). The next meeting place was at 
the artificial reservoir of the “Abdal‘aziz ibn al-Walid family, where 800 men 
soon appeared. From this place the now united army, led by the commander- 
in-chief, continued on its march, met a caravan with Walid’s baggage, which 
they captured, and then encamped not far from him. — 

This report makes it evident that the troops sent against Walid were 
in no particular haste, as is also confirmed by al-Ja’ktbi, Ta’rih (Houtsma), 
Vol. 2, p. 400. For the rallying places of Danaba and the reservoir of the 
‘Abdal‘aziz family we cannot look either west or south of the Hawran, 
because, if the rebels had assembled in those directions, Walid II would have 
had time enough to flee to Homs by routes east of the Hawran and al- 
Lega’ and be joined there by his men. “Abdal‘aziz could not have over- 
taken him, since the Hawran range and the volcanic region of al-Lega’ 
would have considerably reduced the speed of the pursuers. 

“Abdal‘aziz knew well that Walid would not flee either to southern 
Syria or to Palestine, where he had no friends, but would seek to enter 
northern Syria and defend himself in the fortified Homs. Thus it was 
‘Abdal‘aziz’s duty to prevent Walid’s flight to northern Syria by marching 
eastwards, not southwards, from Damascus. Hence we should look for the 
rallying places of Danaba and the reservoir of the “Abdal‘aziz family 
to the east of Damascus. We may, therefore, identify the meeting place 
of Danaba with the settlement of Danaba where Walid IJ had been be- 
trayed by his envoy Abu Muhammad and with the present al-Basiri ruins. 
The Danaba located in al-Belka is not to be thought of, since troops would 
not have assembled 180 kilometers south of Damascus right in the im- 
mediate vicinity of an enemy whom they wished to surprise. 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 293 


The reservoir of the “Abdal‘aziz family may likewise be sought only 
to the east of Damascus. “Abdal‘aziz was the son of Walid I, and all the 
Arabic annalists agree that this caliph, when he wished to enjoy his sum- 
mers, liked best of all the rural districts east and northeast of Damascus. 
Not one of the sources mentions any country seat or estate of his in al- 
Belka or south of the Hawran. He liked to reside at al-Karjatan and 
Usejs, where he possessed large estates and had many reservoirs. built 
(at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1272). Therefore I look for the reservoir of 
his son “Abdal‘aziz in the vicinity of the last-named residences and, more 
particularly, to the east or south of al-Basiri (Danaba). Furthermore, 
since the rebels appear to have collected at al-Basiri and in its neigh- 
borhood, it becomes clear to us why Walid II decided during his march 
north from the Sabakat ad-Dahhak not to go on to Homs but to make 
for al-Bahra’. In going to Homs he would have had to pass either right 
through Danaba or close to the west of it, thus running the risk of being 
surrounded by his enemies before he could be joined by his friends. 

The northern position of the two meeting places is also confirmed 
by the statement that Walid II’s pack caravan encountered the troops sent 
against him. If these troops had marched from Damascus to al-Belka by 
the western route, they surely would have plundered Walid’s country seat 
and overtaken his caravan from the south. But there is no report stating 
that Walid’s camp was plundered by the rebel troops prior to his death. 
This shows that the rebels could not have gone to al-Belka at all and 
that they could not have pursued Walid II from the south, but must have 
come from the west. The pack caravan was encountered by them some- 
where between the reservoir of the ‘Abdal‘aziz family and al-Bahra’, 
because immediately after this incident they encamped in front of that 
stronghold. All this proves that Walid II must have fled north-northeast 
from al-Radaf, that the rebels must have wished to block his way from 
Damascus to the east-northeast, and that they finally met at al-Bahra’, 
200 kilometers from Damascus and 380 kilometers from Tubt al-Radaf. 

Before al-Bahra’ there now began the combats between individual 
adherents of Walid II and individual rebels. Both sides learned that “Abbas 
ibn al-Walid I was coming with a troop of armed men to help Walid II. 
To counteract this the commander-in-chief of the rebels sent out a larger 
troop of riders, who surprised “Abbas with his sons at a&-Se‘eb and 
captured them. (At-Tabari, op. cit., pp. 1798, 1803.) — From where was al- 
‘Abbas marching? When the revolt began he was living at his country 
seat of al-Kastal, about ninety kilometers north-northwest of al-Bahra’. 
This entitles us to the belief that in his effort to help Walid II he started 
from this point. We may therefore look for as-Se‘eb between al-Kastal 
and al-Bahra’, probably nearer the latter. The name as-Se‘eb I do not 
know anywhere in that part of the country. To connect this aS-Se‘eb with 
the range Seeb al-L6z is impossible, since the latter lies too far west and 
is too extensive. On leaving al-Kastal, al-"Abbas undoubtedly took the 
transport road that goes southeast as far as the plain spreading south- 
west of Tudmor; then he crossed the southern mountain chain with his 
sons, waited at as-Se‘eb for the rest of his troops, and sent word to 
Walid II that he was coming. Since both he and his sons rode on horse- 
back, there must have been a watering place at aS-Se‘eb. This would lead 


294 PALMYRENA 


us to look for it at the wells in the flats near the Zelib al-Ksejbe, or at 
a’-Sagara, north-northeast of al-Bahra’. 

The captured ‘Abbas was led before al-Bahra’ and compelled to join 
the new caliph, Yazid III. His submission was followed by that of many 
other adherents of Walid, to whom nothing else was then left but to shut 
himself up in the fort of al-Bahra’. The rebels ascended the walls, broke 
into Walid’s apartment while he was reading the Koran, and killed him 
(at-Tabari, op. cit., pp. 1799f.). 


Second Version of at-Tabari 


According to another account of these events originating with a man 
who met the fleeing caliph at the wells of al-Lu’lu’a, Walid rode from 
this place to al-Malika, where he spent the night (at-Tabari, op. cit., 
Ser. 2, pp. 1801—1807). There he was told by a messenger that five hundred 
cavalry were pressing on to his aid from Homs and were just then en- 
camped at al-Ruwejr. Walid now sent a Bedouin to al-Ruwejr to urge 
these reinforcements to the utmost speed in order to meet him at al-Malika. 
He himself marched out in the morning, several troops of his followers 
having joined him in the meantime. When he entered Tel‘et al-MuSbihe, 
he was overtaken by the auxiliary troop from Homs, accompanied by 
which he entered al-Bahra’. Since his soldiers grumbled that they had no 
feed for their animals, Walid, to appease them, wished to buy standing 
grain from the inhabitants, but the soldiers refused green feed and de- 
manded money. — 

These statements are very interesting, since the informant must have 
been thoroughly familiar with the topography of the al-Bahra’ district. 
Unfortunately, he mentions only the last two places where Walid II slept 
on his flight from al-Ardaf, while of the places between Sabakat ad- 
Dahhak and al-Lu’lu’a, at which the fugitive also spent nights, he gives 
us no clue. The position of al-Bahra’ is known. Twenty-five kilometers 
south-southwest from there is a heap of ruins called al-Mléke, the al- 
Malika of the report; and 27 kilometers south-southwest of al-Mléke, again, 
always as lying on the northern borders of the territory of as-Samawa 
south or southwest of Tadmur. Since it follows from this that we must 
seek al-Lulu’a only to the west or southwest of al-Mléke, and since 
Walid II scarcely could have made more than thirty kilometers a day, we 
place which the Bedouins hold in high esteem even today. 

From al-Lu’lu’a Walid despatched a fast courier to the watering 
place of al-Ruwejr, where the auxiliary troop from Homs was then 
camping. I have tried above (pp. 255—259) to prove that for various - 
reasons the old al-Ruwejr may be identified with the modern al-Barde, 
about fifty-five kilometers west of al-Mléke on the easiest road leading 
from Homs into the desert. As the one day’s march of 25 to 30 kilo- 
meters from al-Lu’lu’a was probably made by Walid II — as is still the 
practice today — without a stop, he may have reached al-Mléke soon after 
noon. If the courier had started on a good horse at two o’clock, he could 
have been at al-Ruwejr (al-Barde) before midnight; and, as his orders 
were to urge the auxiliary troop to the greatest haste, he must have had 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 295 


to hurry; and hurry he could, as the terrain through which his way led 
offered no obstacles. The soldiers from Homs did not, however, join Walid 
at al-Mléke, as he had ordered, but only just before his arrival at al- 
Bahra’; thus they had more than twelve hours in which to cover the 
65 kilometers from al-Ruwejr. Tel‘et al-MuSbihe is probably one of the 
smaller valleys originating in the Swéwint asS-Shaba. 

No sooner did Walid II encamp in the fortified camp (fostdt) at 
al-Bahra’ than the report was brought him that the rebels had reached 
al-Lu’lu’a, and, soon after, al-Malika. Their leader, ‘Abdal‘aziz ibn al- 
Haggaz, sent out a troop under the command of Manstr ibn Gamhtr 
with the order to take the Nihja road running to al-Bahra’ east of the high, 
isolated hillock Tell al-Kurej. On the way Mansfir met Walid’s messenger 
to ‘Abbas (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser.2, pp.1803f.; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, 
pp. 1388f.). He did not make him prisoner but sent word by him to “Abbas 
that the latter, if he wanted to save his life, must not move from his 
post before the appearance of the morning star; after that he could go 
where he pleased. When the morning star appeared, ‘Abdal‘aziz with his 
rebels came before al-Bahra’, and after sunrise a fight ensued, resulting 
in a loss of sixty of Walid’s party. In the meantime Manstr also had 
arrived by the Nihja road and attacked Walid from behind; but he was 
repulsed and had to reunite with “Abdal‘aziz. Not until then did ‘Abbas | 
approach, but his joining Walid was prevented by the rebels. Walid would 
have liked to gain “Abdal‘aziz and his rebels over to his own side by 
promising him money and a governor’s position — but in vain. After this 
rebuff Walid took refuge in the castle (kasr) of al-Bahra’, the only gate 
of which was barred simply by a chain. Under this chain some of his 
enemies crawled inside; others leaped from their horses up the wall 
from where they abused Walid vilely. Walid then tried to leave the castle 
by the gate in order to put himself under ‘“Abdal‘aziz’s protection; but 
he was killed and his body mutilated. — 

-This report differentiates between the fortified camp at al-Bahra 
(fostat), in which Walid and his men at first encamped, and the castle 
(kasr). The fostdt lay near the settlement; inside of the fostdt the kasr 
was built. This shows that the kasr or ddr, together with the fostdt, 
formed a whole, of which the kasr was the strongest part. 

Walid II took refuge in the fostdt at al-Bahra soon after noon, and 
the following morning the rebels commanded by “Abdal‘aziz arrived before 
the settlement. They had come from Danaba (al-Basiri) by way of the 


CO AY ye Oe 


the reservoir, which must have been situated between al-Basiri and al- 
‘Elejjanijje, I look for in the large artificial reservoir at the foot of the 
isolated Mt. ‘Ade, whence water was led down to the valley of al-Barde. 

Whoever held Danaba (al-Basiri) in his power also controlled the 
easiest road from the south to Homs. Danaba, however, could have been 
circumvented by the pass of al-‘Anejbe, about twenty-five kilometers to 
the southwest. For this reason “Abdal‘aziz ibn al-Haggag might well have 
encamped at the reservoir at the foot of Mt. ‘Ade. From the top of this 
mountain he could have gained a splendid view both to the south and ° 
southwest and thus could easily have blocked the approach of Walid either 
to Danaba or al-‘Anejbe. When the latter drew off northeast to al-Lu'lu’a, 
“Abdal‘aziz followed him closely, came across his pack caravan, and 


296 PALMYRENA 


captured it. Encamping then at al-Lu’lu’a, he did not know which way 
Walid was going to turn; therefore he hastened to al-Mléke. To prevent 
Walid’s further flight to the northeast, he sent Manstr from al-Lu’lu’a 
with instructions to march in that direction. 

Manstr marched east of al-Frej. Tell al-Frej (not Tell al-Kurej, as 
the text reads) is an isolated, round hillock in the plain about twenty- 
five kilometers northeast of al-Lu’lu’a and is visible from a great distance. 
On the far side of it the Nihja road was said to lead to al-Bahra’. There 
was a watering place of Nihja, known to the poets as lying in the region 
southwest or west of Palmyra. Jaktt (op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 852) visited a 
ruined settlement called Nihja, the modern at-Tjas, during his trip from 
Aleppo by way of ar-Rusafa to al-Karjatan. But to call a road leading 
east of Tell al- Frej to al-Bahra’ after a settlement situated almost nalf- 
way between al-Zerjitejn and Tudmor is hardly possible. This leads me 
to believe that the word “Nihja” is corrupted. In op.cit., Ser. 2, p. 1803, 
note q, we find the variant ‘‘Tihja,’”’ which suggests that the spelling 
“Nihja” or ‘‘Tihja’” (THJ’) is due to confusion with the following verb 
tahajjaa (THJ’). “Halba” is probably the correct reading. From the Kul- 
ban al-Halba an old road leads to al-Bahra’. 

The road running from al-Lulu’a east of Tell al-Frej to al-Bahra 
follows a north-northwesterly course by way of al-Baztrijje to Tudmor. 
If Manstr met on this road the messenger hurrying from Walid II at 
al-Bahra to “Abbas at as- -Se‘eb, we must look for aS-Se‘eb east or north- 
northeast of al-Bahra’, and nee as we have explained, at the spring of 
al-Ksejbe or at hlowara) There al-‘Abbas was to stay until the rebels had 
completely surrounded Walid at al-Bahra, which happened before sunrise. 

‘Abdarrahman ibn Masad relates (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1808) 
that Walid II sent Abu Muhammad as-Sufjani to Damascus as his lieu- 
tenant and that the latter stopped at Danaba. On hearing of this the new 
caliph, Yazid III, at once sent ‘Abdarrahman to Abu Muhammad at Da- 
naba to bring him over to his own side. In this he succeeded. “Abdar- 
rahman then stayed at Danaba until the report of Walid’s death had been 
brought by a rider from the desert, when he started for Damascus to 
bring the glad tidings to Yazid III; but in this someone forestalled him. — 

It is evident from this that Danaba must have lain on the road 
from al-Bahra’ to Damascus and also on the desert borders. In all prob- 
ability a few riders left al-Bahra’ shortly after the tragedy, in order to 
inform the new caliph of the death of his enemy, and, expecting a good 
reward, made all possible speed. For an unknown reason — perhaps a poor 
horse — one of them halted at Danaba, while the rest rode on, reaching 
Damascus ahead of ‘Abdarrahman, who learned of Walid’s end only after 
they had left. A rider hurrying from al-Bahra’ by the shortest route to 
Damascus must go by al-Basiri, which we have already identified with 
Danaba. 


‘“Abdal‘aziz’s Camp at al-Hira 


The shortest report of the tragic fate of Walid we read in at- 
Tabari, op. cit., pp. 1794f. Yazid III collected four bodies of men, each with 
a leader, and for the commander-in-chief appointed “Abdal‘aziz ibn al- 
Haggag ibn “Abdalmalek, who marched out and encamped at al-Hira. — 


THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 297 


Thus the report ends. If it is not to be regarded as merely fragmentary 
or incomplete, al-Hira must be sought as the place where ‘Abdal‘aziz met 
Walid II — that is, his castle at al-Bahra’. Unfortunately, the correctness 
of the reading al-Hira cannot be proved with any degree of certainty. 

De Goeje, who in editing the Giz’ at-tdlet, p. 188, had this place name 
printed “al-Giza,” in editing at-Tabari, op. cit., p. 1795, decided for “al- 
Hira” — entirely justifiably in my opinion, because in other manuscripts 
this same name is likewise often corrupted into “Giza.” Thus, for instance, 
al-Hatib al-Gawhari, Durr (Codex vindobonensis), fol. 93r., writes: Al- 
hawarnak wa-s-sadir bi-l-giza. As al-Hawarnak and as-Sadir are well 
known manors near al-Hira in Irak (see my The Middle Euphrates, pp. 
104-106, note 58), ‘“‘al-Giza” may very well be a corruption of “al-Hira”’; 
therefore, by analogy, in the Giz’ at-tdlet the designation ‘“al-Giza” should 
probably be replaced by the correct al-Hira. Hence, in our judgment, al- 
Hira is merely another name for al-Bahra’, where the rebels, commanded 
by “Abdal‘aziz encamped when they had overtaken Walid II. 

The name al-Hira would seem to be confirmed by the fact that al- 
Bahra’ consisted, as we have seen above, of a permanent fortified camp 
(fostat) and an even stronger “‘castle” or manor (kas7r) built by the Persians 
during their occupation of Syria between 612 and 622. Undoubtedly the 
Persian Arabs who came there called a manor fortified in this way hira 
(see above, p. 288); and this name, which persisted even when the Persians 
were gone, has been preserved to us in the account just mentioned. 

To the northeast of al-Bahra’ and fifteen kilometers southeast of 
at-Tajjibe is the fortified camp of al-Hér. Its architecture and ornaments 
remind us of the Persian style. The name al-Hér as well as that of the 
Kasr al-Hér, 56 kilometers west-southwest of al-Bahra’, comes from the 
same root as that of the name al-Hira. Since, therefore, at-Tabari, op. 
cit., Ser. 2, p. 1797, distinctly declares that the manor at al-Bahra’ was 
built by the Persians, we have corroborative evidence that it may once 
have been called al-Hira. 

Lammens, Bddia (1910), pp. 104f., asserts that at the outbreak of 
the rebellion Walid II lived at al-Azrak. All sources state explicitly, how- 
ever, that he lived at al-Ardaf, which is seventy kilometers south of 
al-Azrak. According to Lammens, the rebels commanded by “Abdal‘aziz 
rode from Damascus west of the Hawran to Bosra and thence on the 
Roman road to al-Azrak and stopped at al-Giza. It would be necessary, 
however, for Lammens to prove the existence of a Roman road from 
Bosra to al-Azrak. That they stopped at the settlement of al-Giza, north- 
west of Bosra, is in direct contradiction to all the reports of the Arabic 
chroniclers. 


APPENDIX X 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 
BY 


PROFESSOR ANTONIN MENDL, PRAGUE 


The present study is based on three sources: 

1. Professor Musil’s original plane table surveys, photographs, and 
description, and the historical data which he brought together relating 
to ar-Resafa. 

2. Samuel Guyer, Rusdfah, in: Friedrich Sarre und Ernst Herzfeld, 
Archdologische Reise im Huphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet, Vol. 2, Berlin, 1920, 
pp. 1—44. 

3. H. Spanner und S. Guyer, Rusafa, die Wallfahrtsstadt des hei- 
ligen Sergios, Berlin, 1926. 

In the last-named volume Spanner, who visited ar-Resafa on two 
occasions during the World War, minutely and exhaustively describes and 
sketches all the ruins and Guyer discusses them from the historical and 
artistic points of view. 

All the conclusions and conjectures regarding the reconstruction of 
the ruins of ar-Resafa are tentative; they will have to be confirmed by 
excavation, something that none of the students who have visited the 
site have been able to undertake. The importance of the remains at ar- 
Resafa lies in their contribution to the knowledge of that transitional 
period in the history of art lying between the late-decadent classic and 
the early Christian. 

The plan of ar-Resafa (Fig. 91) is typical of that of the Hellenistic 
town, a rectangular plan taken over by the Romans and carried by them 
throughout the Empire. Its main features are walls oriented according 
to the points of the compass, two intersecting main streets connecting 
gates in the centers of the opposite walls, a gridiron arrangement of 
secondary residential streets parallel with the main streets, and an elabo- 
rate system of aqueducts and cisterns. 


THE TOWN WALLS 


The town walls (see Fig. 91 and above, pp. 155—156) were con- 
structed in two stories. Of these the lower is now partly buried beneath 
the débris and the upper disintegrating in many places (Fig. 48, p. 156). 
The outer face of the walls was reinforced by square, towerlike struc- 
tures or buttress towers. In the corners the walls were strengthened by 
barbicans of circular plan (Figs. 44 [p. 158], 91, 92). 

The upper story of the walls forms, virtually, a gallery, presenting 
toward the town large openings provided with semicircular arches. From 
the town side an embrasure may be seen on the axis of each interior 
arch. The upper story was reached both by. exposed double staircases and 
by enclosed staircases within the principal gates. 


299 


500 PALMYRENA 


THE NORTH AND EAST GATES 


The north gate, or main entrance into ar-Resafa, ranks among the 
most beautiful as well as among the best preserved products of Byzantine 
architecture (Fig. 51, p. 162). Since the interior facade is flush with the 
town wall (Figs. 47 [p. 158], 98) the whole bulk of the gate is thrown 
outside the line of the wall, an unusual feature and one of some interest. 
In the case of other ancient gates (Spalato, Aosta, Pompeii) the body of 
the gate intrudes into the town or projects only very slightly beyond the 
outer face of the wall, an arrangement prompted by tactical considerations, 
an approaching enemy being exposed to a sweeping shower of missiles. 
Viewed from this standpoint the position of the northern gate at ar-Re- 
‘safa was anything but favorable. However, the passages inclosed within 
the walls and the embrasures (balistraria) above the sole ingress (Fig. 94) 
fully compensated for this disadvantage. 

The north gate consists of the propugnaculum proper, of ample di- 
mensions, and of two tower-like structures which flank it. 

The outer wall of the propugnaculum is now in a very ruinous con- 
dition. Unlike the facades of other gates dating from the same period, 
which for the most part are triaxial, that of the outer wall is entered 
by a single ingress. The inner wall, on the other hand, is pierced by three 
openings, a large central one and two smaller lateral ones (Figs. 51 
[p. 162], 98, 94). The rich southern interior facade is first strikingly 
revealed to the arriving visitor in a vista through the main entrance. 
The other interior walls of the propugnaculum (Figs. 55 [p. 165], 95) were 
treated with greater modesty — probably intentionally —, although they 
are relieved by pilasters having Corinthianized capitals and bases and by 
a straight entablature. 

Let us examine in greater detail the southern interior of the pro- 
pugnaculum. This facade has three coordinate and two subordinate axes 
with advanced piers and archivolts. Apparently classical in design, these 
remind us vividly of the Porta Aurea in Spalato and of the sixth century 
temples of central Syria. In the Porta Aurea, which dates from the third 
century, the dominant motive is almost the same, although executed on 
a smaller scale. At ar-Resafa each entrance is flanked by columns resting 
on bases and having capitals that carry highly ornamental archivolts. All 
the members of the larger archivolts are continued around the smaller 
arches that are supported by the columns between the openings, the curves 
of the arches mitering into a short horizontal piece over each column. 
This gives a band of alternating high and low arches. The archivolts and 
columns are not merely ornamental members, since the voussoirs of the. 
arches actually carry the superimposed masonry. The rich effect of the 
wall, however, is enhanced and harmonized by the splendid ornamentation 
of the various members. 

Each of the three openings under its archivolt is spanned by a flat 
arch and the rectangular opening itself is surrounded by elaborate mold- 
ings. The main entrance is considerably elevated, its flat arch being re- 
lieved by consoles adorned with acanthus. A secondary semi-circular arch 
is introduced above each smaller entrance below the greater arch, form- 
ing a tympanum above the opening. This treatment is probably dictated 
rather by decorative than by structural considerations. The wall above the 


Fic. 91—Ar-Resafa: general plan of ruins. 


PALMYRENA 


302 


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A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 303 


continuous archivolt is capped with a cymation in lieu of a full cornice; 
the cymation, according to Herzfeld (Guyer, Rusdfah [1920], p. 25), is 
rhythmically interrupted by a motive of lions’ heads. On Musil’s photo- 
graph (Fig. 51, p. 162), however, this rhythm cannot be easily discovered. 

The lowest third of the gate is buried in ruins and Musil was too 
pressed for time to excavate. But as the bases of the columns by the 
main entrance are partly above ground, it is obvious that they must 
rest on pedestals. Herzfeld (Guyer, op. cit., pp. 18, 20) has determined 
the exact base moldings, which in their principal features correspond with 
those of an Attic base. The shafts of the columns are not monolithic, 
each being composed of two unchanneled drums. The astragal shows a 
classic form. 

Most attention, however, is attracted by the superb capitals (Figs. 
52, p. 163; 54, p. 164). The core of each capital is completely enveloped in 
acanthus leaves that touch one another, testifying to their purely Byzan- 
tine origin. The foliage is arranged alternately in two tiers, one above the 
other. In the corners the diagonals of the abaci are supported by volutes. 
Between the abaci and the springs of the archivolts dosserets are in- 
troduced in the form of and suggesting the architrave of an entablature. 
These dosserets have an ornate cymatium and their sides bear crude 
bosses. Above the dosserets rise the powerful arches of the superbly 
molded archivolt (Fig. 94). All the members of this archivolt are orna- 
mented. 

In subjecting the age of this structure to historical criticism Guyer 
(loc. cit.) excludes any possibitity of the building having arisen in the 
pre-Justinian period. From the fact that all the members are molded 
analogously he concludes that it cannot antedate the sixth century. 

Of the south gate and the walled-in west gate Professor Musil has 
no photographs. 

The east gate is represented in two views, one showing the vista 
through its propugnaculum in the direction of the martyry (Fig. 48, 
p. 159), the other displaying the details of the right-hand side (Fig. 49, 
p. 159). 


THE MARTYRY 


Among the buildings within the walls great interest attaches to the 
martyry (see pp. 156—157), of which the eastern part only is still pre- 
served (Figs. 57, 58, 59, pp. 170—171). 

Both in ground plan (Fig. 96) and architectural composition this 
building presents certain extraordinary features. The ground plan shows 
a tendency toward the combination of the longitudinal and central schemes 
of composition, as in the temple of St. Sophia at Constantinople. A rect- 
angular nave terminates at the eastern end in a semicircular apse with 
a semi-dome, the apse being somewhat narrower than the nave. The latter 
is expanded on the north, south, and west sides by semicircular bays, 
the aisles conforming with the outlines of the nave. The principal apse 
(Fig. 59, p. 171) is flanked by two spacious compartments, a diaconicon, 
and a prothesis, each of which has a small apse in its eastern wall (Fig. 60, 
p. 171). This grouping of small apses necessitates broad exterior pilasters 
at the eastern end of the building (Fig. 57, p. 170). The eastern front 


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A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 305 


is not masked behind a flat wall, but the various component masses may 
be differentiated even in the ground plan. In this respect the building 
resembles the sixth-century churches of central Syria. Both the main and 
the other apses bear traces of mosaic ornamentation (Fig. 97). Within 
the wall on either side of the principal apse there is a staircase 70 cen- 
timeters wide which certainly led to the upper stories above the lateral 


Fic. 94—Ar-Resafa: north gate, east interior wall of the propugnaculum. 


spaces. The rise and tread of the steps are both given by Musil as 25 
centimetérs. The 45° slope of the stairway as a whole thus indicated seems 
to be confirmed from the view of the eastern wall, which shows us that 
the apse and the lateral compartments maintained the same pitch in 
their relative heights. The exceptional strength of the walls at the eastern 
end has retarded the destruction of this part of the structure. 

However easy it may be to trace the ground plan, the reconstruction 
of the church is a very difficult matter. From the remains of the prin- 
cipal apse we may infer that the nave attained a considerable height. 
The spatial composition, as we conceive it, precludes any idea of raised 
apsidal extensions as high as the nave itself in the northern, southern, 
and western walls. Moreover, it cannot be doubted that the lateral apsidal 
extensions were lower than the principal apse. The splendor with which 
the latter, as well as the subordinate apses of the adjacent spaces, was 
executed admits semi-domes as the most probable vaultings over the apsidal 
extensions. While the aisles certainly conformed with the nave in most 
details, it is likely that their ceilings were of wood, possibly with flat 
surfaces (Figs. 98, 99, 100). 

The fenestration consisted of clerestory windows above the aisle 


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PALMYRENA 


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A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 307 


roof. The nave communicated with the aisles partly through arcades in 
the lateral apses. There is no doubt that the arches of the arcades rested 
on columns, to all appearance not more than two to each apse. Between 
the apses there were also openings from the nave into the aisles, but it 
seems probable that in these openings no columns were placed, in order 
that a uniform scale might be maintained. 


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Fic. 96—Ar-Resafa: martyry, ground plan. 


Guyer (op. cit., pp. 29f.) rejects the possibility of vaults over the 
lateral aisles, basing this opinion on the absence of any ruins of vault- 
ing or of any pilasters. The absence of the ruins of vaulting, however, 
is not at all decisive and the absence of pilasters means little in view 
of the fact that the lateral apses do not abut vertically upon the prin- 
cipal masonry, the centers of the apsidal circles lying in the face of the 
main walls. 

The exterior of the basilica was no doubt monumental and highly 
interesting. The main apse at the eastern end of the church was flanked 
by storied towers raised over the lateral spaces. Into the towers the 
supports of the aisle roofs were embedded. The walls of the nave above 
these roofs were pierced by a series of windows, possibly adorned with 
posts on corbels. These posts may have had capitals and bases and may 


308 PALMYRENA 


have supported the roof trusses on the inside and the principal cornice 
on the outside. 

The superb ornamentation both of the interior and exterior of the 
basilica places the latter among the best executed churches not only in 
ar-Resafa but also in the whole of central Syria and Asia Minor. 


THE SOUTHERN CHURCH 


The five-aisled basilica described by Musil (see, above, p. 157) as 
the southern church is not mentioned in Guyer’s Rusdfah; Spanner de- 
signates it as Basilica B. From what has been preserved (Figs. 61, 62, 
638 [pp. 173—175], 102, 103) we may only conclude that the church was 
of imposing dimensions and that its ornamental execution equalled, if it 
did not exceed, in splendor that of the northern gate and of the martyry. 
A reconstruction of this basilica without recourse to excavations would 
be impracticable. : 


BASILICA OF ST. SERGIUS 


The largest structure in ar-Resafa was situated in the southeastern 
quarter of the city (Fig. 91). As the ruins are comparatively well pre- 
served, it has been possible to determine the ground plan and to re- 
construct the entire building. This basilica has an oriented dromic (long- 
itudinal) plan and consists of a narthex, a nave with two aisles, and a 
semicircular apse (Fig. 105). The detailed ornamentation is very poor: 
we need refer only to the capitals and archivolts of the triaxial arcade 
leading from the aisles to the lateral chapels, to the ornamentation of 
the apsidal concha, and to the capitals of the second structural period 
(Fig. 72, p. 194), which will be explained presently. 

Even from a glance at the photographs (Figs. 65 to 69, pp. 182—190) 
we may discern evidence of three distinct stages of construction. Let us 
describe the elements dating from each of these three stages. 


Elements Originating in the First Stage of Construction 


The inner space proper is divided by cruciform piers into three 
travées or bays. In front of the first, or westernmost, of these is the 
narthex. The eastern travée opens directly into a semicircular apse, flanked 
by the conventional diaconicon and prothesis chapel, each of which opens 
into the corresponding aisle through a triaxial arcade (Fig. 70, p. 191). 
A compartment attached to the southern lateral space of this structure 
in prologation of its longitudinal axis and not shown on the plan (Fig. 
105) was probably another diaconicon. The disposition of the ground plan 
at once recalls that of the central Syrian basilicas of the fourth to sixth 
centuries. 

The nave consists of three bays, each bounded on the north and 
south sides by the principal walls pierced by powerful arches that rest 
upon the capitals of the cruciform piers and form the principal arcades 
(Fig. 106, 107, 108). On the inside above these arcades and on the outside 
above the roofs of the aisles the walls of the clerestory are pierced by 
rows of basilican windows adorned with posts, the bases of which are 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 309 


supported by corbels projecting from the wall. In each travée of the 
clerestory there were six windows between each pair of piers. The capitals 
of the posts bear supports for the tie beams of the roof trusses, a motive 
characteristic of central Syrian architecture. Where the pilasters of the 
cruciform piers reach the cornice under the corbels of the posts, they are 
terminated with bossed capitals, upon which, no doubt, the transverse 


Fic. 97—Ar-Resafa: martyry, detail of southern apse. 


arches rested (Fig. 111). These transverse arches with their estrados sup- 
ported the roof structure over the nave. The construction is similar to 
that of Ruwéha (De Vogiié, Syrie centrale [1865], pls. 68f.; Butler, 
Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to 
Syria [1909], Div. 2, Sect. B, Part 3, p.144). There was no other ceiling than 
the truss roof, which, in all probability, consisted of an open framework. 

The eastern end of the nave terminates in a semicircular apse 
vaulted over with a concha. At the western end, in the direction of the 
main entrance, the nave ends in a wall pierced by a powerful arch of 
similar spring and width to the principal arcades in the longitudinal 
walls. The masonry above this arch had a row of regularly spaced clere- 
story windows at the same level as those of the lateral walls. The aisles 
extend slightly beyond the principal western front of the nave, a motive 
of some interest. 

The aisles have unarticulated external walls with one doorway and 
two windows in each travée. There being no pilasters on the external 
walls corresponding to those on the cruciform piers, it is probable that 
the latter did not reach beyond the aisle roofs, of which they merely 


510 PALMYRENA 


supported the framework. From the great width of the aisles as well as 
from the fact that the cruciform piers have no bases for arches to rest 
upon in the direction toward the aisles, we may infer that there were 
no transverse arches. This view is also supported by the presence of a 
series of holes at the approximate level of the ridges of the aisle roofs 


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Fic. 98—Ar-Resafa: martyry, longitudinal section. 
Fic. 99—Ar-Resafa: martyry, transverse section. 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 311 


(Figs. 68, p. 185; Fig. 69, p. 190). The northern and southern exterior 
walls of the aisles certainly corresponded in every detail. 


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Fic. 100—Ar-Resafa: martyry, reconstruction of interior 
of the nave and apses, looking east. 


The spatial composition of the choir is quite clear: the semicircular 
apse was vaulted over with a plain semi-dome (concha) and had lateral 
spaces attached. 


312 PALMYRENA 


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Fic. 101—Ar-Resafa: martyry, perspective reconstruction of the exterior. 


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A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 
The fenestration of the apse consists of three windows at the level 
of the ground floor and of two other openings above the cornice of the 
semi-dome. The latter are apparently of a later date, being out of axis 


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and disturbing the cornice. Dowel holes in the perpendicular wall of the 
The spaces adjacent to the apse had three stories. 

floor (Figs. 70 [p. 191], 107) communication with the aisles was effected 

by arcaded openings spanned by eccentric semicircular arches. The second 


apse show that this wall was originally lined with stone slabs. 


PALMYRENA 


Fic. 103—Ar-Resafa: southern 


church, apse of the aisle. 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 


Fic. 104—Ar-Resafa: southern church, the aisle. 


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A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 


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Fic. 107—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, transverse section, looking east. 
Fic. 108—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, transverse section, looking west. 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 319 


story opened into the corresponding aisle through a wider semicircular 
arch and had smaller windows looking outward. The third story (Fig. 71, 
p. 194) has small windows flanked on the inside by colonnettes similar 
to the posts on corbels in the nave. Squinch arches resting on these 
colonnettes give a transition between the square plan and a possible 
octagonal roof (Figs. 109, 110, 112). 


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Na NANQ\\\ 
: Tee 
NACA WATE \NV = RK 
ts 
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IG 
QW 
SN 
oe ere er 
- Sei fe Seas ; 


ef eet 1 | | 


Ai aye ik 


Fic. 109—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstructed elevation 
of west front. 


Elements Originating in the Second and Third Stages 
of Construction 


Each bay jof the principal nave walls is marked by a large arch 
subdivided by two smaller arches springing from the capitals of three 
columns. These smaller arches were probably added not only on the sides 
of the nave but at the end facing the narthex to lessen the scale of the 
great openings. In this way the nave was more effectively shut in and 
the narthex virtually separated from it. The narthex was divided into 
three compartments by partition walls built parallel with.the longitudinal 
axis of the basilica. The doorways leading from the nave into the central 
' part and two smaller compartments of the narthex were lined by molded 
chambranles. 

In the third and last building period there were added the massive 
buttresses which insured the stability of the whole structure (Fig. 65, 
Delos). 

Judging from the articulated termination of the choir, from the 


320 


Sa 


PALMYRENA 


HAHA I 
| ees e 


Bagel go 
Mi us 


O14 be ae Rh 8 AB te el 


W/o 
rr 


| 

ah 

eee 
cH 


Fic. 110—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstructed elevation of north front. 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 321 


execution of the windows and doors in the lateral walls, from the capitals, 
and from a comparison of this structure with edifices of central Syria 


a a 


RESA REEN ILIKA 


M 


st 


ee 


= All : 


the dates of which are known (particularly the Basilica of Turmanin), 
Guyer (op. cit., pp. 7—13) confirms Musil in placing the origin of the 
basilica in the beginning of the sixth century. 


e tt ane 


Fic. 111— Ar-Resafa: basilica of St.Sergius, reconstruction of interior, 
looking east. 


322 PALMYRENA 


be 


HT 
Waiee elas 
rh la 


bia | 


i 
Nie 


aa 


| i 2 Voge | = 
| | im: ate gest! 
ese 


iiale 


i 
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we 


Va Oy Fares 
\aae en eee eects 
ieee 


ais Neuse 
fim 
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te iN 


SS 


Fig. 112—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, perspective reconstruction of the exterior. 


Or ee re ee ee a, 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 23 


ee) 


STRUCTURES OUTSIDE THE WALLS 


In the center of an ancient cemetery outside the town and in front 
of the north gate Professor Musil found certain well-preserved ruins of 
a modest five-domed structure of typical Byzantine style. As Guyer justly 
observes, this structure is something of a mystery, inasmuch as the 


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Fic. 113—Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, ground plan. 


building of ar-Resafa ought to be placed in the sixth century at the 
latest, whereas Byzantine architecture of the type of the structure beyond 
the walls flourished in the ninth century. Judging from the ground plan 
as sketched by Professor Musil (Fig. 118), this structure forms and un- 
articulated, closed-up rectangle about 20 meters long by 17 meters wide 
and divided into the following ground sections: 1) a narthex at the western 
end; 2) a church space proper, which forms a square and is divided by 
cruciform piers into a central space, also square, with eight smaller com- 
partments surrounding it; and 3) a choir which conforms with the 
conventional Syrian scheme, i. e. that of a horseshoe-shaped apse flanked 
by lateral spaces of equal size. ; 
Regarding the spatial composition (Figs. 114, 115), the central, as 
well as principal and largest, space is enclosed by four cruciform piers 
resting on bases and having capitals upon which rest four powerful 
unmolded arches. The walls of this central space terminate above in 
moldings. As to the ceiling, Musil’s opinion differs from that of Guyer. 
The former states positively that the central space was surmounted by 
a lofty dome which then must have been supported on pendentives, Guyer 


PALMYRENA 


324 


‘UOTJIES OSAOASUBI} (MO]OG) fUOTZDOS [BUIPNzTsuo] (d9AOqe) ‘YdAnYyd sniepunwelTy :efesey-IW—PFIT ‘D1 


] Na NEE EEE SW ri ORAAID B EE 
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DSLTLELILLLL AEDES SESE E Sd 


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NYS N 
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: : R WAG 


3 


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Y 


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ALAA! GUABeS Tacos’ 


A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 325 


(op. cit., p. 40), on the other hand, basing his opinion of the absence of 
the remains of vaulting in the central portion of the church and referring 


ke 


Raney 
WM 
arn 


Fic. 115—Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, reconstruction of interior, 
looking east. 


to a drawing executed by Herzfeld, believes that there must have been 
some sort of tent-shaped timber roof. Professor Musil’s opinion is more 
acceptable, both in the light of the spatial composition and of the technical 


5326 PALMYRENA 


requirements of construction. Furthermore, the purpose of the structure — 
which lies in the center of a cemetery and, hence, was undoubtedly a 
sepulcher — would seem to bear out Musil’s view, with which Spanner 
(op. cit., p. 44) concurs. 

From each of the four corners there sprang pendentives, support- 
ing a dome. The remaining travées on the principal axes appear to have 
been barrel vaulted, their axes coinciding with the principal axes. The 
apse (Figs. 80 [p. 208], 114) is vaulted over with a concha and has two 
windows with axes and jambs paralleling the principal axis of the struc- 
ture. These windows have chambranles and bear the inscription: 


NIKAHTYXHAAAMOYNAAPOY. 


It is somewhat difficult to determine the architecture of the narthex, 
since the remains of the latter are very scanty. The doorways have 
straight lintels. Light was provided through the small apsidal windows, 
through windows in the axes of the side compartments, and through fan 
lights. : 

The detailed ornamentation is also very sparse. In this connection 
we may mention first the capitals and the bases of the four cruciform 
piers with their corresponding pilasters and the capitals and bases in the 
apse. The former are bossed capitals, Syrio-Mesopotamian in character, 
and are adorned with rustic acanthi having incisions in the two courses 
of leafage and quatrefoils hanging from the latter. The helices springing 
from the upper foliation terminate with crosses and the upper edges of 
the calathus is adorned with pointed ovals, placed diagonally. The orna- 
mentation in the apse is plainer, lacking the crosses springing from the 
upper course of foliage. The fronts of some of the capitals were originally 
ornamented with crosses, but these have been hewn away. 

As each capital rests on a ring molded as torus and scotia, Guyer 
(op. cit., p. 40) classes these capitals among those of the Mesopotamian 
type of the sixth century. 

The date of the founding of the building may be deciphered from 
an inscription between the apsidal windows (see above, pp. 165, 265). 
It was erected during the reign of al-Mundir, between the years 570-581. 
Here we encounter a paradox. Although this church apparently dates from 
the sixth century, in its ground plan and spatial composition it is char- 
acteristic of the five-domed Byzantine structures as they flourished in 
the ninth. Guyer (op. cit., p. 82) is entirely justified in explaining this 
incongruity by asserting that this type probably had been developing 
since the classical era throughout the entire early Christian period and 
that in the ninth century it became especially flourishing and reached 
its maturity. 


‘. ‘ 
‘ 
, ; 


oll LO Crh APY 


Works referred to in this volume only are listed in the bibliography. 

Different works by the same ancient or Arabic author are listed 
together in the same entry and are indicated by Roman numerals. 
Different works by the same modern author are listed separately. 

Of the various names of each Arabic author, the one most frequently 
used is printed first. Where this has necessitated a transposition of the 
proper order of the names, the transposition is indicated by a comma 
(thus: Al-Bekri, Abu “Obejd “Abdallah ibn ‘Abdal‘aziz instead of Abu 
‘Obejd “Abdallah ibn “Abdal‘aziz al-Bekri). 

All dates are A.D. except where otherwise indicated. 


Abu-l-Fada’il Safiaddin “Abdalmu’min ibn “Abdalhakk (d. 1838). Mardsid 
al- -ittila’ ‘ala’ asm@i-l-amkina wa-l- bika’: edited by T.G. J. Juynboll, 
6 vols., Leiden, 1850—1864. 


Abu-l-Farag ‘Ali al-Isfahani (d. 967). Kitab al-ardni: 20 vols., Bulak, 
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tiques, edited by Ign. Guidi, 2 vols., Leiden, 1895—1900. 


Abu-l-Feda’ Isma‘il ibn “Ali ibn Mahmtd ibn ‘Omar ibn Sahansah ibn 
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edition by J. G. Chr. Adler entitled Annales muslemici, arabice et la- 
tine, opere Jo. Jac. Reisku sumtibus Pet. Fv. Suhmi, 5 vols., Copen- 
hagen, 1789—1794. II. Takwim al-bulddn: edition by (J. T.) Reinaud 
and (W.) MacGuckin de Slane entitled Géographie d’Aboulféda, Paris, 
1840; French translation entitled Géographie d’Aboulféda, Vol.1 and 
Vol. 2, Part 1, by (J. T.) Reinaud, Vol. 2, Part 2, by Stanislas Guyard, 
Paris, 1848, 1883. 


Abu-l-Mahdsin Jisuf ibn Rafi’ ibn SaddAad Baha’addin al-Halabi (d. 1234). 
Kitab an-nawddir as-sultanijje wa-l-mahdsin al-jusufijje: edition and 
French translation by W.MacGuckin de Slane entitled Anecdotes et 
beaux traits de la vie du Sultan Youssof Salah ed-Din, in Recueil 
des historiens des croisades, Historiens orientaux, Vol. 3, Paris, 1884, 
pp. 1—374. 


Abu Sama, Sihabaddin Abu-l-Kasim ‘Abdarrahman ibn Isma‘il (1203-1268). 
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edition and French translation by Ch. A.C. Barbier de Meynard entitled 
Le livre des deux jardins. Histoire des deux réegnes, celui de Nour ed- 
Din et celui de Salah ed-Din, constituting Recueil des historiens des 
croisades, Historiens orientaux, Vol. 4 and 5, Paris, 1898, 1906. 


Al-Ahtal, Abu Malik Rijat ibn Rawt (d.c. 710). Diwan: edition by A. Sal- 
hani entitled Diwdn al-Ahtal, texte arabe publié pour la premiere 
fois d’aprées le manuscrit de St. Pétersbourg et annoté par x, Beirut, 
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Ahiidemmeh (6th—7th c.). History: edition and French translation by 
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329 


00 PALMYRENA 


Alexander the Acoemete (d. c. 430). Biographical data: edition entitled De 
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Ammianus Marcellinus (d.c. 391). Rerum gestarum libri [quitsupersunt]: 
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Antonine of Piacenza (c. 570). Itinerarium: edited by Paul Geyer in Itinera 
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INDEX 


The positions of place names occurring on the map of Northern 
Arabia accompanying this volume are indicated in the index in paren- 
theses by key letters and figures referring to the quadrangles on the 
map. The reader should also consult the accompanying index map of the 
author’s route and of his topographical deseriptions. 

The letters SM refer to the author’s map of Southern Mesopotamia 
which accompanies his The Middle Euphrates, New York, 1927. 

Brief, non-technical characterizations are given in parentheses for 
the majority of the Arabic botanical terms. The Latin names of such 
plants as have been identified by J. Velenovsky (see Bibliography, p. 337) 


are also given. 


“A. Abbreviation for “Ajn. See proper name 

Ab-. See main part of proper name 

Al-‘Abadat, 55 

Aba’in, 286 

Aba’ir, 279, 286, 287 

“Abbaée, 192 

“Abbas (c5—6), 122, 128, 219 

Al-‘Abbas, Radir (d6), 127 

“Abbas ibn al-Walid ibn ‘Abdalmalek, 50, 278, 
282, 286, 293—296 

Abbassides, 278 

Abboli, 274 

“Abbiad, Tell, 196 

‘Abbtd eben RaSem, 91 

‘Abbtd al-Hmid, 47 

Al-‘Abd (e6), 18, 27, 34, 104 

“Abdal‘aziz eben ‘Abdallah eben Rasid (d. 
1906), 19 
292, 295—297 

“Abdal‘aziz ibn al-Walid ibn ‘Abdalmalek, 
292, 293 

“Abdal‘aziz Ibrahim, 47 

“Abdalkerim eben Ahmad, 47 

“Abdalkerim eben Naser, 43 

“Abdallah, the negro, 21, 25, 31, 34, 42, 46, 
63, 65—67, 73, 74, 93, 95, 102, 108, 109 

“Abdallah al-°Ali, 113 

“Abdallah eben Hiri, 101 

“Abdallah al-Hebaw, 43 

“Abdallah ibn ‘Ali (749)193, 269, 283, 

‘Abdallah al-Matrtd, 1, 9, 15, 20—22, 109, 
111, 1138 

“Abdalmalek ibn Merwan (685—705), 118, 172, 
204,- 269, 277, 282 

‘“Abdarrahman ibn Masad, 296 

“Abdarrahman Pasha Jtsef, chief overseer 
of the pilgrim caravans, 18 

“Abde, tribe of the Sammar, 181, 182; village, 

Al-‘Abde (e6), 13, 27, 34 [205 

“Abde, Abu (a6), 198 

Al-‘Abdelijje, 47 

“Abdelle, clan of the Rwala, 105 

“Abdet al-BiSe, 205 


Al-‘Abed, Rasm (a5), 210 

Al-‘Abel, R&tGim (b6), 212, 214, 216 

Aberia, 235 

Abila, 2389 

Al-Abjad, Kasr, at ar-Ruhba, 286 

Al-Abjaz (a6), 207; (c7—8), 39, 44, 62, 88, 96, 
133.7 134, 147, 148, 150 (e8); 134, 147, 148: 
(Seb), 200 

Al-Abjaz, Han (e5—6), 28, 221, 222 

Al-Abjaz, Rasm, 209, 210 

Abli, 273 

Abraamios poleos Archaon, 23, 86, 254 

Abraamius civitatis Alanorum, 23 

Abraamius episcopus Alalorum, 254 

Abraamius episcopus Uranensis, 86, 254, 273 

Abraham, father of Nonnosus, 267 

Abraham of Rusafa, 204 

Abrahamus Sergiopoleos metropolitanae ci- 
vitatis, 268 

Al-Abraz, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Al-Abtah, 98, 104 

Abtar, Gebel (d7—8), 87, 88, 90, 91, 96, 137 

Abu. See main part of topographical and 
tribal proper name 

Abu-l-“Abbas as-Saffah, ‘Abdallah ibn Mu- 
hammad (750—754), 126, 283 

Abu ‘Abdallah ibn Hamdan, 270 

Abu Bekr as-Siddik (632—634), 177 


-Abu-l-Fada7il, 38, 59, 100, 204, 248, 329 


Abu-l-Farag al-Isbahani, 34, 62, 113, 126, 172, 
177, 212, 248, 257—259, 269, 277—283, 285—289, 
292, 295, 829 

Abu-l-Feda’, 38, 50, 71, 76, 86, 100, 123, 134, 
205.5212, 269, 2i1 e272; 329 

Abu Ga‘far al-Mansdar (754—775), 269 

Abu Hudejfa Ishak ibn BaSir, 33, 100 

Abu Karib. See No‘man ibn al-Haret al-A‘rag 

Abu-l-Mahasin. See Ibn Saddad 

Abu Manstx al-Azhari (Muhammad ibn Ah- 
mad), 149 

Abu Muhammad as-Sufjani al-Bajtar (Zijad 
ibn “Abdallah ibn Jazid ibn Mu‘awija ibn 
Abi Sufjan), 291, 292, 296 

Abu ‘Obejda ibn al-Garrah, (d. ¢. 639), 50, 204 


o4l 


342 


Abu Rassan, 172 

Abu Sa‘id (cd), shrine of, 225 

Abu Sama, 251, 329 

Al-Abtlijje (c6), 45 

Abylenus, 2738 

Acauatha, 235 

Achila, 206 

Acoraba, 230, 253 

Acre, 222 

‘Ada’, Tell (b6), 216, 217, 230, 232, 243, 244 

Adacha, 24, 86, 238, 234, 254 

Adada, 233, 247, 254, 255 

Ad Amana, 241 

Ad amana, 285, 241, 245, 246 

Adanaba, 234 

Adarin, 235,) 2388, 240, 241, 244-946 

,Adase, Umm, 193, 196; (a6), 209 

Adatha, 86, 253 

Adatis, 86, 247 

Adda, 233 

“Addab eben Nowman, 24 

Ad Demera, 240, 241 

Adders, 39, 67 

‘Ade, Gebel (e7), 28, 31, 96, 128, 241, 295 

Al-‘Ader, 218 

“Adi ibn ar-Rikaé‘ at-Ta’i, 76, 279, 282 

Adiazane, 247, 268 

Al-‘Adib, 250 

Admana, 233, 2: 

Ad medera, 237, 240, 241 

“Adra (e5), 2, 9, 113, 225 

“Adtb eben Megwel, 113, 115, 116 

“Afa, 93 

*“Afa’, Ab-al-, 251 

Al-Afawe*, Umm (d5), 220 

Al-Afejhem (e5—6), 12 

Al-‘Afjat, Harat, 82 

Al-“Afuwijjat (b8), 62, 69, 152, 153 

Al-“Afwijjat (b9—10), 81 

‘Aginet ar-Rehib, 172 

Al-‘Aglan, tribe, 255 

‘Aslan, Al, clan of the Rasalin, 91 

Al-‘Agslat, 55 

‘Agwa, Abu, 212 

Ahali al-Gebel, 2, 4, 5, 110 

Al-Ahass, 62, 68, 200, 205 

Ahejzer (b8), 62, 149, 152 

Ahl Fellah, family of the Rijat, 100 

Ahmad al-‘Ali, guide, 47, 59 

Ahmad eben ‘Abdal‘aziz, chief of the Harat 
ar-Rhamat in as-Suhne, 82 

Ahmad eben Fejjaz Agha, chief of al-Zerji- 
tejn, 100 

Ahmad eben Kardt8, 55 

Ahmad al-Hamad, 47 

Ahmad ak-Stéwi, 43 

Al-Ahmar (c¢8), 87 

Ahmedijje, hamlet, 196 

Al-Ahtal, 38, 50, 99, 172, 175, 212, 257, 267, 329 

Ahtdemmeh, 267, 329 

°“Ajjas, “Ajn, 82 

“AjjaS, Han (e4), 225, 287, 252 

°Ajjas, Mizar umm, 11 

°Ajja8, Umm (b8), 62, 150, 151 

Ajjab, Tell, 196 

“Ajn. See proper name 


PALMYRENA 


Al-‘Ajn, Tell, 35, 104 

‘Ajn at-Tamr (218), 282 

“Ajta, 206 

Al-‘Ajta, 257; (a6), 206 

Al-A‘jaigat (b9), 68, 69, 71, 174 

“Ajan al-Rarf, 198 

Al-‘AkarSe, clan of the Beni Haled, 43 

“Akbarta, 48 

“Akbén, Abu (c6), 41, 125 

Al-‘Akejdat (d18—15), 118, 125 

Al-‘Akejl, tribe, 1 

*“Akél (a7), 208 

‘AkerSe, Umm (c7), 62 

“Aklat. See proper name 

Akoraka, 230 

Al-‘Akraba, 198 

“Akrabis (a6), 198 

Al-Akta, Tell, 97 

Al-Aktar, 137 

“Aktle (a7), 198 

Al-‘Aktilijje (c6), 42 

Al. See main part of proper name 

Al-‘Ala’ (b5-6), 48, 121, 207, 209, 212, 214-217, 232 

Al-‘Alak, ‘Ujtin (d5), 221, 222 

Alalis, 233, 285, 236, 246, 254 

Alalius, bishopric, 254 

Alalorum civitas, 254 

Alamatha, 238, 285, 236, 246, 254 

Alamundarus (al-Mundir ibn Sekika, 505—554), 
274, 275; (al-Mundir ibn al-Haret ibn Gabala, 
570—581), 38, 165, 264, 323—326 

“Alanda (Ephedra alata, Decaisne; shrub with 
leafless but scaly branches and small yellow- 
ish flowers forming round bunches), 87, 97 

Alassus, 254 

‘Alejjan, Al, 43 

Aleppan desert, 86 

Aleppans, 276 

Aleppo, 38, 39, 50, 76, 79, 86, 88, 100, 126, 134, 
149, 1538, 166, 169, 172, 178, 178, 179, 186, 192, 
198, 198, 200, 204—207, 212, 214, 217, 230, 2381, 
287, 251—253, 255, 257, 269, 271, 272, 275, 276, 
282, 296; lord of, see Al-Malek as-Saleh 

“Alés (a6), 206, 224 

“Aléwi al-Ajjab, 47 

Alexander, founder of the Acoemetes (d. e. 
430), 248, 830 

Alexander, metropolitan of Hierapolis (exiled 
484), 264, 265, 267 

Alexander Arachensis, 86 

Alexander the Great (836—823 B.C.), 229 

“Aléz, Abu (a6), 210 

Al-‘Alézijje, Tenijjet (e7), 98, 105 

‘Ali al-‘Adlan, 37 

‘Ali Castin (b5), 216 

‘Ali Ibrahim, 37 

‘Alijjat (d5), 220 

Al-‘Alijje, village, 209 

Al-‘Allak, Harat, 113 

Allan, 236 

“Allds (a7), 202 

Al-‘AlZawijjin, 37 

Al-A‘ma’, Gubb, 198, 204 

Al-‘Amad, Umm, 218 

Amalekites, 144 

Al-‘Amara (a6), 210; (e7), 49 


INDEX 043 


“Amarat (h12—16), 73—76, 81, 83, 84, 93, 100 

Amatha, 235 

Ambag, plain, 63 

Ambas, Tarak (a8), 68, 154 

‘Amer, Beni, 212 

‘Amer ibn ‘Okejl, 256 

‘Amer ibn Sa‘sa‘a, 255 

‘Ames eben ‘Amire, 55 

Al-‘Amira, subdivision of the Kmusa, 91 

“Amman (i3), 283; district, 285, 291 

Ammatha, 2354, 236 

Ammattha, 235, 254 

Al-“Ammi, Bijar (c8), 87 

Al--Ammi, Gebab, 257 

Ammianus Marcellinus, 247, 330 

Ammuda, 2538 

Ampamia, 274 

Al-‘Amri, 198 

“Amri, Tell (c5—6), 218 

“Amid, Umm (a7), 186, 198, 199, 253 

Al--Amtd, Umm, 206, 207 

Amuda, 253 

‘Ana (d16), 50, 79, 109, 234, 272 

“Anadan (a6), 203, 207 

Analecta bollandiana, 330 

Anasarphon, archbishoprie, 204 

Anasartha, 204, 268 

Anasarthon, 204 

Anastasiopolis, 268 

Anatha, 234 

“Anatre, family of an-Nwejhat, 151 

“Anaze, 198 

Al-Anbar, 144 

Andarin, 212 

Anderin (b6), 58, 212, 214, 237 

Androna, 58, 212, 237 

“Anejbe, Han (e6), 33, 98, 100, 104, 106, 107, 
psi ak 

Al-‘Anejbe, pass, 295 

“Anén, Kasr (c8), 93, 137 

“Anétid .(c8), 148 

Al-‘Anéza (a7), 179, 180 

“Aneze, 6, 55, 136, 144, 200 

Animals, herbivorous: ibex, 14, 127; gazelle, 
14; hedgehog, 34 

Ansdb, 277, 282, 331 

“Antar, ruins (c8), 148 

Anthemis arabica, Vel. See Hrbijjan 

Anthis, 246, 247 

Antilebanon, 121, 245, 261, 278, 284 

Antioch, 205, 247; Gregorius, bishop (patri- 
arch) of, 38, 248, 267; John, patriarch of, 
264, 265; patriarchate of, 204; synod of, 
in 451, 267; in ¢. 560, 204 

Antiochus, dux of the province of Augusta 
Eufratensis (c. 300), 263 

Antiochus Septimius, king of Palmyra 
(272— 273), 244 

Antonine Itinerary, 23, 37, 58, 212, 225, 230, 
ZOO, ELO i OSs COL, LOO, 21d 

Antonine of Piacenza, 273, 274, 330 

Antoninus Caracalla, Mareus Aurelius 
(211— 217), 237, 244 

Al-‘Anz (a8), 638, 179; (b6), 214, 330 

Aosta, 300 

Apamea, 209, 231, 232, 243 


Apamene, 229, 2338 

Arab phylarchs, 209; troops, 134 

Arabia, xiii, 90, 126, 143, 144, 229, 234, 235, 238, 
2438, 245, 247, 262, 267, 271, 286; ecclesiastical 
province, 98; map of northern, xili, 243 

Arabia Deserta, 229, 235, 237, 258 

Arabic botanical terms, 14; Arabic letters, 
transliteration of, xiii; literature, 177; Arabic 
WIRIlerSn Oslo e aloe slits AO 2o4 240, oo. 
249, 253 

INGADS oO OG, Us DOs Vly Tes TO. oon G0; Bon LL, 
IA 24 a2, 133501450 2015209; 224, 229,248, 
255, 256, 276, 286, 287, 297; Byzantine, 262; 
Persian, 262 

Araca, 253 

Aracha, 24, 86, 284, 254 

Arachensis, 86, 273 

Arachon, 86 

Al-‘Arafa, clan of the ‘“Ebede, 55 

Arak (c9), 24, 81, 82, 84—86, 100, 2384, 242, 
Zol==254, 25 

Araka, 86, 2538 

Al-Aramne, clan of the Fwa‘re, 37 

“Aran, Tell (a6), 198 

A‘ran, Tell, 198 

Aratha, 284 

Al-Arba‘in (b—e5), 218 

Al-Arba‘in, Tell (a6), 206, 207 

Archaon polis, 23, 86 

Archaorum civitas, 238 

Al-Ardaf, 285, 287, 290—292, 294, 297 

Al-‘Ared, in Nesd, 76 

“ArejmeS, 438 

Aretas (al-Haret ibn Gabala [d.¢.569]), 274, 275 

Arethusa, 209, 274 

cA ia mb D ser kone(C.) sod 

Arissa, 274 

Ariston, 273, 274 

Aristossa, 274 

Al-‘Arktb (or Tenijjet al-Hakla), 223 

Arlanorum civitas, 238 

Armenia, 236 

Armenian carpets, 287 

Arqui, 273 

‘Arsan, chief of as-Sanabir, 55 

Al-‘ArStine (c6), 47, 214, 218 

Arta (Calligonum comosum, L.; nearly leafless 
shrub with scaly branches, clusters of small 
flowers, and nut-shaped hairy fruit), 87 

Al-‘Artde, 189 

Al-‘Arts, mill, 224 

Al-‘Artis, Han (e4—5), 224 

Arz al-Kamt‘ (d6—7), 104, 126, 127 

Arz al-Minkat‘e. See Al-Minkat‘e 

Asabe* Kdejm (b8), 62, 69, 150—152 

Asad, Beni, 183 

Asadaddin Sirkth ibn Muhammad, lord of 
Homs and ar-Rahba, 217 

‘Asansal (Colchicum Szowitzii, CAM.; herb 
with a brown scaly bulb and pink or white, 
erocus-like flowers), 98 

Al-Asbar, Beni, of the Kalb, 270 

Aschika, hirbet, 233 

Al-‘Asejfir, Wadi (e5), 1—3, 7—10, 14, 22, 109 

Al-‘Asi (Orontes, b—c5), 39, 217, 218 

‘Asi, Al, clan of the Beni HAled, 43 


344 


‘Asi eben Gladan, 55 

Asia Minor, 308 

Al-“Askar, Rasm, 200 

Al-Asma‘i abu Sa‘id, “Abdalmalek ibn Karib 
(d. 831), 267, 269 

Al-‘Asmijje, 196 

Assemanus, J.S., 267, 268, 330 

Assia, 220, 222 

Al-‘ASSini, 192 

Assurbanipal (669—626 B.C.), 37, 76, 86, 2238 

Assyria, 260, 275 

Assyrian army, 76; authorities, 260; (Persian) 
border, 247; kings, 262; names, xiv; sources, 

Assyro-Babylonian rule, 231 Del 

Astabed, Persian commander, 275 

“Astr, Umm (b9), 64, 152 

Asurnazirpal III (884—859 B.C.), 174 

Al-‘ASze (b7—8), 61, 233 

“Atab, Abu, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

“Atejri, Abu, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Atera, 288, 235 

Al-‘Atfa, Tarak (a8), 638, 179 

Athanasius, monk of Kinnesrin, 275 

Athis, 230, 246 

Ati, 246 

“Atijje, Beni, 18 

Al-Atjas (or at-Tjas), 132 

Al-“Atne (e5), 28, 27 

“Atra, hamlet, 192 

Al-‘Atsan (a7), 192 

“Atsane, 189, 200, 203 

Al-‘AtsSane (a6), 207 

Attas, 248, 246 

Aueira, 37, 235 

Aueria, 37, 2338, 235 

Augusta Eufratensis, 235, 254, 255, 263, 268 

Augusto-Eufratensis, eparchy, 263 

Al-‘Awamid, Tenijjet umm, 127 

“Awde, chief of the Mesande, 55 

“Awejra, 93 

Al-‘Awir, 128, 257 

“Awkaba, 93 

Awlad ‘Ali, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Awlad Ka‘ab ibn Rabi‘a ibn ‘Amer, 255 

Al-A‘wugat (b9), 68, 172 

Al-‘Awwaz, ‘Aklat, 37 

Azalla, 86 

Al-‘Azam, Tell (¢6), 214 

‘“Azaman, Gebb (b11), 177 

Al-‘Azami, Gubb, 201 

Azareth, Persian captain, 275 

A‘zaz, Tell, 272 

Al-‘Azazre, 43 

Al-‘Azib (b—c7), 52, 58,.250 

Al-‘Azizijje (a6), 214; (c5—6), 125, 220 

Al-Azrak, Kasr (i5), 212, 285, 286, 297 

“Azw (subshrub with small prickly leaves and 
greenish flowers), 84, 88 

“Azw, uncle of Bargas eben Hdejb, 53, 61 


Baalbek, 38, 121, 273, 282 
Ba‘albekk, Ras, 23, 24 
Al-Bab (a7), 199; Se°ib, 22 
Bab at-Tin, 126, 283 

Bab Tudmor at Homs, 121 
Al-Babejn, 11 


PALMYRENA 


Al-Babiri, 189 

Babylon (g20—21), 212, 254 

Babylonia, 236, 261 

Babylonian authorities, 260 

Bacchus, St., 263, 264, 266 

Al-Bad, ‘Ajn, 216 [270 

Bagdad (Bardad, SM f11—12), 71, 79, 144, 249, 

Al-Bahadle, 37 

Al-Bahra, 234, 285—287, 290—297 

Al-Bahra, Tell, 88 

Bahram Gir ibn Jezdegerd ibn Sabir di al- 
Aktaf, 289, 290 

Al-Bajader, Harat, 145 

Bajer (j6—7), 286, 287 

Al-Bakat, 206 

Bakgtr at-Turki, retainer of Sa‘daddowle (d. 
991—992), 38 

Al-Bakk4ar, clan of the MeSarfe, 47 

Bakktra, 198 

Bakr, Abu, hill, 192, 193, 196 

Bal 147 

Al-Balad, Nahr, 136, 145 

Al-Bal‘as (or Bal‘as), 44 

Baldwin II (Baudoin du Bourg, Count of 
Edessa, 1100—1118, king of Jerusalem, 1118— 
LIST) = 206 

Al-Balha (d5—6), 220 

Balichus, 236 

Al-Balih (SM al), 236. 

Al-Balil, 276 

Balis (a8), 172, 189, 198, 229, 230, 232, 236; 243, 
252, 258, 261, 263, 264, 268; 2i2,ets 

Balkejn, tribe, 285 

Ballota luteola, Vel. See Rassa 

Al-Bala‘a, Harat, 100 

Bambyece, 231 

Banat abu Hréra (a9), 243, 276 

Banat Kejn, 259 

Bandar, relative of Bargas eben Hdejb, 54 

Barada, river, 281 

Al-Bararit, Umm, 209 

Barbalisos, 263 

Barbalission, 246, 247 

Barbalisso, 248, 246, 254 

Barbalissum, 246 

Barbalissus, 189, 230, 231, 2386, 248, 246, 247, 
268, 274 

Barbarian plain, 155, 266 

Barbarikon Pedion, 155 

Barbarissus, 263, 264 

Al-Barde, mountain (d7), 28, 96—98, 128, 1381; 
ravine, 241; wells (d7), 81, 98, 95, 97, 98, 125, 
126, 128, 255—257, 259, 294, 295 

Al-Bardtini, 216 

Bargas eben Hdejb, 40, 52—55, 59—61, 66, 67, 
(eas) 

Bargas eben Wajel, 55 

Barhamijje, 207 

Barhebraeus, Gregorius, 144, 274, 275, 330 

Bar-‘Idta’, Rabban, 265 

Al-Barl, 216 

Barley harvested, 196 

Barpsis, 246 

Al-Barrak (c6—7), 46, 47 

Al-Barrala, Bir (¢10), 81 

Al-Barranijje, Harat (or Sak), 136, 145 


INDEX o45 


Barras eben Sa‘ajjed, 91 

Al-Barri, 218 

Barsampse, 246 

Bartin (Max von Oppenheim ?), 90 

Al-Basal, Rozat (c9), 84 

Basatin al-Kena’, 145 

Basatin Nahr al-Balad, 145 

Al-Basiri (e7), 28, 94, 96, 98, 121, 122, 127—130, 
284, 241, 253, 259, 291, 298, 295, 296 

Basonis Gambulenus, 274 

Al-Basra, 269 

Bast war, 638 

Batel eben Sarrab, 55 

Al-Batha, 200, 208; (a6), 207 

Batlamija’, 250 

Batlane, 207 

Batn as-Sahsahan, 257. See also As-Sahsahan 

Batnae, 274, 275 

Bama (eb), 21; 135,25; 26 

Batta, family of the Negasir, 43 

Al-Bawlijjat, Habra, 12 

Al-Bawlijje (d6), 40, 125 

Al-Baztrijje (d8), 88, 89, 1837—139, 296 

Al-Béda, 251, 255, 256 

Al-Bedijje, 255 

Bedjan; P., 263, 330 

Bedouins attack harvesting felladhin, 202; 
depend upon others’ provisions during 
travel, 40; destroy cultivation, 38; dis- 
respect settlers, 36; suffer searcity of 
food, 114 

Al-Bedr, Zahrat (c8—9), 84, 87, 148 

Al-Bejaje‘a; 55 

Al-Bejatre, 43 

Al-Bejja‘ijje (a6), 209 

Bejt Balas, 263, 266 

Bejt Mar Hanina’, monastery, 275 

Bejt Ras, 277, 278, 2838 

Bejt RekGQm, monastery, 275 

Bejt Resafa, 267 

Bejt Zanobia, 268 

Bekr ibn Wail, 62, 63, 248 

MieBekrinelaseote 62,0118, 172;+212,. 248, 257, 
270, 278, 279, 282, 286, 287, 330 

Al-Beladori, 38, 50, 204, 330 

Belaje, Abu-l- (c6), 214 

Bel‘an, Tell (¢5), 122, 219 

Belfatan, 122 

Belisarius, general under Justinian I, 266, 
274,275 

Al-Belka’, 280, 282, 283, 291—293 

Belle, 198 

Bembeg (er Membesg), 203 

Bengi (Hyoscyamus arabicus, Vel.; a kind of 
henbane), 77 

Bene ‘Eden, 262 

Beni. See main part of personal proper name 

Benzinger, I., 23, 280, 234 

Al-Berg, 198 

Beriarac, 233, 244 

Beriaraca, 253 

Beroa, 58 

Beroea (in Cyrrhestica), 216, 230—2382, 236, 237 

Beselathum, 274 

BeSir eben Mersed, 91 

BeSir al-Hadem, Sihabaddin, 251 


Al-Besse (c6), 123 

Al-Bét (a10), 172 

Bétje, 209 

Betproelis, 128, 253 

Al-Béza, 217 

Al-Béza, Kal‘at (d7), 48, 94, 129, 131, 133, 134, 
2bL, 266 

Bezold, C., 262, 330 

Al-Bhara (d8), xiii, 81, 85, 88, 90, 91, 94, 121, 
1386, 141—144, 234, 240, 259, 285, 286 

Al-Bhéra (d8), 91, 148 

Bibars (al-Malek az-Zaher Ruknaddin Bibars 
al-Bundukdari, 1260—1277), 218, 222 

Bijar, plural of Bir. See proper name 

Bil‘as (c7—b7—8), 48, 44, 69, 238, 253 

Bir. See proper name 

Al-Bira, 272 

Birds: habdri, 64; kata, 64 

Birg as-Shene, 207 

Al-Birke, 198 

Birket Ziza, 86 

Bise, settlement, 207 

Bise, Tell, (e5), 219 

Al-Bisr, 12, 173; 177; 178) 281, 282 

Al-BiSri (b—al0), 64, 68, 69, 71, 76, 81, 168, 
172—174, 176—179, 286, 242, 254, 259, 261, 
262, 282 

BisuruUsed (45 0l 75 

Bizanonias, 268 

Bizonamas, 268 

Bizonovias, 268 

Blechova, A., xiv 

Blejhan eben Mesreb, 85, 86, 88, 90, 91, 93, 
95—98, 102, 108, 105, 114, 115, 117 

Blaze, 198 

Bolland, J., 248, 2638, 264, 330 

Bosra, 388, 297 

El Bouraidgé, 221 

Al-Bowl (b10), 174, 176 

Al-Bowlijjat (b9—10), 68, 173, 174 

Al-Bowlijjat, Sbn. (e6—7), 105 

Brak (b5), 217 

Al-Bréée (a6-—7), 196 

Al-Brejéat, clan of the Beni Haled, 43 

Al-Brejg (d5), 221 

Al-Bsas, Rasm (a6), 206 

Al-Btéhe (c7), 134 

Al-Btéhi, 149 

Al-Btejnat, clan of the ‘Amira, 91 

Budge, E. A. W., 265, 330 

Budge, E. A. W., and L. King, 174, 175, 330 

Bugejr, 177 

Al-Bujejda, 134 

Al-Btlijje (or al-Bawlijje), 125 

Bulil (a9), 276 

Al-Bum (c7), 45, 49, 53 

Al-Burejge, 221 

Al-Burg (e5), 3, 7 

Burg Jtines (d5), 221 

Burg as-Sibna, 205 

Al-Burhanijje (c6), 125 

Burku‘ (g8), 245, 291 

Al-Burku‘, clan of the ‘Umitr, 24 

Al-Bustan (e9), 84 

Bustan al-Balil, 276 

Buta wa-l-‘Ala’ (e7), 45 


346 


Butler, H. C., 309, 330 
Al-Butmi (or al-Bustan, c9), 84 
Al-Butmi (e6), 30, 31, 38, 104, 105 
Al-Butmijjat (e6), 18, 105 
Al-Butnan, 276 

Butum (terebinth trees), 3 
Al-Biz (a6—7), 199 

Buza‘a, 276 

Al-Bwéder, 209 

Al-Bwejb (c10), 82 

Al-Bwér (¢5), 122, 219 
Al-Bwéza (c¢8), 150 

Byzantine era, 93; sailors, 274 
Byzantines, 266 

Bzonavias, 268 


Al-Cab8, 30 

Cafat, village, 217 

Caiumas, bishop of Marcopolis (c. 451), 268 

Caleida, 58, 212, 237 

Calligonum comosum, L. See Arta 

Callinicus, 236, 242, 266, 274, 275, 277 

Camels, curing of sick, 180; graze in the 
enemy’s territory, 110; mangy, 127, 147; 
marked with brand, 145; scared 26, 27, 183 

Candidus, bishop of Sergiopolis (c. 540), 266, 
267 

Caracalla. See Antoninus Caracalla 

Carej‘e (c8), 87 

Cariensis, 23 

Carison, 238, 235 

Carmathians, 270 

Gasamaiy 31.5 233;) 23), 238; 241,°2h0 

Castrum Danabenum, 253 

Castrum Syrum, 263, 264 

Castrum Tetrapyregium, 264 

Castin al-Gebel, 216 

Cateliin, 217 

Caucasus, 113 

Cehere, 234, 241 

Cen‘Aan, Gebb (or Bir Misrab), 43 

Centum Putea, 238, 244, 253 

Cercusium, 247 

Al-Cettale (a8), 189 

Chaboras, 229, 235, 236 

Chalab, 231 

Chalcedon, fourth ecumenical council in 451, 
23, 87, 86, 129, 204, 268, 274 

Chaleidena, 207 

Chalcidica,” 209 

Chaleidice, 28, 231, 232, 235 

Chalcis ad Belum, 204, 212, 216, 231, 232, 236, 
ZO; alge Aad 

Chalybon, 209, 215, 216, 230—233 

Chalybonitis, 216, 229—233 

Charisson, 23 

Charran, 23 

Cheroda, 23 

Chiefs, author’s behavior towards, 114; long 
for gifts, 90 

Cholle, 238, 242, 247 

Chomo, 273 

Chomokara, 23 

Chona, 273 

Chonacharon, 23 

Chonno, 273 


PALMYRENA 


Chono, district, 273 

Chono(chora), 273 

Chonochora, 2738 

Chorokara, 23 

Chosroes I, Anushirwan (531—578), 265, 266, 268 

Chosroes II, Pervaz (589—628), 248, 266, 267, 269 

Christian church in Esrija, 58; in at-Tajjibe, 
76; emblems, 49, 50, 58; holiday, 129; mon- 
astery, 137, 204; town 58; traveler, tomb 
Of LTT 

Christians, 58, 83, 100, 118, 122.9123, 204.222, 
263, 265, 275; Arabian, 267s Syria. 
124, 262, 267 

Chronica minora, 37, 330 

Chronicle of Sairt, 272, 330 

Chronicon civile, 266, 331 

Chronicon paschale, 247, 331 

Circassian, Turkish ofiicial at Dmejr, 113 

Cireassians, 2038, 205, 219 

Circesium, 236, 242, 247, 254, 274 

Al-Clab, ‘Ujiin, 24 

Coara, 23; 204, 2o0 

Cochena civitatis Danaborum, 23 

Coele-Syria, 238, 229, 238, 235, 274 

Colchicum Szovitsii, CAM. See ‘Asansal 

Comoara, _ 23 

Commagene, 275 

Conna, 23, 24,° 273 

Conno, 273 

Constantine I, the Great (306—3837), 86, 237, 
240, 270 

Constantinople, 2, 53, 75, 111; St. Sophia in 
second ecumenical council in 381, 86, 268; 
fifth ecumenical council in 553, 23, 129 

Coradaei, 23, 24 

Coradaenorum ecivitas, 23 

Cornelius, C. O., xiv 

Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, 86, 118, 129, 
240, 244, 258, 331 : 

Cosseitel, 222 

Country residences of the Beni Umejja, 24, 
50, 76,126,205 

Cteifa, 220, 224 

Cyrrhestica, Seleucid province, 230, 231 

Cyrus,'bishop of Marcopolis, 268 


Cyrus, bishop of Onosartha, 204 


Dababorum civitas, 23, 129 
Ad-Dabbe, Tell (b10), 71, 82, 174, 176 
Dabron, 129 

Dabrorum civitas, 23 

Dada Chonacharorum, 23 
Dadacorum bonocha, 23 

Dadacrum bonocha, 23 

Dada poleos Chonacharon, 23 
Dadapoles Chona Charon, 23 

Dadas episcopus Chomoarenus, 273 
Dadas episcopus Chomocharenus, 23 
Ad-Dahab, Kasr (b5—6), 216 

Dahab, Nahr (a6), 196, 197 
Ad-Dahab, Nahr, 276 

Ad-Dahab, Tell, 22, 24, 225 
Ad-Dahal (b9), 169, 215 

Ad-Dahal, Kasr, 168 

Dahek, 76 

Ad-Daheri, Halil, 177, 251, 252, 3381 


INDEX O47 


Dahsas, 125 

Da‘in, 216 

Da‘kane, Tarak (d6), 127 

Dali, Abu (bd), 210 

Dalje, Abu (c5), 122, 123, 219 

Dalje, Tarak abu (e6), 31, 105 

Dam at al-Harbaka, 131 

Damasco, 240 

Damascus (e4), 1, 6, 7, 16—18, 22—25, 28, 37, 
pogo. DOs le So.s0, 90, 100, 101; 109-111, 
Mogwai Aono, 127, 129,133; 134; 143, 
AA Wied loo. 200, 215, 216, 220; 222-226, 
230, 2832—234, 237—240, 244—247, 249—254, 
obo, 2p, 206; 201, 200, 270; 271, 273, 277—282, 
286, 287, 290—298, 296 

Damaspo, 240 

Danaba, 24; 129, 233, 234, 241), 242, 253 

Danaba in al-Belka, 291, 292; near Damascus, 
258, 259, 291—2938, 295, 296 

Danabenum castrum, 23, 129 

Danabi, 273 

Danabon, 23, 129 

Danaborum civitas, 129 

Ad-Dana’ib, 63 

Danama, 234 

Danava, 129, 253 

Danoua, 129, 241, 242, 2538 

Darak, Abu (a6—7), 212 

Darb. See proper name 

Dat Ras, 283 

Dat ar-Rimt, 257 

Md-Daw (dii),.09, 41, 45, 96, 127, 256, 257 

Dawadijje (a6), 210 

Dawam, Al, 55 

Ad-Dawwa (d6), 36 

Ad-Dawwara, 87 

Dawwat az-Zab* (e6), 18, 27, 29, 30, 34 

Day of al-BiSr, 172; of MuhaSen, 172; of ar- 
Rehtb, 172; of Salawtah, 172 

Dbejsan, 207 

Dead Sea, 212 

Death, feast in honor of dead, 116; tent trans- 
posed in case of, 115, 116 

Debbarin (b6), 213 

Decius (249—251), 247 

Ad-Defa‘i (b8), 62, 151, 152 

Ad-Defajen (b10), 81, 82 

De Goeje, 297, 331 

Dehman, 258 

Dejlabin, 125 

Ad-Dejr (b12), 62, 254 

Dejr ‘Atijje (d5), 228, 235 

Dejr Hafer (a7), 193, 276 

Dejr Hunasira, settlement, 204 

Dejr al-Latak, 50, 58, 154 

Dejr Mar Elijjan, 35 

Dejr Mar Misa (d5), 223 

Dejr Murran, 281, 282, 287 

Dejr as-Salibe, 207 

Dejr Sam‘an, 205 

Dejr az-Zor (b12), 81, 145, 168, 176—178, 189, 
251, 260; sanjak, 136 

Dekara (c7—8), 134, 147, 149 

Dekwa (f5—6), 12 

Ad-Dekwani, 196 

Deleda, 246 


Ad-Delle (d6), 28, 104 

Ad-Demiss, Tenijjet, 87, 147 

Denderan (d5), 220 

Denne, Abu, 196 

Dér Ba‘alba (c5), 121 

Ad-Dera‘a, 249—251 

Derde, Abu (b5), 217] 

Dérftr (c5), 218, 219 

Derih, Abu, 186, 198 

Deriha, Abu, 210 

Derrhima, 230 

Derta, 246 

Dertha, 246 

Derzi walad Farhan, 55 

De Sacy, Silvestre, 33 

De Vogiié, Melchior, 10, 309, 331 

Dham, 192 

Dhtr, Abu-d- (a5—6), 207, 209 

Diacira, 247 

Ad-Dib, Radir (j5—6), 285 

Ad-Dibe (bd), 216 

Dibs (a6), 207 

Ad-Dibsi (a8), 179, 230, 2 

Ad-Didi (b10), 76, 81, 174, 238, 254; Se°ib (b10), 81 

Digesta, 28, 331 

Dil al-‘Agel (b6), 214 

Diman, hamlet, 198 

Ad-Dimiski, 76, 218, 272 

Diocletian (284—305), 86, 129, 239, 247, 254 

Diotahi, 247 

Diotha, 246 

Diothare, 246 

Diothaze, 246, 247 

Diothece, 246 

Dlame, 207 

Ad-Dlejm (f13—16), 152 

Dmejra(eo)jesxdlisl 25, posal plow tos s0s LOO ell d, 
(ioe d1GeZaiee 240 

Dmejr al-‘Atize (e5), 3, 98, 104, 109, 110, 112, 
288—240 

Ad-Dnén (c8), 148 

Doline, 169 

Domninus, chronicler, 247! 

Domnus, bishop of Chalcis, 204 

Donkeys, bred in Palmyra, 145, 146 

Ad-Dowle, clan of the MwAli, 47 

Ad-Dra’, Tell (b5), 216—218 

Drejb al-Wawi (a6—7), 200, 201, 220 

Drejhem (a7), 202 

Ad-Drejzile, 207 

Ad-Dréle (c7), 134 

Ad-Drésijje, 192 

Du-r-Rumma, Rilani bn ‘Okba (d. 719—720 or 
Vong 

Ad-Dubban, Tell, 207 

Dubejs (e8), 149 

Ad-Dugag, 210 

Dthi al-“‘Umejjer, 47 

Ddalab, Umm (¢5), 220 

Dima (bd), 210, 212, 251 

Dimat al-Gandal, 245, 259 

Dumejr, 113 

Dura, 247 

Dur@ (kind of millet), 179 

Durmand (b-c8), 62, 150 

Duse, 216 


548 


Ad-Dwadne, clan of the MwaAli, 47 
Ad-Dwara, 85 

Ad-Dwé€‘er (c6), 218 

Ad-Dwejbe (b5), 216 

Ad-Dwejlib, se‘tb, 61 

Ad-Dwejlib, “Ajn (e6), 125 

Dwér al-Hawa, 207 

Dyrynk, Karel, xiv 


Eastern gate into the desert, 5 

°“Ebede (b8—9), 40, 52—55, 62, 64, 66, 67, 89, 169 

Eben. See proper name 

Eblas, 207 

Ebnan (a6), 198 

Ebrérit (b8), 62, 151 

Ebrine, Mizar (c5), 122 

°‘Eda’, Tell, 2438 

Al-‘Edejje (d8), 88, 94, 144, 242 

Al-‘Edejje, Tenijjet, 137 

“Edeme, Fejzat (c10), 81, 82 

Edessa, 236, 266, 268 

Edra‘aé, 284 

Edra‘at, 284 

Al-Eftéh (b6), 214 

Egypt, 247, 248, 261, 271; sultan of (al-Malek 
an-Naser Muhammad ibn Kala’Gn, 1298— 
1308), 71 

Egyptian army, 76, 86; pilgrims, 86; soldiers, 
86; sources, 231 

Al-Ehéej (e7), 147, 149 

E‘jat Ghar (c7), 45, 132 

‘Kjdan (cd—6), 218 

°‘Rijfir, Tell (cd), 1238, 219 

Al-‘Ejs, 200 

Al-‘Ekejre (ce7), 49 

Elatium, 216 

Al-‘Elejjanijje (e8), 137, 294, 295 

‘Eléwi, Al, 24 

‘Eli, Gubb (a7), 199 

°Eli, Kasr, 211 

Elijah, Jacobite patriarch (c. 709), 204 

Elijah of Nisibis, 265, 331 

Elijjan, St., 35 

Elijje, Abu (or al-Abtlijje), 45 

Elimari, 252 

Al-‘Emedijje, 11, 18, 14, 22 

Emesa, 287, 2388, 244, 273 

Emessa, 58 

Emisa, 233 

Emisena civitas, 23 

Emissa, 38 

Emiza, 274 

Enath (Odenath), 247 

Al-“Enejz (d6), 27, 28, 104 

‘Entas, Rasm, 198 

Entn, monastery, 93 

Eomari, 252 

Ephedra alata, Decaisne. See ‘Alanda 

Ephesus, ecclesiastical council in 431, 264 

Epiphania, 274 

Eraciza, 242, 243 

Erbijjdn (Anthemis arabica, Vel.; an herb- 
like camomile), 149, 154 

Ergel (a6), 207 

Al-Erham (b12), 178 

Erkab, Tell, 46 


PALMYRENA 


Ermenia, 268 

Ersal, 245 

Al-Esage‘a, 29, 31, 102 

Esage‘i, 103 

Al-‘Eséle (¢5), 218 

Esnan, 214 

Esrija (b7), 22, 37, 44, 49, 50, 52, 58, 55—59, 61, 
86, 154, 212, 2380, 233, 2387, 238, 24959 chan ose 

EStéb (b5), 210, 211 

Al-‘Esas, family of al-MSérfe, 47 

Euareia, 252 

Huaria, 37, 252 

Euarius, 38, 235 

Eubara, 252 

Eudocia, wife of Theodosius II (d. ¢. 460), 264 

Eufratensis, province, 265 

Eufratensis Syria, 255 

Euhara, 37, 235, 252 

Euhari, 235, 252 

Eulogius episcopus Danabon, 23 

Eumari, 23, 37, 235, 2837—239, 244, 252 

Euphrates, xiii, 6, 46, 50, 64—66, 71, 76, 86, 90, 
101, 109, 144, 153, 154, 167, 169, 172, 173, 175, 
176, 178, 180, 189, 192, 198, 212, 213; 225, 229, 
230, 232—286, 238, 289, 242, 243, 246248, 254, 
259—261, 263, 266, 268, 270, 272, 274—276 

Euphratesia, 268, 275 

Euria, 273 

Europe, 90, 98 : 

Eusebius Abydenus, 273 

Eusebius of Caesarea (d. c. 340), 268, 331 

Eusebius civitatis Iabrudorum, 23, 273 

Eustathius Saracenorum, bishop, 273 

Evagrius Scholasticus, 204, 248, 266, 267, 331 

Al-‘Ewer, 216 

Al-‘Ezejjem (bd), 48, 217 

Ezekiel, Book of, 215 

“Ezz, Beni, 47 

‘Ezzeddin (b5), 210; (e5), 218 


Al-Faddajn, 283 

Fagonia Bruguieri, DC. See Gamba 
Fagonia glutinosa, Del. See Wréka 
Fagonia mollis, Del. See Wrdéka 
Fagonia myriacantha, Boiss. See Gamba 
Fagr abu RiSe, 47 

Fahad eben Sa‘lan, 16 

Al-Fahar, Rigm (c6—7), 49 
Al-Fahel, 104 

Fahhar, Tell, 207 

Al-Fa‘i (e6), 245 

Al-Faja’, 276 

Al-Faje (e—d6), 48, 45 

Al-Fan (bd), 210, 212 

Farag, negro, 1, 20—22, 103, 109—111 
Farag al Dur‘an, 24 

Farag az-Za‘éter, 37 

Far‘aja’, 250 

Al-Faras (d7), 34, 40, 258, 259 
Al-Fares (¢c9), 84 

Fares ar-Rhejjes, 48 

Farhan eben ‘Abbid, 55 

Farhan eben Hdejb, 53, 89 
Al-Fasde (b7), 61, 62, 150 

Al-Faska (b8), 62 

Al-Fasla (e5), 18 


INDEX D49 


Al-Fassajat (b11), 176 

Al-Fatajer (d6), 127 

Fatla, Abu, clan of al-Kwame, 151 

Fawares, Bijar abu-l- (c8), 43, 136, 145, 147, 
233 

Fazel, Fejzat (cll—12), 82, 84 

Fazel eben Mwéne‘, 55 

Fdejn (h4), 283 

Al-Fed‘an (a9—cl1—12), 100, 113, 175, 192 

Fegdan, 198—200 

Fejjaz, Abu-l- (b8), 62, 249 

Fejjaz, “Ajn, 82 

Fejjaz 4l Mesreb, 85, 91 

Fejjaz eben Daas, 100 

Fejsal eben Hmtd eben ‘Obejd, 19, 20, 112 

Fejzat. See proper name 

Felalih, inhabitants of at-Tajjibe, 73 

Fella& eben Stéwi, 91, 97 

Al-Fériizi (c5), 122 

Fezara, tribe, 285 

Fhede, Tell (b9), 69—71, 172 

Al-Fhtad, Umm (c7), 49 

Al-Fkiki, 67, 72. See also Ramazan al-F kiki 

Flavianus, bishop of Gabala, 204 

Fleischer, H. L., 58 

Foenices Secunda, 86 

Foenicis, dux, 123 

Al-Forklos (e5—6), 121, 123-125, 128, 133, 136, 
219, 253, 255, 266, 273 

Frangi, 90 

Franks, 90 

Al-Frej (d8), 87 

Al-Frej, Tell (d8), 88, 137, 140, 296 

Frejh, negro, 9 

Frétan (b6), 214 

Al-Fsaka (b7), 61 

Fudejn, 283, 286 

Al-Furda, 248, 249 

Al-Furej, 292 

Al-Furkuls, 37, 123 

Furra‘, 24 

Al-Futtas (c7), 48, 45 

Fuzza, Tell (a7—8), 179, 192 

Al-Fwa‘re (d5—6)), 36—88, 40, 42, 47, 49, 98, 
99; 122, 129 

Al-Fwéde, 212 


G. Abbreviation for Gebel. See proper name 

Ga‘ade (Teucrium Polium, L.; scented, white, 
woolly subshrub with hanging flower 
heads), 152 

Ga‘ara, 198 

Gabala, 204 

Ga‘bar, Kal‘at, 272. 276 

Gabbal (a7), 189, 196, 197, 274 

Al-Gabbil, 272, 275, 276 

Gabbil, Malhat, 180, 186, 192, 196, 199, 232 

Gabbula, 274, 275 

Gabija, 267 

Al-Gabija, 1, 280—282, 287, 288 

Al-Gabrijje (e6—7), 47; (c5), 122, 219 

Gabula, 274, 275 

Gabulas, 274 

Gabulensis, 274 

Gabulon, 274 

Gaddii‘a (b6), 214 


Gadeirda, 246 

Gadeirtha, 246 

Gadha, Abu, 192, 196 

Al-Gaffatin, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Gafr (a7), 192 

Al-Gafra, 207 

Al-GahaS, 210 

Al-Gahhaf ibn Hukejm, 172 

Gaillonia calycoptera, Jaub. et Spach. See 
Zrejme 

Al-Gajri, Gebb (b10), 71, 81, 176 

Galraim (a7), 198 

Gam‘, Gebab (b8), 62 

Gamba (Fagonia Bruguieri, DC.; Fagonia 
myriacantha, Boiss.; low spiny perennial 
with many branches), 152 

Gambalaenus, 274 

Gandar (e—d5), 220 

Garbi‘ijje (c5—6), 123, 219 

Garrah, Al, clan of the ‘Umar, 24 

Gasem, Al, clan of the Rasalin, 91 

Gasem, Gubb, 204 

Gasem eben Mhammad al-‘Azzawi, 47 

Gasem eben Mihbas, 24 

Gasem al-Mhammad, 43 

Gassas ibn Murra of the Bekr tribe, 63 

Gasser revolver, 1138, 114 

GawéAli, Al, clan of al-Kwame, 151 

Al-Gawhari, 297, 332 

Gazelles, 40, 149; enclosures for hunting, 3, 4 

Gbab, Ummu (c5—6), 219 

Al-Gbéb, ‘Ajn (b9), 78, 75 

Al-Gbejl (d6), 28, 104 

Gdé* an-Negm, 47 


Gebab, plural of Gebb or Gibb. 
name 

Gebb. See proper name 

Gebb Siha, settlement (c6), 46 

Gebel. See proper name 

Gebrajil, priest of the Stirijjan in al-Zerjitejn, 
100 

Gebrin, hamlet, 216 

Ged‘an al-Kasab, 43 

Al-Gedid, Gebb (or Bir al-Barrala), 81 

Al-Gedid, Tell (b6), 214 

Al-Gedje, 35 

Al-Gedii‘ijje, 214 

Gehaman (a6), 210 

Gehennam, 206, 214, 217 

Gejgil, 93 

Gelzer, H., 23, 235, 254, 274, 335 

Gemlan, Al, clan of al-Kwame, 151 

Gemmiri, village, 218 

Gendarme, concerned about his horse, 95; 
fearing the revenge of robbers, 167; mocked 
by Bedouins, 75; revered by felldhin, 46 

Al-Géne, 49 

Gennet an-Nasara, ‘Ajn, 35 

George, St., Greek church in al-Kara, 222; 
Jacobite patriarch (c. 759), 122 

Georgius Cyprius, 38, 129, 235, 268, 273, 331 

GeraS, 290 

Gergise, 219 


See proper 


300 


Al-Gerib, 62, 63 

Al-GeriSe, 210, 211 

Germakijje, 198—200 

Geroda; 2a, 38, 2ely cove foe 

Gerodai, 24 

Gerodensis, 273 

Gerontius episcopus Coarae, 23, 235 

Gerosa, 23 

Gerrah, ruins, 192 

Al-Gerrah, family of an-Nwejhat, 151 

Gerrhaei, 245 

Gerfid (e5), 22—25; 27, 37, 50, 93, 113, 222, 
237—239, 249, 250, 252, 282 

Al-Gerwe, Ab- (e5), 7, 9, 12—14, 27, 28 

Al-Gerwe, Tenijjet ab-, 11, 14 

Gezel, ‘Ajn (cT), 134 

Gezel, Gebb, 43 

Al-Gezire, 177, 178, 270 

Gféle (a7), 192 

Ghar, Se%b (c7), 45, 46, 134, 244 

Ghar, Bijar (c7), 48, 149, 283, 244, 253 

Ghassanian kings, 271, 281, 288—290 

Ghassanians, 46, 165, 266, 267, 280, 281, 288 

Gibb. See proper name 

Al-Gid, 199, 203 

Al-Gifar, 255, 256 

Al-Giffa (d9), 88 

Gillik, 280 

Al-Giza, 297 

Al-Gmejle, clan of al-Kwame, 151 

Al-Gnéd, 198 

Gnejgel, Han (e5), 28, 93, 223 

Al-Gnejje, 193, 196 

Gnénat, Tell (c5—6), 219 

Al-Gnéne (b5), 210; (b6), 212 

Goarei, 234 

Goareia, 234 

Goarene, 148, 234 

Goaria, 23, 143, 2338—235, 286 

Goaria al-Bahra’, 286 

Gonaitikon, 273 

Gonno, 2738 [259 

Al-Gowf (m11), 19, 20, 112, 137, 182, 189, 258, 

Gozan, 262 

Graves opened by treasure seekers, 140 

Greek families, 220; sources, 231 

Greeks, 59, 205, 222, 223, 269, 270 

Gregorius, bishop (patriarch) of Antioch 
(569—594), 388, 248, 267 

Al-Grejir (d5), 223 

Grejn, Ummu, 209 

Grér, Abu (a6), 198 

Greyhound, offered as gift, 113 

Grimme, H., 2538, 331 

Gubb. See proper name 

Gubbén (a7), 199 

Gubejl, 93 

Gubejlat at-Tni (b11), 172, 177 

Al-Gid, 13 

Guests, treating, 16, 17, 29; when late do not 
get supper, 85 

Gufr Manstr, 207 

Al-Giha, 200 

Al-Guji8, 258, 259 

Guleigel, 28 


PALMYRENA 


Gara, Umm (a6), 209 

Al-Gurn, 217 

Gurn, Umm, 198, 217; (b6), 212; (c6), 218 

Al-Gurnijje (d7—8), 88, 94, 134, 147 

Guyer, S., 265, 266, 271, 299, 303, 307, 321, 323, 
326, 331, 336 

Gwad abu ‘Ali al-‘Ani, 109, 116 

Al-Gwejf (£7), 13 

Al-Gwéze (b5), 216 

Gypsies, 151 


Al-Haba (b10), 169; (b12), 178 

Hababa, singer, 277, 278 

Al-Habar (b7), 61, 62 

Habari, 64 

Al-HabaS, Harat, 82 

Habata, Abu (a9), 169 

Haber, Tell (a6), 198 

Habes, 204 

Habib ibn Murra, 283 

Al-Habijje (c8), 148 

Habl, Gebb (c6), 39, 42, 48, 122 

Al-Habra, Tenijjet, 221 

Al-Habtbe, 189 

Al-Habtr (b12—18), 229, 235, 236, 254, 259 

Al-Hadala (g7), 245 

Al-Hadali, 291 

Al-Hadat, “Ajn (di—6), 38 

Hadedijjin, 151, 152 

Al-Hadidijje (c7), 96, 134 

Hadita, 938 

Al-Hadita (di6—17), 50 ’ 

Hadr al-‘Amiri, 43 

Hadr al-°Hléwi, 43 

Hafage, Beni, 270, 272 

Al-Hafazi eben an-Nirieben Sa‘lan, 9, 15-17, 19 

Al-Hafajer, 148 

Al-Hafar (d5), 39, 221 

Al-Hafi, Gubb, 207 

Hafir, 257—259 

Hafsa, 191 

Hafsin, 210 

Al-Hagal, Gubb (a7), 202 

Hageb (a6), 205 

Al-Hagg Datd as-Salem, 110 

Haggi Halfa, 118, 252, 272, 331 

Haggi Mhammad, gendarme, 36 

Hagiopolis, 268 

Al-Hagile (e5), 18, 22, 28, 228, 224, 245, 246, 252 

Haisarta, 204 

Haita, 206 

Hajel (q14), 19 

Hajel al-Ibrahim, alderman of the ‘Akejdat 
in Dmejr, 1138 

HAjes eben Selhab, 91, 

Hajj Rumman (al0), 174 

Al-Hajjanijje, 207 

Hajje, Abu, 214 

Al-Hakkijje, 210 

Al-Hakla (e5), 28. 223 

Al-Hakla, Tenijjet, 28 

Halab, 231 

Halab-an, 230 

Al-Halabijje, 196 

Halaf (Karl Waldmann), 189, 202, 226 


INDEX Dol 


Halaf eben Matlak, 24 

Halaf al-Gasem, 37 

Al-Halawa (b6), 214 

Al-Halba, Kulban (e8—9), 296 

Halban, 230, 231 

Hale (¢8), 87 

Haleb (Aleppo), 2381, 237 

Haled, Beni, 42, 43 

HAaled eben Sattam, 114 

Haled al-Halaf, 43 

Haled ibn al-Walid, 31, 38, 100, 121, 177 

Halife, Al, 47 

Halil, Al, 100 

Halil ad-Daheri. See Ad-Daheri 

Halil eben Ahmed, guide, 62—67 

Halil eben Hamdan, 113 

Halil Fattal, 90 

Halimt al-Kara, 28, 39, 123 

Al-Halla, 69 

Al-Hallabat, valley, 91, 187 

Al-Hallabat, Han (or Kasr) (d8), 91—938, 241, 
242 

Al-Hallabat, Kasr (h4), 283 

Al-Hallaz, Rasm, 45 

Halman, 230 

Haloxylon articulatum, Cav. See Rimt 

Hama’ (b5), 38, 39, 43, 50, 71, 76, 86, 88, 129, 
MAG tes 201, .2b8, 214, 216, 217,222, 230, 
202, 243 

Al-Hamad (d9—e9—f—g—h—il10), 149, 154 

Hamam, 201 

Al-Hamame (e5), 138 

Hamame, Abu-l-, 218 

Al-Hamar (a6), 207 

Al-Hamar, Rasm, 212, 213 

Al-Hamdanijje (b5), 210 

Hamed, village, 200, 203 

Hamed, Gebab (c6), 41, 133 

Al-Hamidijje (a5—6), 209 

Hamis, Al, 24 

Al-Hamis, Rasm, 192 

Hamis al-Brejéi, 48 

Al-Hammam (a7), 86, 201, 212; (a9), 166, 167, 
169 

Al-Hammam, ‘Ajn (c9), 82 

Hammam abu Rubah, 39 

Hammam as-Sarrah (h4—5), 280, 283 

Hammid, Harat Beni, 145 

Al-Hamr, Tell (a7), 192 

Al-Hamra’, 76, 77; (b6), 213; (b7) 61; (d5—6), 
220 

Al-Hamra’, Kal‘at, 28 

Al-Hamra’, Mamlahat (a7), 199, 203 

Al-Hamsan, clan of the ‘Amira, 91, 96 

Hamid (a8), 179 

Hamad, Bir (c8), 149 

Hamzat al-Isfahani, 267, 280, 281, 331 

Han. Sze proper name 

Al-Han, Hirbet, 140 

Hanadek, Abu-l-, 214 

Al-Hanadez, 210 © 

Hanadez, Abu, 212 

Al-Hanadze, 37 

Hanaja, Abu, 192, 243 

Hanaja, Abu-l-, 214 


Al-Hananme, 37 

Hanasarta, 204 

Hanaser (a6), 208, 204, 222, 282 

Al-Handak, Harat, 145 

Al-Hanejzir (d6), 30 

Hanifa, Beni, 267 

Hantn, Tell (c5), 219 

Hantte (a6), 206, 207 

Al-Hanzir, Rigm, 214 

Al-Hanzir, Tell, 211 

Harabras, 198 

Harac, 86, 234, 242 

Al-Harajez, 210, 214 

Al-Haramijje (d6), 98 

Haran, 262 

Al-Hararat, 172 

Harat. See proper name 

Haraze, Gibb abu (d6—7), 127 

Harba’, Al abu, 24 

Al-Harbaka (b7), 61, 62, 150; (d7), 97, 1382 

Harbakat al-Hrejbée, 62 

Harbakat al-Hsejje (or al-Harbaka, b7), 61 

Al-Harbakijje, 208 

Harbanda, Mongol leader, 76 

Al-Harbawi, 24 

Al-Harbijje (d5), 220 

Al-Hardane, 210, 211 

Hardani, 273 

Harduin, J., 238, 87, 86, 129, 204, 252—2954, 268, 
213, 274, 332 

Al-Haret al-A‘rag ibn al-Mundir, the Ghassan- 
ian (d.c. 614), 267 

Al-Haret ibn Gabala, the Ghassanian (d. 
569—570), 144 

Al-Harida (b6), 214 

Harik, Abu, 214 

Al-Harit (b9), 63 

Al-Hariza (c6), 46 

Al-Harmala (a5), 209 

Harmel (a7), 196 

Al-Harraki (c5—6), 123, 219, 275 

Harran, herdsman, 15 

Harran (in Osroéne), 269, 272, 276 

Al-Harrar (a10), 172, 174; (c8), 86, 87 

Al-Harrtba, Tarak (d6), 125, 127 

Al-Harrtba, Zahrat (b10), 37, 76, 81, 173 

Hartén, Umm (b5), 210; (c6), 218 

Haram, Umm (a8), 179 

Haran, priest of the Strijjan in al-Zerjitejn, 
100 

Al-Hasa’, 1938, 245 

Hasan, Al, family of al-MeSarfe, 47; clan of 
the “‘Umiur, 24 

Hasan, Al-Bu, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Hasan, Umm (b6), 214 

Hasan al-Hmejd, 71 

Hasarta, 204 

Al-Hasaw, 47 

Al-Hasel, Harat, 113 

Hasif, 258 

Al-Hasir, 209 

Al-Hasja (d5), 220—222, 246 

Al-Hasmijje (b5), 216 

Al-Hass (a6), 58, 63, 179, 180, 186, 192, 193, 
196; 198—-201, 203, 205—207, 218, 232 


bo 


352 


Al-Hassabijje (b8), 62, 153 

Hassan, Tell (a7), 192 

Hassan ibn Tabet, 280, 332 

Al-Haswa, family of an-Negagir, 43 

Al-Hatib al-Gawhari. See Al-Gawhari 

Hatra, 262 

Ha-u-ri-na, 37 

Al-Hawa/’, Ri‘ (ai—6), 210; (b9), 64, 69, 84, 152 

Al-Hawa, Ri‘, 94 

Al-Hawa, Zelib (d8), 88, 94, 95 

Hawaja umm Sire (d6—7), 127 

Al-Hawajes, 212 

Hawalde, 113 

Al-Hawar, 255 

Hawarezm, 276. See also Khorasmians 

Hawarin, 252 

Al-Hawarnak (i20), 288, 289, 297 

Al-Hawijje, 213 

Hawijjet al-Butma (c—b7), 53, 61 

Hawijjet ar-Ras (b9), 64, 148, 152 

Hawran, Gebel (g—h5—6), 2, 7, 109, 245, 
290—293 

Hawran, Wadi (e14), 50, 258 

Al-Hawwarin (or Hawwarin) (d5), 23, 37-39, 
126, 235, 238, 289, 244, 252, 257, 280—282, 287 

Al-Haz‘al, family of al-MeSarfe, 47 

Al-Haz‘ali, 213 

Al-Hazba, 13 

Al-Hazemi, Muhammad ibn Misa, 62, 193 

Al-Hazerijjat, 99 

Al-Hazim (d8), 76, 91, 144, 259, 291, 292; (16), 76 

Hazim al-Fathallah, 113 

Hazm. See proper name 

Al-Hazm. 212 

Al-Hazne, 212. See also “Obb al-Hazne 

Al-Hazne, Tell (c5), 218 

Al-Hazr (SM a8), 262 

Hazza‘ al-BtejheS, 43 

Hazzal, Bir, 3 

Hazzaze (a7), 196 

Al-Hazzi (c5), 128 

Al-Hebara (a8), 179 

Al-Heble (c5—6), 123; (c6), 123, 218 

Hedgehog, 34 

Al-Hegaz, 18, 86, 212, 286 

Heir, 79 

Al-Hejani, Umm, 200 

Hejjal (d8), 87, 88, 187, 147 

Al-Hejl (d8—9; c10), 84, 258, 259 

Hejmiutr (e6), 28, 30, 105 

Hejran, 255 

Al-Hejrijje, 210 

Hekla (a7), 79, 199, 206 

Helal, AS-Sejh (b6), 214 

Helban (b5—6), 207, 209, 212, 214, 216, 230, 232, 

Helb6n, 215 [233 

Helbiin, 230—232 

Helela, 254 

Helena, mother of Constantine I, (247—3828), 
270 

Al-Helfi, 214 

Heliaramia, 93, 242 

Heliopolis, 23, 273 

Helioram, 93 

Al-Hellébat (b6), 212 

Al-Helwa (a6), 207 


PALMYRENA 


Hemesa, 216, 244, 246 

Hemri (dry herbs), 52 

El Her, 79 

Al-Hér, Kasr (b10), 61, 72—75, 77—81, 288, 254, 
255, 297 

Al-Hér, Nuktat (d7), 127 

Al-Hér al-Rarbi, Kasr (d7), 96, 98, 127 

Heracleia, 231 

Heracleon of Beroea (96 B.C.), 231 

Heraclius I (610—641), 269 

Herdsman, wages of, 15 

Al-Hérem (c8), 148 

Al-Herib, 63 

Herigen, 273 

Hermon, Mt., 281 

Hersan, Al, 24 

Herzfeld, Ernst, 299, 303, 325, 332, 336 

Hesban, 283 

Al-Hesja (c9), 84 

Hesjan al-“Ejr (b7—8), 62, 153 

Hidlu, 199 

Hierapolis, 175, 216, 231, 264, 265, 276; metropol- 
itan of, 268 

Hierapoliitan diocese, 264 

Hierocles, 129, 204, 332 

Hilbunu, 215 

Al-Hinna (b7), 214 

Al-Hira (al-Bhara), 296, 297; (near al-Kifa), 
265, 288 

Hirbet. See proper name 

Hisam ibn “Abdalmalek (724—748), 173, 267—272, 
277, 278, 285, 287, 288 

Hisn Kifa, 100 

Hit (E17), 1155<254 

Hjaja, Abu (e5—6), 30, 245 

Al-Hkaf (a10), 172 

Al-Hléhle (¢9), 84 

Al-Hlejjel (d7), 96, 128 

Al-Hmar (b6), 211 

Al-Hmar, Zahr (c9), 84 

Hmar abu ‘Awwéad, 2—7 

Hméd, a3-Sejh (c5—6), 122, 219 

Hmejd al-Glal, 73 

Hmejd an-Negm, 47 

Al-Hmejde, Nakb (c8-—9), 84, 150 

Hmejjed a8-Sibli, 37 

Al-Hmejmat, 207 

Hmejme, Umm (c7), 134 

Al-Hmejme, Umm, 45 

Al-Hmejmi, 196 

Al-Hméra, 221 

Al-Hmére, 198 

Hmért al-Habbaz (d5), 221 

Al-Hnéfes, 216 

Hnéfes, Bir (c8), 149 

Al-Hnejda (a9), 169 

Hnejjan, Eben, 109 

Hobar, 207 

Holaje, Tarak (c5), 89, 128, 124, 220 

Al-Holle, 69 

Al-Homr, Kasr (b6), 214 

Al-Homr, Tlal, 218 

Homs (c5), 25, 37—40, 48, 44, 48, 50, 100, 109, 
121—128, 132, 134, 146, 205, 213, 217, 218, 220, 
222, 223, 233, 237, 238, 244246, 249—251, 253, 
271— 2738, 2838, 290—295 


INDEX 


Al-Honsor (e7— 8), 148 

Al-Hor (d6), 41 

Al-Hora (a9), 155 

Horses, hiring of, 124 

Al-Hort (b6), 214 

Al-Hosn (d6), 35, 102 

Hosts extort guests, 30 

Al-Hrejbe, 179 

Al-Hrejbe (a8), 62, 63 

Al-Hrejbe, Tarak (a-b8), 63, 154, 179 

Hrejg al-Mal (e5), 224 

Hréra, Abu (a8), 178, 179, 181, 232, 238, 248, 
260 

Al-Hrézi (b6), 214 

Hsaf (a7), 193, 198 

Hsaf Settlements, 192 

Hsejfan (a7), 179, 192, 198 

Al-Hsejje (or Harbakat al-Hsejje), 53. See 
also Al-Harbaka (b7) 

Al-Hsén, “Ajn (c5), 219 

Hsén al-Mazlim, 3, 4, 11—14 

Al-Hsene, tribe, 24, 40, 100 

Htézan (b11), 177 

Hubelat, Abu (c6), 214 

Hufejjer, 34 

Al-Hufejjer (d6), 33—85, 99, 257, 259 

Al-Hulla (b5), 216 

Al-Hulle (b9), 69, 70, 172, 233, 242 

Hullet al-Warak, 151 

Al-Hulmi (a9), 169 

Al-Htme, 214 

Humejd ibn Hurejt ibn Bahdal, 258, 259 

Humejd ibn Kahtaba, 269 

Al-Humr (c7), 88, 134 

Hunasira, 58, 200, 204, 205, 212, 255, 256, 268, 
2h 252.28 0 

Hunasirat al-Ahass, 282 

Hurarina, 86 

Hurras, 87 

Al-Hurri, Kal‘at (c8), 86, 87 

His, family, 62 

Husaf, 193 

Al-Hita, Umm, 207 

Huwwarajn, 38 

Huwwarin, 38, 100, 237, 257, 281, 282, 287 

Al-Huwwas, Rasm, 200 

Al-Huzrijje, 132 

Al-Hwa, pass, 225 

Al-Hwejjer, 198 

Hwejsan, Al, clan of the Rasalin, 91 

Al-Hwénize, Han (d7), 94, 291 

Al-Hwér, Kasr (b10), 79 

Al-Hwés, 192, 193 

Al-Hwétat (12—3—m4—5—n6), 18 

Hyena, 65 

Hyoscyamus arabicus, Vel. See Bengi 

Al-Hzéfat (b12), 178 

Al-Hzémat, family of al-MeSarfe, 47 


Tabruda, 233 

Iabrudorum ecivitas, 23 

Ibex, 14, 127 

Ibn ‘Asakir, 287, 332 

Ibn al-Atir, 100, 217, 251, 267, 271, 278, 285, 
291, 332 

Ibn Battata, 82, 83, 278, 332 


Do 


Ibn Butlan at-Tabib, al-Muhtar ibn al-Hasan 
(d. 1052—1058), 270 

Ibn Gubejr, 250, 251, 33 

Ibn Hallikan (1211—1282), 25 

Ibn Hawkal, 1938; 205, 332 

Ibn Hordadbeh, 44, 48, 249—256, 270, 332 

Ibn al-Kalanisi, 38, 100, 198, 225, 332 

Ibn Kotejba, 286, 332 

Ibn ar-Ra‘i ad-DimiSki, 281, 332 

Ibn Saddad, 217, 329 

Ibn Sihna, 269, 332 

Ibn Su‘ade, 256 

Ibn Tarri Birdi, 100, 224, 270, 332 

Ibrahim al-Hitri, 101 

Ibrahim, aS-Sejh, shrine, 73 

Idan ad-Dib, 30 

Iden, Umm (e6), 7, 12 

Al-Idrisi, 249, 251, 271, 333 

Al-‘Ijat, TlGl (f5—6), 2, 7, 12, 24, 31, 110, 116, 
244 

Al-Ikli], 258, 259 

Tlaha, 248 

“Imadaddin ibn Zenki, 225 

Inscriptions: Arabic, 58, 67; Greco-Palmyrene, 
(Os Greeka Oi l4e.oloo. 201, 202.021 53) Toating 
109; on Roman milestones, 86, 95, 109, 135; 
Syriac, 75 

PrakeeoLe Os (Owes LOO. lias hl oan eo.ls, eos 
LO Lemay 

Isaac, St., monastery of, 275 

Isaiah, Book of, 262 

Ishak ibn Muslim al-‘Okejli, 283 

Al-Ishakijje, 189 

Isidore of Charax, 236, 333 

Isma‘in al-Hasan, 113 

Istabel (a6), 198 

Al-Istablat, 205, 207 

Al-Istabri, 1938, 205, 333 

Al-‘Ita (e6), 257 

Italians, 123 

Itinera hierosolymitana, 273, 333 


eB) 


a 


Al-Jabarde, Tenijjet (e6), 28, 30, 109, 245 

Jabrud (eb). 24, ar. 220.0206, 240, 246 

Jacobites, 122 

Jahja° ibn Zikrwajh, 270 

Al-Ja*ktbi, 204, 269, 277, 292, 333 

JAK, 2 2),n0L bal oo, 44,546. 50,0.05,, 02) (Oso. 
86,5 So lO0 ellos coal oon lot. 44, (ook, 
178, 1838, 1938, 200, 204—206, 212, 217, 222, 2238, 
256, 257, 269—272, 276, 278, 282, 2838, 296, 383 

Jarki, 86 ; 

Al-Jasir, Hazm (d6), 40, 125 

Jazid ibn Mu‘awija. See Yazid I 

Jazid ibn al-Walid ibn “Abdalmalek. See Ya- 
zid III 

Al-Jehmtn (d6), 104 

Jerusalem, 18, 266; territory of, 283 

Jesuit Fathers, 121 

Al-Jetime (b8), 62, 150, 151 

Jews, 275 

Joannes civitatis Palmyrae, 23 

Joannes Damasci, metropolitan, 273 

Joannes Palmyrensis, bishop, 273 

John, bishop of the Arabian monks in Haw- 
warin, 38 


John, patriarch of Antioch (428, d. 441), 264, 
267 

John of Ephesus, 38, 248, 266, 280, 289, 333 

John Malalas, 247, 274, 333 

John Moschus, 266, 333 

John of ar-Resafa, Byzantine commander, 
266 

Jordan, district of, 287 

Joscelin de Courtenay, lord of Edessa 
(1118—1131), 276 

Joseph, bishop, monastery of » at ar-Resafa, 

Jowm al-Bisr, 172 [268 

Jowm Hagibet ar-Rehthb, 172 

Jowm Mugasen, 172 

Julia, virgin and martyr of Syria, 263 

Julian I, Jacobite patriarch (ec. 591), 275 

Julian the Apostate (861—363), 247 

Jumping mice, 62 

Jupiter’s mountain, 252 

Justin II (565—578), 266 

Justinian, Byzantine commander in Syria, 
266 

Justinian I (527—565), 144, 204, 248, 265—268, 
275 

Justinianupolis, 388 


Al-Ka‘ (plain), 124, 125, 136; (settlement), 245 

Ka‘ab tribesmen, 255. See also Awlad Ka‘ab 

Ka’aba, 258 

Al-Kaba‘a, Harat, 145 

Al-Kabbas (e5), 224 

Kabkab, 251, 252 

Kabr Hebab, 122 

Kabr an-Nusrani (bl1—12), 177 

Al-Kaddah, Tell, 122, 219 

Kafar Hagar, 270 

Kaff al-Kalb (c5), 220 

Kafr ‘Amma’, 193 

Kafr Had, 198 

Kafr Ra‘, 213 

Kafr Ramma, 193 

Al-Ka‘ijje. See Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje 

Al-Ka‘ijje, Gebab, 71 

Al-Kajem (d14), 248 

Al-Kajez (c8), 87, 137, 144 

Al-Kajim Biamrallah (1031—1075), 100 

Kajjad, 144 

Kajjas, 144 

Al-Kalabijjat (d6), 28, 36 

Kalaman, G. (e4), 6, 225, 239, 256 

Kal‘at. See proper name 

Kalb, 34, 50, 87, 99, 133, 248, 257—259, 281, 282 

Kalbi, 99, 100 

Al-Kalkal, family of al-Mesarfe, 47 

Al-KalkaSandi, 282, 333 

Kambar, 43 

Kamktim (a7), 192, 196 

Al-Kanater, 147 

Al-Kannas, Tarak (d6), 34 

Al-Kantara, 98, 128, 131 

Al-K4ara (d5), 23, 38, 218, 222, 223, 234, 235, 246, 
250 : 

Kara’ Sonkor, administrator of Aleppo, 86 

Karatea, 273 

Karawisat (e6), 12 [124 

Al-Karawne, inhabitants of al-Zerjitejn, 101, 


PALMYRENA 


Karhad, 251, 252 

Al-Karjatajn, 251 

Al-Karjatan, 28, 38, 50, 71, 76, 99, 100, 133, 
134, 249, 250, 282, 293 

Karkisija’ (b13), 258, 259 

Karktr (b11), 178 

Al-Karktr, Rasm, 205 

Al-Karnajn, 251 

Al-Kars (c6), 46 

Karyetin, 234 

Al-Kasera, 212 

KAasijan, 281 

Al-Kasim, 19 

Kasr. See proper name 

Al-Kasra (or al-Kassara, al0), 154 

Al-Kastal, 222; in al-Belka’, 286; (c7), xiii, 21, 
24, 25, 48, 49, 51, 52, 58, 154, 238, 249—251, 
278, 282, 293; (d5), 224 

Kata, bird, 64 

Kata, Tell (b6), 214 

Al-Kattar, 84; (c6), 42; (c8), 87, 151, 233; (d7), 
96, 132, 241, 242, 253 

Al-Katilik, Harat, 100 

Al-Kawa‘ed (c8), 148 

Kawamel, 251, 252 

Al-Kawéatel, 178 

Al-Kawdan (d5—6), 36, 221 

Kawkab, 258 

Kawm, 71 

Al-Kazwini, 272, 333 

Kbara, Abu, 179 

Al-Kbébat, 210, 216 

Al-Kbébe, Umm, 45 

Al-Kdejm, basin, 62, 149—152 

Al-Kdejm, Gebb (b8—9), 44, 62, 63, 76, 144, 
146, 150, 151, 250 

Al-Kdejr (b9), 71 

Al-Kdejr, Sbaht (b9), 71 

Al-Kdtr, Ab-, 214 

Al-Kebab (b11), 177 

Kebakeb, 50, 252, 254 

Al-KebaZeb (b11), 50, 177 

Al-Kebir, Nahr (b9), 73; (c9), 82, 84 

Kehere, 234. See also Cehere 

Kehle (d6—7), 28, 31, 96, 98, 105, 128 

Al-Kejn, Beni, 286 

Kejs, 99, 257—259 

Kejsi, 99, 100 

Kejsim (Pyrethrum Musili, Vel.; scented pe- 
rennial with thin branches, hairy leaves, 
and many heads of blue flowers), 267 

Kejsima, hamlet, 192 

Al-Kelajed, Umm, 35, 99, 102, 104 

Kelw, ashes of ‘azgw and sndn, 84, 88; plant, 
113 

Kemaladdin, 100, 205, 217, 275, 276, 333 

Al-Kena’, 145 

Kena’ Gowha (e5), 23 

Al-Kenafed (b6), 214 

Kenat an-Nedwijje (b9—10), 73, 81 

Kenat as-Shejm (b9—10), 76, 77, 81 

Kennos, 216 

Kens, Abu, clan of al-Kwame, 151 

Keraja-l-Hsaf, 192 

Al-Kerak, 18 

Al-Kerje, 291, 292 


INDEX 


Al-Keteb (d7), 88, 94—96, 134 

Al-Kéz (c7), 134, 144 

Kfaf al-Bab (b—c7), 52 

Khejle, 31, 96 

Khorasmians, 272, 276 

Al-Kible, Harat, 145 

Al-Kiblijje, Harat, 113 

Al-Kids, Umm (b6), 212 

Kih al-Geba’ (d6), 40 

Kijar, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Kilab, Beni, 172, 255 

Kilab ibn Rabi‘a ibn ‘Amer, 255 

Kinana, Beni, 177 

Kinnesrin, 50, 144, 183, 198, 205, 207, 212, 231, 
232 seal ate 

Al-Kla‘a, 214 

Klej‘a (a7), 208 

Al-Klej‘a, 152 

Klej‘at-a8-Sih, 207 

Al-Klejb (c10), 82 

Al-Klejbijje (d7—8), 438, 135 

Al-Klélat (c9), 84 

Kmasi, 89 

Al-Kmusa (d6—10), 55, 84, 85, 88, 89, 91, 96 

Al-Knejje, Tarak (c6), 124 

Al-Knéman. See Zemlet al-Knéman 

Al-Knétrat (a6), 198 

Koare, 143 

Koari, 284 

Koaria, 145 

Kodama, 249, 250, 333 

Al-Kohle (b6), 212 

Al-KG6la (a6), 210 

Al-Komkoém, ‘Ajn (d6), 40, 126 

Konno, 273 

Konokola, 273 

Konon, monastery, 275 

Korada, 24 

Koran, 165 

Al-Kés, Ab-, 5, 7, 9, 14, 27, 28 

Kotkot, G. (b9), 76, 84, 257 

Al-Kotne, valley, 222 

Al-Kotne, ‘Ajn (d5), 222 

Kowkab (b5), 210, 213 

Al-Kowm (b9), 71, 81 

Al-Krah, 210 

Al-Krejn, 196 

Al-Kréket (a6), 200 

Krin Hama’, 48, 121, 213, 216, 217 

Al-Ksejbe, 178 

Al-Ksejbe, “Ajn (d6), 38; (d8), 88, 137 

Al-Ksejbe (Nuktat, all), 254 

Al-Ksejr (a9), 67—69; (e5), 13, 251, 252; in 
Esrija, 54 

Al-Ksejr, Han (e4—5), 225 

Ksejr as-Séle (a9), 264 

Al-Ksés, 191 

Al-Ktejfe (e5), 38, 222, 224, 225 

Al-Ku‘ajjed, Tell (c9), 84 

Kubakeb, 177. See also Kebakeb 

Al-Kubba (c9), 84 

Kubbet Mala‘eb, 251 

Kubbt al-‘Asafir (e4), 225 

Kubbt al-Kurdi (b5), 218 

Kubbtén, 198 

Al-Kubejsa (e17), 115 


Tei 
00) 


Kubejsi, 115 

Kudejm, 50 

Al-Kudmijje, 149 

Ku‘ejran, Abu, clan of al-Kwame, 151 
Al-Kutfa (h20), 189 

Kufr ‘Abid (a6), 207 

Kufr Kar (a6), 198 

Kulban, plural of Zelib. See proper name 
Kulejb ibn Rabi‘a, 62, 63 

Kull, best sort of kelw ashes, 113 
Al-Kumejje (c7), 45 

Kur* Rubii‘a, 212 

Al-Kur‘a (a6), 200, 207 

Kuradoje’, 24 

Al-Kurbatijje, 48, 201 

Kurds, 24 

Al-Kurej, Tell, 255, 296 

Kurs, Tell, 46 

Kurtin Hama’, 217 

Kis, hermitage, 14 

Kusam, 31, 253 

Al-Kusejbe, 178 

KuSejr, 255 

Al-Kusejr, 251 

Kusejr “Amra (i5), 289, 290 
Al-Kutajjefe, 38 

Al-Kutami, 257, 334 

Al-Kutbijje, 196 

Al-Kutejfe, 38, 224, 250 

Al-Kwame, division of the Hadedijjin, 151 
Al-Kwar (a9), 154, 155 

Al-Kwém, Gebab (b9), 67, 71—73 
Kwéran, Al, 55 

Kweérat Biz (d6), 125 

Al-Kwés, 200 

Kzdma (fryit of terebinth trees), 34 


Labde (b6), 210 

Al-Labde (b8—9), 64, 76, 150, 151 

Laha (h—ill1), 248, 282 

Lahm, 267; kings, 288—290 

Al-Lahtine (b5), 217 

Lala (a7), 192, 1938 

Lale, 213, 214 

Lammens, Henri, 277, 279—289, 297, 33 
Lamy, Th. J., 98, 33 

Gandjes.PeeN oot 

Langdon, St., 215, 334 

Laodicene, 23, 229, 233—235 

Laodicia (or Laodicea) Seabiosa, 23, 244, 246, 273 
Laribda, 76 

Larisa, 23, 235 

Larissa, 23, 274 

Lassafet az-Zab‘, 26 

Latins, 59 

Lavandula coronopifolia, Poir. See Zejte 
Lebanon, 121, 219, 245, 278 

Lebbad eben Fa‘ur, 55 

Al-Leben, Han (d7), 48, 182, 134, 257 
Al-Lega’, 291, 292 

Leo I, the Great (457—474), 23, 86, 129, 204, 273 
Leontius, bishop of Hanasarta, 204 
Leontius Larissenus, 23 

Leper, shunned by Bedouins, 152 

Le Quien, 23, 129, 254, 334 

Lhejb, 113 


356 


Liber chalipharum, 144, 268, 338 

Lidzbarski, M., 76, 334 

Linaria ascalonica, Boiss. Ky. See Silwa 

Locusts destroy vegetation, 176 

Lot’s city, 25 

Lu’lu’a, 256 

Lurissae, 23 

Al-Lweze, 210 

Al-Ma’, Ras, 100 

Ma‘an (13), 18 

Ma‘an, Kal‘at eben (c8), 87, 136 

Al-Maf‘arra, 211, 272 

Ma‘arrin (bd), 217 

Al-Ma‘ata (a8), 179 

Al-Ma‘ate’, 255, 257 

Ma‘az, Rasm (a7), 201 

Al-Ma“‘azi, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Al-Mab‘asa (a6), 209, 

Mab‘tge, 196 

Mached-Raba, 76 

Al-Ma‘édijjin, clan of the Fwa‘re, 37 

Al-Ma‘“ésre (e5), 14, 22 

Al-Ma‘eze, Han (e4—5), 224 

Al-Maflah, 217 

Al-Magnine, 25. See also Al-Magrine 

Magnus, Syrian curator, 38 

Masts, monastery, 275 

Maharse, family of the ‘Umtr, 24 

Al-Mahftr (f6), 12 

Makbara Beni Helal (c7—8), 1384 

Al-Makrizi, 25, 76, 100, 218, 222, 334 

Maksad al-Hsan (c6), 218 

Al-Maksar (b5—6), 210 

Maksar walad Nimr, Tenijjet, 27 

Al-Makstra, 3 

Al-Makta‘, Zahr (c6), 46, 53 

Al-Makta‘a (d7), 96 

Al-Malah (or Sbaha Tudmor), 137 

Al-Malek al-ASraf, Salahaddin Halil (d. 1293), 
1235 212 

Al-Malek Sa‘id ibn Gemaleddin, 77 

Al-Malek as-Saleh Ismail ibn Ntraddin 
Zenki, lord of Aleppo, (d. 1237), 217 

Al-Malek az-Zaher Rijataddin Razi, lord of 
Aleppo (1186—1216), 100 

Al-Malha, 178 

Malhat. See proper name 

Malhat al-Kronfol (e6), 12 

Malta, 214 

Ma‘lila’, 25 

Mamlahat. See proper name 

Al-Ma’min (818—833), 283 

Al-Manasre (c8), 149 

Al-Manazer (e7—d7—11—cl2), 282 

Manbig, 175 

Al-Manktra, Se‘ib, 30; ridge (c6), 46, 538 

Al-Manktra, Han (e6), 28, 31—34, 105, 235, 
208, 241,208 

Mansi; J.1):, 28; 37, 129, 264, 267, 205,-c1osood 

Manstr, writer of an inscription in Kasr al- 
Hér, 77 

Mansir ibn Gamhir, 295, 296 

Al-Mansitra, 192 

Al-Manzitl (c5), 220 

Al-Mara, Umm, 193, 196 


PALMYRENA 


Maradig, 209 

Maras, bishop of Anasartha, 204 

Marasa, Al, clan of al-Kwame, 151 

Ma‘raz al-Krejze, 28, 30, 105 

Al-Maraziz, Harat, 82 

Marbat al-Hsan (c8), 87, 138, 186, 147, 148 

Al-Marbt* (or Za‘raja), 255 

Marcopolis, 268 

Mardin, 100 

Marianus, bishop of Rosafa, 267 

Marinus of Hanasarta, 204 

Marion, bishop of Sara’, 38 

Maronius, chorepiscopus of Sergiopolis, 265 

Martianus, Byzantine patrician, 266 

Martianus, eparch, 263 

Al-Masa‘id, 37 

Al-MaS‘ar, 250 

Al-Masbah, 258, 259 

Al-MAaseh, 207 

Maseh, Tell, 255 

Al-Masek (ce7), 134, 149 

Al-Mashad, 251 

Maskakt Mhin (d5—6), 28, 36, 221 

Maslama ibn ‘Abdalmalek (d. 732—733), 193 

Al-Masna‘, 251 

Al-Mas‘tdi, 38, 278, 281—283, 286—288, 334 

Al-Mas‘tdijje (b6), 214 

Ma’ Surejk, 250 

Al-MAaszijje (d6), 98 

Al-Math, 207, 214 

Al-Matran (b6), 212 

Maurice (582—602), 266 

Maximian (joint emperor with Diocletian, 
286—205), 247, 263 

Al-Mazba‘a (b5), 2138 

Ma‘zeb as-Slejb (d6—7), 127 

Mazhtr eben Teli, 136, 145, 148 

Al-Mazlak, 209 

Al-Mazra‘, ‘Ajn (dd), 228 

Al-Mbarakat, 217 

Al-Mbattel, 213 

Al-Méabrat (e5), 10, 22 

Al-Mdawwara (b7), 538; (d5), 221; 
ZED, woke 

Al-Mébiga (b6—-7), 214 

Al-Megatel (b11), 178 

Mecca, 1, 18 

Al-Medajen, 206 

Al-Medina, 19, 245, 248, 257, 286 

Medint al-Far (a7—8), 179 

Al-Medrtr, Ras, 96 

Al-Mefaze (d8), 137 

Al-Meflese, 196 

Al-Megaher (a6), 207 

Al-Megas, 209 

Me‘sel, Eben, 29, 100 

Me‘gel eben Sened, 136, 145 

Megwel, Eben, 3 

Al-Mehkan (a8), 179 

Mélat, Ummu-l-, 209 

Al-Meleh (b9), 63, 64, 68, 69, 71, 173 

Melhem, Eben, 24 

Al-Mellah, Setb, 189 

Mellaha Gertid (e5), 13, 24, 25, 27, 28, 225 

Al-Mellthi (c8), 148 

Menajet al-Hér, 76 


elevation, 


INDEX DoT 


Membig, 208, 275, 276, 281. See also Manbig 

Menander Protector, 248, 334 

Mendl, Antonin, 299 

Mensaf, Abu (b5), 210, 213 

Merderane, 209 

Al-Merg, 218 

Merg Husaf, 193 

Merg Rahet, 225 

Mers as-Suffar, 71, 100 

Merwan I, ibn al-Hakam (684—685), 282 

MerwaAan II, al-Himar (744—750), 50, 58, 154 

Al-Mes‘ade (b6), 214 

Al-Mesajid, R&Gm (e5—6), 1, 2, 7 

MeSakk Semri (e5—6), 7, 18, 245 

Al-Mesande, 55 

Al-Mesarbe, subdivision of the Kmusa, 91 

Al-MeSsarfe (c6—8), 46, 47 

MeShed Ali (an-Negef, h—i20), 178; (a8-Sejh 
“Ali, ¢12), 76 

Al-Mesjede, 198 

Al-Meskene (a7—8), 189; (c5), 219 

Mesopotamia, xiii, 168, 177, 178, 193, 206, 209, 
DG OCR VT cara as paarat ha 

Mesopotamian desert, 1938 

Al-MeSrefe (a6), 207 

Al-Metajih (a7—8), 63, 152, 201 

Met‘eb eben ‘Abdal‘aziz eben “Abdallah eben 
Rasid, 19 

Met‘eb eben Fahad eben Haddal, 93, 94 

Al-Metenne, Zahr, 62 

Al-Mezabe‘’, 62; (a9), 68, 168, 169; (c7), 184 

Mezjed, Eben (or Eben Melhem of the Hsene), 

Mezjed eben ‘Awde of the Mseke, 55 [24 

Al-Mfakkar (a6), 210; (b6), 214 

Al-Mhadtm (a7), 192 

Mhammad al-‘Ajed, 82 

Mhammad ‘Ali ar-Rfé‘i, 43 

Mhammad eben ‘Abdallah, 145 

Mhammad eben ‘Ali, aS-Sejh, Mizar, 87 

Mhammad eben ‘Ide, 91 

Mhammad eben Sa‘adaddin al-Hamite, 124, 
28. 131,25, 186 

Mhammad al-Hmejdan, 37 

Mhammad al-Kazib, 1, 3, 6, 15, 20, 21, 25, 31, 
35, 41, 42, 46, 47, 61, 63, 66, 69, 74, 76, 83—85, 
93—95, 102, 103 

Mhammad al-Kurdi, Se°ib, 179 

Mhammad al-Msétef, 37 

Mhammad al-Misa, 43 

Mhammad al-Rareb, 43 

Al-Mhammadijje, 212 

Al-Mhasar (b5—6), 213 

Mhejd, Eben, 113 

Al-Mhéra (al0), 68, 169, 172 

Mhin (d5), 37, 89, 222 

Michael the Syrian, 37, 122, 144, 204, 266, 267, 
275, 289, 334 

Al-Midan (c6), 218 

Midhat Pasha, 8, 43 

Al-Mijadin (b18), 50, 229, 235, 236, 251, 254 

Al-Mijah (d11), 258 

Military Geographical Institute, Vienna, 1, 
189 

Miller, K., 240, 334 

Al-Mimbatah, 200, 207 

Min‘aja, 200 


Al-Minkat‘e, 14, 22, 24 

Al-Minsar (b9), 64, 69, 71, 73, 76, 81 

Al-Minsar (b9), 64, 69, 71, 73, 

Al-Minsef (¢8) 87 

Al-Mintatrat (f6), 12 

M‘is, family in as-Suhne, 82 

Al-Mis‘ade (c7), 134 

Misrab, Bir (or Gebb) (d7), 43 

Al-MiSrefe (c5), 122, 219 

Al-Mistah (b9), 68—64 

Mizan, Tell (a6—7), 196, 197 

Mizar. See proper name 

Al-Mizar (c8), 87, 148 

Al-Mizra‘a (a6), 200 

Al-Mizra‘a, Darb, 147 

Al-Mizra‘a, Roézat (d6), 99, 127 

Al-Mizrab (c8), 148 

Al-Mkate‘, 84 

Mkate‘at ad-Daras, 87 

Al-Mkejbre (b9), 64, 150 

Al-Mkejmen, 11, 13, 22, 30, 39 

Mkejmen al-Geba’ (d6), 125, 126 

Al-Mkére‘e (e5), 14 

Al-Mkéti‘a (c8), 134, 148 

Al-Mléke (d8), 148, 294—296 

Mléta (d—e5), 223 

Mnife bint Sattam, 16 

Moab, 284, 286 

Moawiyah I (Mu‘awija ibn Abi Sufjan ibn ~* 

Harb, 660—680), 287 

Mons Iovis, 252 

Morajer al-A‘la (c7), 134 

Al-Morar, 13, 22; (c8—9), 64, 148, 150, 152 

Morara, 230 

Al-Morara (b9), 64, 151 

Al-Morara, 249, 251, 271; (b7), 201, 212 

Al-Morara, Sbaht, 53, 61, 214 

Moritz, Bernhard, 233—235, 33 

Moslem army, 71; cemetery, 136, 165; gate at 
Kasr al-Hér, 74; troops, 269 

Moslems, 71, 100, 122, 123, 205, 262, 268, 283 

Al-Mra’ (c7—8), 62, 64, 149, 150 

Mraht al-Faras (c7), 154 

Al-Mrejgi, 218 

Al-Mrejrat (a6), 196, 200, 202, 208, 219, 222, 230 

Al-Mrejzeb, 210 

Al-Mrejzel (¢e6), 46, 47 

Mrér, Abu-l- (a5—6), 209 

Al-Mréwid (b5), 2138 

Al-MSarrez, Harat, 113 

Al-MSatta (i4), 283—285 

Al-Msé‘id (c6), 214 

Al-Msejriha, 22 

Al-Mseke, subdivision of the “Ebede, 55 

Al-MSérfat (a6), 207 

Al-MSsérfe, 216; (c6—7), 47 

Al-Msétbe (b6), 214 

Al-Mtejhat, clan of the Beni Haled, 438 

Mtejricat (e5—6), 7, 12, 138 

Al-Mu‘akkar (b6), 214 

Al-Mu‘albe (or Dér Ba‘alba), 121 

Al-Mu‘allak, Se%b, 199 

Mu‘allak a3-Ska’, 43, 45, 125 

Al-Mu‘azzamijje (e5), 14, 224, 225 

Al-Mubjeza, 3 

Al-Mudahhen, 25 


308 


Al-Mudarrag, 204 

Mufakkar al-Braé, 3 

Mugasen, 172 

Al-Muhajja (Muhanna), 256 

Muhammad ibn Sulejman ibn ‘Abdalmalek, 
287 

Al-Muhanna, 256 

Muhanna ibn ‘Isa, 86 

Al-Muharram, 210 

Muhasen, 172 

Al-Muhejfir, Radir (c10), 81 

Al-Mukaddasi, 205, 249, 251, 335 

Al-Mukbara, 192 

Miiller, C., 230—235, 240 

Al-Mumbatah, Sbaht (d9—10), 84 

Al-Mumbatah, Zelib (c9—10), 84, 257 

Al-Mundir ibn al-Haret ibn Gabala (570-581), 
38, 264, 266, 326 

Al-Mundir ibn Ma’assama’, the Lakhmite 
(505—554), 144, 265, 267, 289 

Muntar. See proper name 

Al-Muntar, 136, 1387, 147 

Muntar al-‘Abd, settlement, 218 

Al-Murra (d7—8), 134 

Murran (e7), 45, 133 

Misa, 5, 17, 180, 181 

Misa, Mar, monastery. See Dejr Mar Musa 

Misa, nephew of ‘Obejdallah ibn Ma‘mar. 
See ‘Omar ibn Matsa ibn Ma‘mar 

Misa Ara (d7), 96 

Al-Musajjah, 258, 259 

Al-MuSbihe, Tel‘et, 294, 295 

Musil, Alois, xiii, 117, 177, 178, 189, 229, 236, 
247, 249, 251, 257, 262, 266, 277-279, 284—288, 
299, 308, 305, 321; 323,°225, 326, .004,c005 

Al-Muta‘areb, 127 

Al-Mutalla‘® (f5—6), 12 

Al-Mutanabbi, 134, 172, 250, 255, 335 

Al-Mutawakkel (847—861), 270, 278 

Al-Mwahib, clan of the ‘Amira, 91 

Al-Mwajze, subdivision of the ‘Ebede, 55 

Al-Mwakkar (i4), 283 

MwéAali, 48, 47 

Mwéne’, Al, 55 

Al-Mzebbed (c8—9), 87 

Al-Mzejbel, family in as-Suhne, 82 

Al-Mzejble (d—e6), 28, 104 

Al-Mzére* (b—c5—6), 218 

Al-Mzérib, 18 


Na‘am (a6), 198 

An-Na‘am, ereek, 198 
An-Na‘am, Zel* (b8—9), 68, 152 
An-Nabi, 257 

An-Nabira, 212, 280, 335 
An-Nabk, 250 

Nabtal, 62 

Nafal, Rasm, 199 

An-Nagra’, 286 

Nahr. See proper name 
An-Najfe (or Gebb at-Twale), 96 
Nakb. See proper name 
Nakira, 205 

An-Nakira, 276 

Nasabt al-HStini (b8), 62, 152 
Na‘san, 55 


PALMYRENA 


Naser (al-Malek an-Naser Muhammad, 
1309—1340), 50, 86 

Naser, Al, 43 

Naser eben Me‘gel, 29, 30 

Naser eben ‘Obejd al-Marlak, 103, 114, 117, 
121, 124, 127, 129, 131, 133, tebe daeyeees 
175, 183, 186, 189, 226 

An-NaSmi (c8), 148 

Nasr al-Iskandari, Abdarrahman Abu-l-Fath 
(d. 1164—1165), 48, 87, 193 

An-NAasrijje. 196, 198; (e5), 28, 25, 27, 223 

Nassab eben Zasem, guide, 67 

Natfa’, monastery at Zakl, 223 

An-Na‘tra, 193 

Nawa’, Kasr, 214, 216 

An-Nawawi, 287, 335 

Nawwaf eben an-Niri eben Sa‘lan, 9, 15—17, 
19, 21, 109—112, 116, 117, 180, 182 

Nawwaf as-Saleh, 151 

Nazala, 253 

Nazirat al-Bisr, 172 

An-Nazra (b11), 172, 176—178 

Nazzal eben ‘Ali, 24—27, 33 

An-Nbag (or Ambag), 63 

Nebaka, 223 

Nebk (dd), 228, 251 

Nebuchadnezzar (604—561), 215 

Nedwijjat al-Kdejr (b9—10), 71 

Nefaka, 223 

Nefata, 223 

An-Neftid (e10—p15), 112, 182 

An-Negagir, 43 

Negd, 76, 189 

An-Negef (MeShed ‘Ali, h—i20), 178 

Negib, Zelib (c10), 81 

Nejtel, 62 

Nejtuél (perennial with tall stem and green, 
scented leaves), 165 

An-Neknekijje (d7), 96, 127, 131, 132 

Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople (d. e. 
439), 264 

An-Nétel, Ab-, 62, 69 

An-Nétel, Gebb ab- (b8), 62, 63 

Nezala, 241, 242, 253 

An-Nfa‘ijje, 192 + 

Nhejdén (d6), 123 

An-Nhéle (c9), 84, 87 

Nhid al-Banat, 192 

Nicaea, first ecumenical council in 325, 238, 235 

Nicephorium, 229, 236, 242, 261 

Nihja’ (al-Halba), 296; (at-Tjas), 138, 250, 255, 

Nihja road, 295, 296 [256 

An-Nijas (ed), 30 

Nilus Doxopatrius, 204, 335 

An-Nkére, Harat, 145 

Nktb al-Bir (e5—6), 26, 27 

Noldeke, Theodor, 24, 230—232, 335 

No‘man ibn BaSsir al-Ansari, 287 

An-No‘man ibn al-Haret al-A‘rag (d. 616), 
2235" 260%. and 

An-No‘man ibn al-Mundir ibn al-Haret ibn 
Gabala (581—584), 38 

No‘man ibn ‘Okban, 177 

Nonnus, bishop of Circesium, 38 

Notitia Antiochiae ac Ierosolimae patriarcha- 
tuum, 204, 268, 273, 335 


INDEX D9 


Notitia dignitatum, 37, 48, 86, 123, 129, 225, 
Zoo—czoo, 24), 252, 258, 255, 335 

Notitiae graecae episcopatuum, 268, 335 

An-Nsafa’, clan of the Mwajze, 55 

Nubejhan, Eben, 100 

An-Nu‘ejm, 118, 127, 129, 131, 133, 147 

Nu‘ejr ibn Hajjar ibn Muhanna’, 224 

An-Nukra, 1, 2 

Nuktat. See proper name 

Numejr, Beni, 34, 258, 259 

Niaraddin ibn Zenki, lord of Aleppo (d. 1174), 
251 

An-Niri eben Sa‘lan, xiii, 1, 2, 9, 12, 15—17, 
30, 54, 69, 90, 109—112, 114—117 

An-Nusejrijje, 121 

An-Nusrani, Gebel (e6), 28, 98, 104, 105 

An-Nwejhat, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

An-Nwejser, Tar (c8), 87, 186, 147 


‘Obb al-Genne (b6), 214 

“Obb al-Hazne, 214. See also Al-Hazne 

Obbanes, 236 

Al-“Obéd (all), 174 

“Obejdallah ibn Ma‘mar at-Tamimi al-Kurasi, 
113 

Al-‘Obejje (c8—9), 84 

Al-Obejjez (b6), 216 

Occaraba, 230, 233, 244, 253 

Oceariba, 37, 48, 253 

Ocurura, 246, 252 

Odenath, king of Palmyra (d. 267), 247 

~Odmana, 235 
Al-‘Oga, 216 

Al-“O&e (a5), 209 

Ogmana, 235 

Al|Okab,; 225, 251, 257 

*“Okejl, 255 

Al-‘Okla (a6), 209, 210 

“Omar Ara, Zemlet (e5), 24, 26, 27 

‘Omar ibn al-Hattab (634—644), 204, 205 

“Omar II, ibn ‘Abdal‘aziz (717—720), 200, 287, 
288 

‘Omar ibn Mutsa ibn Ma‘mar (d. 701), 113 

‘Omar ibn Sabbe Abu Zejd an-Numejri (d. 
875—876), 172 

‘Omara ibn ‘Akil ibn Belal ibn Garir ibn 
al-Hatafa’, 172 

Omayyad caliphs, 126 

Omayyads, 268, 277—280, 288, 284, 287—290 

“Ombos, 212 

“Omejs, Rasm (a6—7), 198 

Oppenheim, Max von, 90 

Orarabon, 253 

“Ord, 50, 71, 76, 82, 173, 233, 242, 250, 251, 255, 
256 

Al-Orejnbat (e5), 7 

Oresa, 254 

‘Orf at-Tajjibe, 69 

‘Orf Twénan (b8—9), 68, 152 

Orient, 262 

Orison, 273 

Orissa, 247, 254 

Oriza, 235, 242, 247, 254,255 

Orogison, 273 

Orontes (al-‘Asi), 39, 217, 218 

Oruba, 242, 247, 254, 263 


Oruda, 242 

Oruza, 242 

‘Orz, 233, 242, 255 

Osroéne, 268, 274 

“Otejba ibn Abi Lahab, 212 

Othman (‘Otman ibn ‘Affan, 644—656), 287 
‘Otman, Gubb, 214 

Otthara, 252 


Palestine, 247, 271, 287, 292 
Palmira, 253 


3, 142, 144—147, 177, 183, 
230, 230, 284, 236, 288—245, 247—249, 253—255, 
P5T 205, 261, 286;, 291, 296 

Palmyrena; xiisecl, 20; ol, Of, oS. D4, So, L2l, 
125,129, 149 151, 154,.214,, 229): 232988; 242. 
VAS OA G AA Os 200, COLT Clan Code eel 

Palmyrene altars, 185; architectural style, 142; 
caravans, 236, 237; desert, 87, 216; mountains, 
76, 230, 233; peasants, 284; plain, 242; settle- 
ments, 86; territory, 236 

Palmyrenes, 146, 239 

Palmyron, 273 

Parapotamia, 209, 232, 233 

Parsons, Aw 195, o00 

Parthians, country of, 246 

Passio antiquior, 268, 33! 

Patrum nicaenorum nomina. See Gelzer 

Pauly-Wissowa, 230, 234, 335 

Peiser, E., 262 

Persia, 275 

Persian empire, 248; fort at Kasr al-Hér, 73; 
frontier, 247, 248 

Persian Gulf, 236, 245 

Persians, 247, 248, 266, 267, 274, 
292, 297; country of, 246 

Peter, bishop of Coradaei, 23 

Peters Je Pi.) S65 305 

Petra, 216, 245 

Petros Gabbulon, 274 

Petrus civitatis Coradaenorum, 23 

Petrus episcopus Coradensis, 23, 273 

Peutinger Table, 24, 31, 86, 93, 129, 155, 230, 
23838—235, 2388—247, 252—254, 268, 385, 337 

Philip, priest of the Syrian Catholies in al- 
Zerjitejn, 35, 36, 100, 101 

Phoenices, province, 86 

Phoenices (or Phoenicia) Libanensis, 37, 38, 129 

Phoenices (or Phoenicia) Secunda, 37, 86, 129, 
PAS VARS 

Phoenicia, ecclesiastical provinee, 23, 235 

Pigeons, depot for carrier, 177 

Pilgrims, dispute about the reward for pro- 
tection of, 18 

Plantago cylindrica, Forsk. See Silwa 

Plantago Gintlii, Vel. See Ribla 

Pliny, 207, 209; 216, 232, 233, 240; 3835 

Pompeii, 300 

Procopius, 155, 265, 266, 268, 275, 336 

Psathakos, 240 

Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell Mahre’, 148, 234, 3386 

Ptolemy, 23, 24, 37, 86, 129, 216, 229-236, 238, 
PAY, 2AGs 247 250,0204,.202n 600 

Pulcheria (co-ruler with Theodosius II, d. 453). 
264 


2 
12a l293 lols Lo: 
2 


275, 287, 288, 


360 PALMYRENA 


Putea, 233 
Pyrethrum Musili, Vel. See Kejstm 


Raba‘a, Umm, 207 

Rabba, 216 

Al-Rabarat, 172 

Ar-Rabda (b6), 212 

Ar-Rabiz, Rasm, 202, 207 

Ar-Rabwe, 281 

Al-Radaf, 285, 290, 291, 298. See also Tubt 
al-Radaf 

Radajef Sejkal, 12 

Radir. See proper name 

Al-Radir, Muntar, 104 

Ar-Raffase, 100 

Ar-Rafika, 249 

Ar-Rahba, 50, 82, 144, 217, 251 

Ar-Raheb, 200, 203 

Ar-Rahib, “Ajn, (e5), 14 

Rain, lack of, causing anxiety, 110, 126; no 
pasture when lack of, 124 

Rajjan, 122 

Rajstli Efendi, Turkish officer at Dmejr, 
Vip Ade 

Raka (or Arak, ¢9), 84—87, 234, 242, 253 

Ar-Rakka (SM al), 38, 50, 62, 161, 172, 178, 
193, 229; 236,249, 2bh, 261, er lene enO.e bi, 

Ramazén, breakfast in, 16, 17; last night in, 
73; observance of the fast in, 5, 11, 19, 36 

Ramazan al-Fkiki, 55, 72, 73 

Ar-Raml (d7), 134 

Ar-Raml, Tlal (c7), 49 

Ar-Ramle (in Palestine), 287; (a6), 201, 204, 
206, 207 

Ramr ibn Jazid ibn ‘Abdalmalek, 287 

Ar-Ramtse, 255 

Ramzin, guide, 38, 40, 46, 98, 

Al-Ranajem, clan of the Beni Haled, 43 

Al-Ranatse, division of the Hadedijjin, 151 

Ranime, 204 

Rar, Gibb (b8), 63, 152 

Rar, S. (b8), 62, 63 

Rarafa, Umm, 206, 207 

Al-Rarawi, ruins, 202 

Al-Rarbijje, Harat, 113 

Al-Rarbijjin, Harat, 100 

Al-Rarr, S. (b7), 53 

Al-Rarr, Tell (c6), 128, 219 

Ras. See proper name 

Ras al-“Ajn, 190—191; (b5), 213 

Ar-Rasalin, subdivision of al-Kmusa, 91 

Ra-sap-pa, 262 

Rased, Al, 24 

Rasid, Eben, 19, 112, 182 

Rasm. See proper name 

Rassa (Ballota luteola, Vel.; a mint; subshrub 
with frilled leaves and bunches of white 
flowers), 152 

Al-Rassabijje (c8), 87, 148, 150 

Ar-Rastan (¢5), 219, 274 

Rati eben Nawwak, 91 

Rattafa, 268 

Al-Rattas (c6—7), 45, 58 

Ratte, Abu (a6), 198 

Rattas, G. (d7), 28, 96, 98, 127, 134 

Ratwan eben Mersed, 89—91 


Ravenna geographer, 86, 243, 246, 247, 253, 
255, 268, 268, 336 

Rawabi-t-Tahin (d6), 28 

Ar-Rawak (e5—6—d6—7), 2, 6, 12, 14, 27, 28, 39, 
88, 91, 105,132, 134, 187, 220enco0 weet 
249, 256 

Ar-Rawi (b6), 214, 218 

Rawlinson, C: H., 37; 76, 86, 174) 928b, eceneoee 
vo 

Al-Rawr, 49, 53 

Rawwam, 199 

Al-Razal, Tell, 207 

Razale (a8), 179 

Razi, Al, 47 

Al-Razwanijje (¢c9), 82 

Rbar, Ummu, 206 

Ar-Rbej‘a, 210; (a5—6), 206; (d5), 220, 221 

Ar-Rehtb (b10), 71, 168, 172, 178, 175 

Ar-Rehtm (or ar-Rehtib), 175 

Renocora, 273 

Ar-Resafa (a9), xiii, 50, 54, 61, 68-69, 118, 133, 
144, 151, 152, 154-168, 170-177, 181-1838, 190, 
191, 194, 195, 197, 199, 201, 204, 205, 208, 209, 
211, 218, 238, 238, 242, 247, 249-251, 253; 
260-272, 276, 281, 285, 287, 299326; Alamun- 
darus’ church, 1638, 165, 208, 209, 323—3826; 
basilica of St. Sergius, 65, 157, 160, 161, 182, 
184, 185, 190, 191, 194, 195, 308—811, 318, 
316—822; gates, 155, 156, 158—160, 162—165, 
300, 302—306; ghost, 66, 67; martyry, 156, 
157, 160, 161;,°-170, 1715 1977 199) 20 feestee 
307—312; mosque, 161, 204; southern church, 
157, 173—175, 185, 205, 308, 3183—315; walls, 
155, 156, 158, 166, 299, 302, 304 

Resapha, 59, 2383, 247, 262, 265 

Resef, 262 

Rétal, 206, 209 

Rezézi (b6), 214 

Ar-Rféijjin, 43 

Rgejm, Ummu-r- (a5), 210 

Ar-Rgtm, 69 

Rgstim, plural of Rigm. See proper name 

Ar-Rhaba (b12), 50, 76, 252 

Ar-Rhajje (b6), 218, 214, 216 

Ar-Rhama, clan of the ‘Amira, 91 

Rhama, Al-Bu, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

Ar-Rhamat, Harat, 82 

Ar-Rhejbe (d5), 39, 221; (e5), 10, 11, 14, 22, 
23,0224 

Ar-Rhejmi, Tar (d6—7), 39, 96, 125, 132 

Ri‘. See proper name 

Ribla (Plantago cylindrica, Forsk.; Plantago 
Gintlii, Vel.; a kind of plantain), 152 

Rigm. See proper name 

Rigmén, Abu (c8—b8—9), 44, 62, 64, 69, 71, 84, 
86, 148, 173, 179, 232, 236,. 288242 ep OnO ls 
262, 276 

Ar-Rihan (e4), 251 

Ar-Rijad, 20 

Al-Rijat, 7, 24, 100 

Rimt (Haloxylon articulatum, Cav.; large bush 
with needle-shaped leaves and spikes of small 
whitish flowers), 87, 88 

Risapa, 238, 242, 247, 263 

Risapha, 247, 263 

Risappa, 59 


ee eee a eS ee 


~~ e 


INDEX o61 


Rise, Al-Bu, 47 

Ar-Rkama (¢5), 220 

Rmah, Al, 55 

Ar-Rmah (e6—7), 28, 31, 96, 105, 128, 134 

Ar-Rmejle, Muntar (d6), 36, 125 

Ar-Rmil, 137 

Ar-Roéda (a6), 201 

Roderick (Roderik, 709—711), 290 

Roman camp, 8, 109, 110; desert, 275; empire, 
38, 144, 238, 248, 282, 284; frontier, 247, 248, 
254; frontier fortifications, 234, 247; garri- 
son, 90; limes, 282—284, 286, 288; milestones 
95, 108, 185; road (Strata), xiii, 86, 90, 96, 98, 
Lovo ao tds LOD, 2o0-—2o0; 207, 209, 240) 
242, 245, 247, 249; sources, 231; stations, 93, 


998 
233 


288, 299 

Romulus, bishop of Chaleis, 204 

Al-Rontor (d6), 37, 38, 255, 256 

Al-Rorr, Ab-, 214 

Rosafa, 254, 263, 267 

Rosapha, 263 

Rouaria, 234 

Rowzan, Eben, 100 

Royal Road, 236 

Rozat. See proper name 

Rubah, Abu, hill (d6), 25, 36, 39, 40, 124, 125; 
ruins (d6), 36, 39, 40, 125, 238 

Rubejje® eben Gedi’, 24 

Rabje, 207 

Ar-Rudab, 173 

Rudr Serife (d6—7), 125, 127, 256 

Rudur, 255, 256 

Ar-Ruhba (Manka‘ ar-Rahba), 286 

Ruhi, Ummu-r- (d8), 137 

Ruins: al-Basiri, 128, 129; al-Baztrijje, 88, 
89, 137; al-Bhara, 90, 142; Dmejr al-‘Atize, 
110, 111; Esrija, 55—58; Han “Anejbe, 104, 
105; Han al-Hallabat, 92, 93; Han at-Trab, 
108, 109; Helban, 214, 215; Hirbet al-Han, 
140; al-Hulle, 69, 70; Kasr al-Hér, 72, 73, 
77-79; al-Klejbijje, 185; al-Ksejr, 67, 68; 
ar-Resafa, 154—166, 299—326 ; Tell ‘“Ejfir, 
123; at-Turkmanijje, 153, 154 

Ar-Rukafa, (a8), 179 

Ar-Rumadi (f18), 178 

Ar-Rumamin (c9), 84 

Al-Runtur, 37 

Al-Rurab (e6), 24, 27, 28; (e9), 88 

Ar-Ruraj (¢e9), 82 

Al-Rurr, Ab- (a7), 179 

Al-Rurr, Fejzat (b11—12), 177 

Al-Rurr, Tell (b11—12), 177 

Ar-Rais, 104 

Rus at-Twal, 28, 104 

Ar-Rusafa, 50, 58, 59, 76, 133, 154, 172, 173, 
pi 204. 2495. 251, . 269272, 276—278, 280, 
296; monastery of, 271 

Rusafa Dimask, 172 

Ar-Rusejfe, 113 

Ruslan, as-Sejh, shrine, 226 

RuSm (c8), 148 

Russians, 1138 

Al-Ruta, 7, 225, 256, 281 

Rita Dimask, 25 


Rite (Salsola lancifolia Boiss.; perennial with 
small prickly leaves and small pinkish 
flowers), 96 

Ruwéha, 309 

Al-Ruwejr, 128, 255, 257—259, 294, 295 

Ruwejr ad-Dab‘, 258, 259 

Ruzafata, 263 

Ar-Rwala (h5—6—i6—7—j7—8—k9—14), 1, 2, 
6s Oe Le 22752; 04, 89,0917 94, 100; 101, 105; 
TOOL Oe UL 7 9 

Ar-Rwéheb (a6), 200 

Rwejli, 54, 89 

Rweél, Abu (a6), 207 

Ar-Rwéza (b6), 211 

Al-Rzejle, 210 


S. Abbreviation for Se‘ib. See proper name 

Sa‘adtin, Rigm (c8), 150 

Sa‘afet al-BiSri (b10), 82, 176 

A&S-Sa‘ar, knolls of (a7), 190 

A&-Sa‘ar, Se%ib, 191 

A&-Sa‘ar, Han, 191 

A&-Sa‘ara (c8), 148, 150 

Sabakat ad-Dahhak, 285, 292—294 

Sabba* (b5—6), 216 

Sabbtira, 214 

Saber, “Ajn, 198 

As-Sabha (a6), 206 

As-Sa‘bijje, 207 

Sab‘in, Tell, 196 

As-Sabtn, Rigm (c9-10), 84 

Saccica, mother of Alamundarus of al-Hira, 
275. See also Sakika 

Sadad (d5), 39, 221, 222, 250 

Sa‘dan, Eben, 100 

As-Sadir, 288, 297 

Sadraddin, “Abdarrahman ibn Isma‘il ibn Abi 
Sa‘id Ahmad, 251 

A&-Sa‘er (c7), 62, 71, 88, 134 

Sa‘er, Gubb (d5), 221 

AS-Sa‘érat, 220, 251 

As-Safawi, 218 

As-Safi (a6), 198 

As-Safja (a—b8), 68, 154, 243 

As-Safja, Tarak, 63 

As-Safra, Zahrat, 87, 148 

As-Safwani, 43 

A&S-Sagara (d8), 88, 137 

As-Sahane, inhabitants of as-Suhne, 178 

Sahar, 215 

As-Sahin, Umm, 224 

As-Sahl, 36 

Sahr, Beni (j4—k4—5—14), 18, 284 

As-Sahr, Gebb (e5), 23, 24 

As-Sahsahan, 255—257 

As-Sa‘i, Darb, (e7, e—f14), 251 

As-Sa‘i, Tel‘et (e6—7), 105 

As-Sa‘id, 45 

Sa‘id ibn Haled ibn ‘Amr ibn ‘Otman, 283, 286 

Sa‘id ibn Haled ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Abdallah 
al-“Otmani, 283 

A&-Sa‘irat (d8), 187, 142 

As-Sajala, 257 

As-Sajeh, Hazm (d6), 36 

Sajjah, Bijar (c8), 148 

As-Sajjid (c6), 1238, 219 


362 PALMYRENA 


Sakhab, 71 Sawwant abu Zhitr, 45 
Sakika, al-Mundir’s mother, 144, 275 As-Sha‘a, tribe, 1, 52, 55, 84, 88, 89, 91, 100, 126. 
Sakk Semri, 245. See also MeSakk Semri Sbaht. See proper name 
A8-Sakra, clan of the Beni Haled, 43 Sbat, Beni, family of as-Suhne, 82 
Saladin (al-Malek an-Naser Salaheddin Jisef, Sbéh (or Sbét), 58, 200 
d. 1193), 100, 217 Sbé‘i, 89 
Salame al-‘Azzawi, 37 As-Sbé‘i, Tar (b10), 71, 82 
Salame eben ‘Afnan, 37 As-Sbejhat, Kulban (f—g@12), 258 
Salame eben Melhem, 37 Sbét (a7), 58, 63, 179, 180, 188, 186, 193, 196, 
Salamijja, 48, 205, 249, 251, 276 199—202, 218, 219 
Salaminiada, 58, 237, 238, 247 Seenitae, 209 
Salamja (c6), 37, 50, 58, 128, 214, 217, 218, 237, Schrader, E., 262, 336 
238, 247, 249-—252, 255, 271, 272, 276 A3-Se‘ate, 210 
As-Salawtah, 172 AS-Se‘eb, 293, 296 
Salba (b6), 214 A&-Se‘eb, Tenijjet, 221—223 
Saleh eben Cerh, 24 Se‘eb al-Léz (d5), 13, 28, 26, 27, 86, 221—224, 
Salem, Al, 55 237, 245, 246, 293 
As-Salhijje (c13), 236, 248, 249 Seeck, O., 252, 254 


Salinas: Gerad, 23—25, 28; Malhat al-Gabbil, § As-Se‘en (b5), 214, 217, 218, 230 
196, 199; Mamlahat al-Hamra’, 199; Sbaht Sefen al-Asmar, 219 
al-Kdejr, 71; Sbaht al-Mumbatah, 84; Tud- Sefen al-Migma‘ (c5), 219 


mor, 87 Sefa’ Idéntén (c7), 49 
Sallam al-Mhammad, 43 A8-Séh. See proper name 
Salma, Mount, 192, 196, 198 A8-Sehid (a6), 207 
Salma abu Gadha, 192 Sehtr, 198 
Salma-z-Zor, 192 Se‘ib. See proper name 
Salomiada, 247 Seidlitzia Rosmarinus, Ehrnb. See Sndn 
Salsola lancifolia, Boiss. See Rite Sejfaddowle ‘Ali al-Hamdani, lord of Aleppo. 
As-Saim, Ri* (d6), 104 (944—967), 37, 126, 1484-172, 212, 255—257 
Samajmis, 218 A&-Sejh. Sez proper name 
SamaSSumukin (668—647 B. C.), 37 A8-Sejh, Se%b, 104; (a7), 179 
Samat, 257 As-Sejjade (b6), 214 
AS-Samat, 7, 12 Sejkal, Habari (e6), 12, 105, 116 
AS-Samat, Han (e5), xiii, 1, 7,10, 11,109, 110, Sejran eben RaSed, 24 
285, 240, 241, 244 Sejs, Tell (£6), 282 
As-Samawa, 86, 100, 113, 134, 229, 251, 256, Sejzar, Kal‘at, 274 
257, 294 Sekif al-Cebir, 221 
As-Samawa, road, 292 Sekif ad-Dabbas (c9), 84 
Sammar, tribe, 145, 166, 182 As-Seklawijje (d8), 94, 137, 147 
Sampsiceramus, lord of Arethusa and Emesa, As-Séle (a9), 168 
209; city of, 238 As-Selile (b—aé), 213, 214 
Samra, Abu (b5), 210 Seleucids, 229 
Samsin (c5), 218, 220, 250 Seljuks of Mardin, 100 
Samsin al-Ma3‘ar, 250 As-Selka, Harat, 145 
Samsin a8-Sa‘ar, 250 A8-Sellalet al-Wasta (or aS-Sellale, a7), 199% 
Samiima (a8), 236 A&-Sellalet al-Ziblijje, 199 
As-Sanabir, clan of al-MwAajze, 55 Sellam (c6), 218 
Sanir, 38 Sellége, 210 
Sapor I (240—271), 247 Selma, Tell (a5—6), 209 
Sapor II (309—879), 248 As-Selmani, 179 
Saracen auxiliaries, 275 Selmas (a8), 154, 179, 232 
Saracens, 247 A&-Sema’, 7 
As-Sardak, “Ajn umm (e9), 85, 252 Semakat, 212 
Sarhad, 100 As-Semen, Tell (d6—7), 39, 125 
Sarraquini, 273 Semni, 216 
Sarre, F., 299, 336 Sengarijje, 192 
Satih, G. (c9), 84, 87 As-Senkere (c6), 218 r 
Sattam eben Sa‘lan, 2, 69 AS-Senna‘a (c7), 134 
Sa‘ad, Eben, 20 Sennar, HaSm (m—n15), 279 
Sa‘ad eben ‘Abdal‘aziz eben ‘Abdallah, 19 Sentn, monastery, 275 
Sa‘id eben Hmid eben ‘Obejd, 19, 20 Sepe, 246 
Sa°ad eben Melhem, 24 Sephe, 2388, 243, 246, 247 
Sawad al-Urdunn, 287 Septimius Severus (198—211), 23, 244 
Sawi, Kasr, 212, 214 Ser& Fare‘, 198 
As-Sawwane (c6), 46, 104, 122124 As-Serge, 198 
As-Sawwani, 45 Sergiopolis, 157, 160, 248, 249, 265—268. 


ee ea ae ee ee 


INDEX 


Sergis (Sergius), St., 267 

Sergius, abbot of the monastery at Hana- 
sarta, 204 

Sergius, bishop of ar-Resadfa, 265, 267 

Sergius, St. (d. c. 232), 156, 160, 161, 182, 184, 
185, 248, 262—269, 271, 272; church of, in 
ar-Resafa, 65, 154, 265 

Seria, 5s, 207 

Seriana, 230 

Heriane, of, DS, 00) 212, 2al, 208; 253 

Seridechi, 230 

Serie, 230 

Serija (or Esrija), 37, 50, 58, 59, 154, 230, 237 

As-Serijjat, Se‘iban (e7), 105 

Serin, 230 

A&-Serki, 177 

A8S-Serkijje, Harat, 113 

A&-Serkijjin, Harat, 100 

Sermin, 272 

As-Serr, Hazm (b7), 62 

Servants, dismissed, 110, 113; hiring of reli- 
able, 35, 36, 101—103; too hospitable, 41, 42; 
unable to protect provisions, 102, 103; 
waste provisions, 20, 22 

Seryie, 280 

Setata (g18—19), 136 

AS-Setlaja (c6), 122, 219 

Settlers pay tribute to Bedouins, 100 

Severian, bishop of Gabula, 274 

Severus ibn al-Mukaffa‘, 285, 336 

Severus of Sozopolis, Jacobite patriarch of 
Antioch (d. c. 540), 248 

As-Sféne, 216, 217 

Sfira (a6), 186, 198, 204 

Sfira, ‘Ajn, 186 

Sfak ar-Ragw, 151 

A&-Shale (b5), 217 

Shamyl, leader of the Caucasian tribes 
(17971871), 113 

Sheep, die of hunger, 153,176; herds of, 99, 152 

As-Shejm, clan of al-“Amira, 91 

Shérig (a—b5—6), 210 

Sick, curing of, 9, 10, 15, 16, 114 

Siti. 248, 212, 216; district, 193 

Sih (kind of wormwood), 88, 267 

A&-Sih, R&tGm (a9—10), 68, 169 

SihAbaddin, Abu, clan of al-Hadedijjin, 151 

As-Sihle (d7—8), 94 

As-Sijale (a6), 204 

As-Sijar (d6), 37 

Sijar al-Biz, 204, 205 

As-Sijjad, Harat, 113 

As-Sikkerijje, Gebb (d8), 91, 144 

As-Sikr, clan of the Beni HAled, 43 

A8&-Sikri, 177 

Silwa (Linaria ascalonica, Boiss. Ky; Linaria 
Musili, Vel.; low, flax-like herb), 152 

Simeon, metropolitan of Sergiopolis (1093), 
160, 268 

Simeon, prior of St. Isaac in Gabula, 275 

Simeon of Bejt Arsam, 267, 33 

Simrin (c7), 134 

Sindah, Abu, 44 

Sindah, Han abu (c6—7), 43—45, 238, 252 

Singar, 209 

Singara of the Sammar (p15-o-n—m16), 181, 182 


3638 
As-Sinime, Ras (c7), 51, 52 
As-Sinnabra, 282 
SinSar (e5), 220 
Siran eben Matra, 91 
Sirdah, 203 
Sirhan, Wadi (i5—6—j6é—7—k8—19), 76, 137, 


245, 290, 292 

As-Sirre (all), 174 

Sixtus of Bourbon, 121, 154, 155, 186 

A8-Sizri (b11), 174, 177 

A8-Sjak, Harat, 145 

Skakijje (c7—8), 150 

Skara (c6), 218 

SlaS walad ‘Err, 24 

Slejb, 90, 91, 126 

Slejbi, Abu, clan of al-Kwame, 151 

As-Slejmi, 192 

Slém, 218 

Slém, Bir (c8), 149 

As-Slémi, 1938, 196, 198 

A&-Sléwa, clan of the MwéAli, 47 

As-Slubi, Radir (al0), 174 

Smad, 198, 199 

Smah, 217 

Smejja (a6), 209 

As-Smejrijje, 198 

Smith,. W447, 336 

A&-Smiar, clan of the Beni HA4led, 43 

Sndn (Seidlitzia Rosmarinus, Ehrnb.; scented 
subshrub with white branches, greenish 
leaves, and winged fruit), 84, 88 

AS-Snan, Tell (c6), 122, 219 

Soap, ashes used for manufacture of, 84, 88, 113 

Solomon, town of (Palmyra), 248 

AS-Sémerijje (c6), 39, 41, 42, 44, 46, 122—124 

Soor, 79 

A8-Sor, Tell (a6), 209, 210 

Soran, Tell, 213 

AS-Sotob (c7), 49, 61, 62 

Southeast wind, depressing effeet of, 180 

Sowjan, 198 

Sowkan, 198 

Spain, 290 

Spalato, Porta Aurea, 300 

Spanner, H., 299, 326, 336 

Spelueea, 230 

Speluema, 230 

Spelunea, 230 

Spirits, fear of, 64-66 

Sra‘, Rigm (a5—6), 207, 209, 210 

A&-Srejf, clan of the MwaAli, 47 

Srejhige, Umm, 85 

Srejja (b7), 62 

Srejje®, 209, 210 

A3-Srejme, 200; (a7), 192, 196 

As-Srésrat (a6), 198 

Stephen of Byzantium, 1438, 284, 235, 336 

Sternbergia Clusiana, Ker. Gawl. See Wardet 
al-ehwa 

Strabo, 209, 231, 232, 2336 

Strata Diocletiana, 86, 144, 240 

Strato, lord of Beroea (88 B.C.), 231 

Streck, M., 37, 76, 86, 223, 230, 231, 336 

A&-Subejée, Habra, 12, 31 

Subejt, 63, 200, 205 

Subhan, Eben, 19, 112 


364 


Sublime Porte, 90 

As-Su‘én (b7), 214 

As-Sttha (c6), 48 

Suhba, 216 

Suhejn, 172 

Sthi, 174 

Suhne, 82, 86, 100 

As-Suhne (c9), 72, 76, 81—84, 140, 152, 161, 178, 

Stija, 58, 59 (242, 251, 252 

Stjja, 59 

Sak. See proper name 

As-Sak (b10), 72, 78, 81, 178 

A&-Stikatlijje (¢6), 128, 219 

As-Sukkar, Gubb, 212 

Sukkara (¢5), 122 

Sukman, leader of the Seljuks of Mardin 
(d. 1104), 100 

Suleiman (Sulejmfn ibn ‘Abdalmalek, 
715—717), 76, 277, 288 

As-Sulejk ibn Salaka, 177 

Sulejman ibn ‘Abdalmalek. See Suleiman 

Sulejman ibn Hisam (d.c. 750), 50 

Sulejman ibn Muhanna ibn ‘Isa, 134 

Sultan, Tell, 272 

Sultan eben Hmdd eben ‘Obejd, 19 

Sultan eben Mihbas, 24 

As-Sultani, Darb (e10, b11), 28, 48, 73, 81, 82, 
S406, L045 ley 200 

Sumejmis, Kasr (b5-6), 48, 121, 217, 218 

Sunica, Roman captain, 274 

Sura (Roman camp on the Euphrates), 86, 
212, 2388, 296, Zo, 200, 209, 242, 204, 200, 204, 
266, 268, 275 

Sure, 235, 242; 243, 247 

Suretala, 246 

Suri, 247 

Surija, 50 

Strija (Hsrija), 50, 58, 59, 154, 212; (on the 
Euphrates), 86, 235, 242, 243, 254, 263, 264, 
266, 268, 276 

Strijja (Esrija), 255, 256 

As-Strijjan, Harat, 100 

Surja, 50, 09,212 

Surrat Rarra (c6), 45, 46 

Surveying for purposes of map sketching, 2, 

AS-Sutub (d6), 127 [4—6, 9, 27 

As-Suwager, 257 

As-Suwejjed (c6), 43 

As-Swane (b8), 151, 152 

Swarke, 113 

Swéha, 207 

Swejd (low blackish tree), 48, 49 

As-Swejda, 47, 49 

Swélem eben Slejjem, 24 

AS-Swértan, clan of the MwéAli, 47 

Swéwint al-Hamra (d8), 88 

Swéwint as-Shaba (e7—d8), 96, 295 

Symeon, metropolitan of Sergiopolis, 271 

Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantino politanae, 
268; 336% 

Synodicon adversus tragoediam Irenaei, 264 

syria, Xili, 1; 14, °31,.50, 643 62.71, 87, Is. 123; 
126, 144, 152, 172, 189, 198, 205, 206, 209, 212, 
217, 229, 231, 232, 236, 238, 239, 245, 248, 255, 
257, 261, 262, 264, 267, 274, 276, 279, 286, 291, 
292, 297; churches of central, 300, 305, 308, 321 


PALMYRENA 


Syria Cilensin Comagenis, 247 

Syria Phoenice, 254 

Syria Phoenices, 23 

Syria Prima, province, 204 

Syria Secunda, province, 23 

Syrian desert, 76, 82, 173, 281, 287; limes, 247; 
settlements, 258, 259; traders, 152 

Syriane, 253 

Syrians, 234, 252, 289 

Syrmaion Pedion, 245 


At-Ta‘alibi, 289, 336 

At-Ta‘ama’, clan of the Beni Haled, 43 

At-Tabari, 24, 38, 50, 58, 154, 173; 1938, 205; 
248, 269, 270, 277, 278, 281—283, 285—297, 337 

At-Tabarijje, 282 

Taben, Abu, clan of al-Ranatse, 151 

At-Tabtab (¢c8), 187 

Tabula peutingeriana. See Peutinger Table 

Tabiis (b11), 236, 254 

Tadamre, inhabitants of Tudmor, 85, 137, 147, 
149 > 

Tadmur, 31, 38, 50, 76, 82, 83, 86, 100, 134, 205, 
224, 250—252, 255, 257, 258, 270, 283, 290— 
292, 294 

Tadejjén (a9), 168 169 

Tafha (c6—7), 39, 43, 44 

At-Tafri‘, Hazm (d5), 220 

At-Tafsih, Tell (e9), 85 

At-Tahhan, clan of the Beni HAled, 43 

Tahsis (b5), 217, 218 

At-Tahta’, “Ajn (d5), 221 

Taiba, 76, 79 

Taiba, 76 

Tajj, tribe, 62 

Tajjebt at-Turki, 216 

At-Tajjibe, 210; (b9—10), 50, 71—73, 76, 79, 
82, 88, 178, 238,242, 261. 255.9250. 26e,- 500, 

Takla bint Fajez eben Gandal, 16 

Talal eben Fajez, 17, 18 

Tamak, Kasr (b5—6), 214, 216 

Tamerlane (1336—1405), 224 

Tamm Ahejzer (c8), 64 

At-Tamme, 210, 211, 230 

Tanaheg Esrija (b7), 53, 58, 61 

At-Tannfaze (a8), 189, 192 

Tar. See proper name 

Tarak. See proper name 

At-Tarfa, salt marsh, 134, 135 

At-Tarfijje, 19 

Tarik ar-Rasif, xiii 

Tarleb, Beni, 62, 68, 172, 178, 175, 177, 248, 
255, 258, 267, 269, 281 

Tarrad (b5), 216 

Tartars, 71,76). 404, obo 

Tat, 198 

Tavernier, J. B., 76, 337 

Tejma (q9), 245, 279, 286 

Tejr, Kal‘at (e6—7), 28, 96 

At-Tejr, Radir (c10), 81 

TelPassar, 262 

Telendena, 216, 232 

Tel‘et. See proper name 

At-Telile (d8—9), 87, 88 

Tell. Sez proper name 

At-Temajel (¢7), 43, 45 


INDEX 565 


At-Tenaja, 147 

Tenaja Haleb (c6—-7), 43, 45 

At-Teni, 177 

Teni Muhasen, 172 

Tenijjet. See proper name 

Terebinth trees, 98, 105, 149; oil pressed from 
their fruit, 149. See also Butwm 

Tetrapyrgium, 263, 264 

Teucrium Polium, L. See Ga‘ade 

Thadoneus of Alassus, 254 

Thapsacus (of Ptolemy), 229, 285—237; (of 
Xenophon), 261 

Thapsakos, 240 

Thelda, 230 

Theleda, 330, 243, 244 

Theledda, 209, 2382 

Thelsea, 225, 237, 289, 252 

Thelsee, 225, 252 

Thema, 230 

Themella, 209, 232 

Theodora, wife of Justinian I, 266, 267 

Theodore, bishop of Danabon, 129 

Theodore, metropolitan of Damascus 
(485-451), 23, 86, 129 

Theodore Abu Kara (or Theodorus Abukara), 

Theodoropolis (Anasartha), 204 omoon 

Theodorus Castridanabeni, 273 

Theodorus civitatis Dabrorum, 23 

Theodorus episcopus Coradensium, 23 

Theonas episcopus Euariae, 37 

Theophanes the Confessor, 248, 337 

Theophylactus Simocatta, 155, 267, 33 

Thevenot, Jean de, 220—224, 337 

Thomas, bishop of Euaria, 37 

Thomas, bishop of Jabrtid, 37 

Thomas Evariae, 273 

Thomasberger, Rudolf (Taman), 1, 121 

Tiberias, Lake, 282 

At-Tidribe, Darb (c6), 48, 122 

Tiglath Pileser I (1115—1102 B.C.), 174 

Tigris, 261, 270 

Timotheus (c.381), 86 

At-Tin (d6), 126, 127 

At-Tine, gully, 104; village, 205 

Tine, Abu, 99 

At-Tine, “Ajn (e4—5), 224 

At-Titen (a7—8), 191 

At-Tjas (c6—d7), 39, 43, 45, 96, 125, 132; (c7), 
Ameuloc. loa, 200, 256, 296 

Tléhan, 214 

Tlejgine (a5), 207 

Tlejlat al-“Eleb (e8—d9), 88 

Tlejtuwat (b10), 71, 81, 174, 176 

Tlélat al-Humr (a7), 179, 192 

At-Tlésijje, 210 

Tlal, plural of Tell. See proper name 

Tmar, Ummu, 210 

At-Tmede, Tarak (e6), 30 

At-Tni, 172. See also Gubejlat at-Tni 

At-Tni, Se%ib, 178, 177 

Tomb of the Christian (Kabr an-Nusrani), 
a Wie 

Toétah, 214 

At-Towkan, clan of the MwaAali, 47 

At-Trab, Han (e6), 13, 108, 109, 235, 240, 241, 
245, 246; (al-Leben), 438 


Treasures, search for, 65 

At-Trejfawi (b11), 178; habra, 12; village, 207 

At-Trejge, clan of the FwAa‘re, 37 

At-Trid, 189 

At-Ttba, 216; (a7), 202, 203 

Tabt al-Radaf (j5), 283, 285—287, 292, 293 

hudmore(GS)ssic Va ols O42, 09 405, 49, 50, 10, 
85—88, 90, 94, 96, 121, 122, 124, 126, 131—134, 
130, clots el 4446 149) 78, 2209 2ou, 202s 
256—259, 291—2938, 296 

Tudmor Gate, 121 

Tudmor mountains, 88 

Taman (R. Thomasberger), 1, 3—5, 12, 19—21, 
25, 01, 55, G1, 63 65, 69, 74, 90, 92, 93, 97, 101, 
Zarb 

At-Tumbak, Rasm (c7), 49 

Tamin (¢c5), 219 

Tummén, Abu (b—c8), 62, 149, 151 

Turkijje (Sattaém eben Sa‘lan’s widow), 69, 113 

Turkish barracks, 103—104; Government, 53, 
86; Government, grudge against, 18, 123; 
officials, 54, 111, 118, 114 

At-Turkman, 149 

At-Turkmanijje (or Abu Tummén), 149; (b8-9), 
50; 62;. 63; 158, 164 

Turkoman army, 100 

Turkomans, 154, 222, 272 

burks;.545, 123 

Turmanin, basilica, 321 

At-Tit, Tell, 218 

At-Tu‘ts, 25 

At-Twahine, 202 

At-Twale (d7), 96 

At-Twane, Umm, 214 

At-Twejbe, 210 

At-Twejzijje, 217 

At-Twém (a6), 209 

At-Twémat, clan of the Fwa‘re, 37 

Twénan (b8—9), 152 

At-Twénan, clan of the Fwa‘re, 37 

At-Twéne, Umm (c6), 46, 47 

Tyre; 212, 2215 


Ubajr, 279, 286 

Ubar, “Ajn, 144 

Al-Ubéza (c6), 218 

Ueriaraca, 253 

“Ujin, plural of “Ajn. See proper name 

“Ukejriba’, 48 

“Ukejribat, 253 

“Ukériba’, 48, 244 

“Ukériba, 284 

Ulpian, 23 

Al-Uméleh, 199, 213 

Umm. See main part of proper name 

Al-Umiur (e5—d6—7), 22, 24, 34, 51, 64, 122, 
136, 148, 150 

Uranensis civitas, 23, 86 

Uranius Emesae, 273 

Al-Urdunn, administrative district, 282, 283, 
285 

Usejs, 282, 293 

Al-“Uwejr, 128, 255—257 

“Uzériba’, 48 

‘Uzéribat (c7), 37, 43, 47—49, 134, 230, 2383, 238, 
244, 249, 258, 284 


566 PALMYRENA 


Valerian (253—260), 247 

Valle, Pietro della, 59, 76, 79, 201, 206, 337 
Velenovsky, J., 337 

Venechalis, 268 

Venethali, 268 

Via Strata, 239 

Vineyards, traces of old, 199, 200, 209, 216, 232 
Visigothic kings of Spain, 190 


Al-Wa‘are, Tenijjet (d7), 96, 127, 182, 241 

Al-Waf‘arijjat (c8—9), 84, 87 

Wadi. See proper name 

Al-Wadi, Umm, 206 

Walde, half-felldhin, 154, 175 

Waldmann, Karl (Halaf), 189 

Walid I ibn ‘Abdalmalek (705—715), 76, 99, 
100; 126, 204, 277, 279, 281, 282, 287 

Walid II ibn Jazid ibn “‘Abdalmalek (743-744), 
24, 38, 148, 234, 269, 277—280, 285—297 

Walid ibn Muhammad al-Mwakkari (d. 894), 
283 

Al-Ward, Ksér (a6), 198 

Al-Ward, Tell (c6), 218 

Wardan, Kasr Eben (b6), 212 

Al-Warde, 189 

Wardet al-ehwa (Sternbergia Clusiana, Ke. 
Gawl.; a bulbous herb with large spikes of 
yellow flowers, 53 

Al-WasSal, 149 

Wasel, A3-Sejh, 84 

Al-Wassa8, 2038 

Al-Wasta’, 196; (e5), 23 

Al-Wasta, Harat, 100 

Water, difficult drawing of, 41; hoists, 179 

Wazha (a8), 189 

Al-Wazha (e6), 28—31, 33 

Al-WaAz‘ijje, “Ajn, 82, 83 

“Wdaje’, 144 

Wdijan an-Nijasa (d6), 37 

Al-‘Wejr (b8), 63, 152 

Weld ‘Ali (f5—9, r8—10), 6, 25, 100, 106 

Weléd‘i, 25 

Al-“Wénat (a6), 207 

“Wént al-Razal (b6—7), 212 

Al-WeSel (c8), 149, 250 

Wezz, 207 

Wild boar, 14 

Winckler, H., 262, 337 

Wraka (Fagonia glutinosa, Del.; Fagonia 
mollis, Del.; a bushy subshrub with hairy 
and spiny branches, pink flowers, and 
green pods), 152 

Al-Wréde, 209 

Wright, J. K., xiv 

Wright, W., 24, 93, 125, 204, 223, 337 

Al-Wtejd (a9—10), 169 

Al-Wuterijje (d6), 40, 125 

Al-Wurédi (c5), 219 

Al-Wusad, Radix (i7), 245, 291 

Al-Wutara, clan of the “Ebede, 55 

Al-Wu‘dl (d7), 88, 96 

Al-Wu‘tl, ‘Ajn (d7), 96, 97, 132 


Yabruda, 273 
Yazid I (Jazid ibn Mu‘awija, 680—683), 38, 
126, 257, 281, 287, 290 


Yazid II (Jazid ibn “Abdalmalek, 720—724), 
277, 283, 285 

Yazid III (Jazid ibn al-Walid ibn “Abdalmalek, 
744), 24, 25, 38, 50, 278, 280, 282, 290-292, 294, 296 


Az-Za‘abne, Harat, 145 

Az-Zab* (d9), 87 

Az-Zab‘, habra, 27 

Zabad, 1838, 193 

Zabbtde, 216 

Zabur, Wadi (d5), 221 

Zachaeus, the publican, 37 

Zacharias the Rhetor, 275, 33 

Zafar ibn al-Haret, 258, 259 

Az-Zahéijje, Fejzat (i—j6), 285, 292 

Zaheé (or az-Zahéijje), 76 

Az-Zaheé>(e9), 76, 82, 84, 88 

Zahr. See proper name 

Zahrat. See proper name 

Zaitha, 247, 277 

Zajd, 198 

Zakl near Tudmor, 223 

Az-Zaman, Tell (a6), 206, 207 

Az-Zammarane, 245 

Za‘raja, 192, 196, 255, 256 

Az-Zarra‘a, 249, 250 

Zasem al-Hsejn, 127 

Zat, “Ujain (c5—6), 219 

Az-Za‘tnijje (e5), 28 _ 

Az-Zawra’, 267 

Az-Zba‘ijje, 214 

Zbejde, Tell (e5), 122, 219 

Az-Zbejdi, 196; (e6), 7, 18, 22, 27, 28, 30, 105 

Az-Zbejdi, Gebb (e6), 30, 109, 245 

Az-Zbejwat (c9—10), 82 

Az-Zebade (b5—6), 211 

Zebara, 88, 137 

Zebed (a7), 179, 183, 186, 202 

Zeben, 189 

Az-Zebi (d6), 40 

Zejdal (c5), 122, 219 

Zejdan, 122 

Zejte (Lavandula coronopifolia, Poir.; lavander 
subshrub with blue flowers), 152 

Az-Zejtin, 282 

Az-Zejtine, 270, 277 

Zel‘. See proper name 

Az-Zel‘a, 40 

Az-Zel‘i, 125 

Zelib. See proper name 

Az-Zemle hill, 169, 172; radir, 172 

Zemlet al-‘Amara, 22 

Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje (b10), 68, 172—174 

Zemlet al-Knéman, 43, 44 

Zemlet ‘Omar Ara. See ‘Omar Ara, Zemlet 

Zén al-‘Abedin, Mount, 212, 213, 217 

Al-Zena, 212, 213 

Zénab (b6), 214 

Zenjan, 198 

Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra (until 272), 244, 247 

Al-Zerjitejn (d6), 9, 18, 22, 24, 38—36, 43, 46, 
50, 71, 76, 85, 94, 96, 98—100, 102, 105, 121, 
124, 126, 127, 131, 133, 134, 189, 234, 238, 241, 
249—253, 256, 296 

Az-Zerka’ (b7), 86, 212, 255, 256 

Az-Zerka’, Tenijjet™(d6—7), 98, 127 


SS a 


eee 


Zerra® Beni Zafar (or Husaf), 193 

Zerra‘a, 198 

Az-Zerra‘a (or az-Zarra‘a), 50 

Zetab al-BiSri (b11), 174, 178 

Zeugma, 242, 343 

Az-Zhir (b6), 214 

Zhir, Abu (c7), 45 

Zhar al-Humr. See Al-Humr 

Az-Zijadne, 37 

Zikrwajh ibn Mehrwajh al-Karmati 
(d. 906—907), 270 

Al-Zir, Ab-, 173—175 

Ziza (i3), 86, 288, 286 

Zléle, Ummu-z-, 196 

Zlélet as-Sarire, Umm-z-, 196 


INDEX 367 


Az-Zmejli (a—b10), 68, 169 

Az-Zmil, 43 

Zonobia, 268 

Zonovia, 268 

Az-Zrejg, 438 

Zrejyme (Gaillonia calycoptera, Jaub. Spach. ; 
subshrub with bare branches and winged 
fruits), 152 

Az-Zubejjed, Gebb (c7), 46 

Zukum al-Hanzir (d6), 39, 125 

Zumajn, 48 

Zuml Emhar (c7), 438, 96 

Az-Zurba, Bir, 210, 211 

Zuwé‘en, Al, 55 

Az-Zweéheé (c10), 77, 81, 82 


ERRATA 


p. 17, line 12: for southwest read southeast. 


i) 
AL 
Ned 


line 41: for Yazid II read Yazid III. 


p. 38, line 43: for middle of July 998 (as printed in Amedroz’s 
edition of Ibn al-Kalanisi) read end of October 988. 


> 
to 
S 
> 


line 20: delete Evagrius, Historia ecclesiastica, IV, 40. 


p. 225, line 5 from bottom: for the second half of March, 1149, 
read the first half of March, 1140. 


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